Showing posts with label SECURITY. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SECURITY. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 1, 2015

U.S.-BRAZIL DEFENSE LEADERS DISCUSS RELATIONSHIP

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Right:  Defense Secretary Ash Carter, right, hosts an honor cordon to welcome Brazilian Defense Minister Jaques Wagner to the Pentagon, June 29, 2015. The two defense leaders met to discuss matters of mutual importance. DoD photo by Glenn Fawcett.  

Carter, Brazilian Counterpart Discuss Defense Relationship
DoD News, Defense Media Activity

WASHINGTON, June 30, 2015 – With Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff scheduled to meet with President Barack Obama at the White House today, Defense Secretary Ash Carter hosted Brazilian Defense Minister Jaques Wagner at the Pentagon yesterday to discuss the U.S.-Brazilian defense relationship.

In a statement summarizing the meeting, Pentagon officials said Carter commended Brazil's contributions to peacekeeping operations in Africa and around the world and discussed ways the United States and Brazil can continue to collaborate in support of international partners.

Deepening Cooperation

“Secretary Carter and Minister Wagner discussed the importance of deepening trade and defense technology cooperation, noting opportunities for future co-development and co-production,” the statement said.

They also discussed the recent ratification of the defense cooperation agreement and general security of military information agreement by the Brazilian legislature as signs of deepening cooperation between the U.S. and Brazilian militaries, officials added.

The defense leaders also discussed security preparations for next year's Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, and Wagner invited Carter to visit Brazil ahead of the games, officials said.

Monday, June 15, 2015

ROSE GOTTEMOELLER'S REMARKS AT OPEN SKIES TREATY THIRD REVIEW CONFERENCE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Conventional Arms Control in Europe in a Changing European Security Environment
Remarks
Rose Gottemoeller
Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security
Open Skies Treaty Third Review Conference
Vienna, Austria
June 10, 2015

As Delivered

Thank you very much for this opportunity to speak with you this morning. Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, it is truly a pleasure for me to return to the Hofburg to address the Parties to the Open Skies Treaty.  Thank you, Minister Mikhnich, for your leadership and thanks to Belarus for serving as the chair of this Open Skies Review Conference.  I’m glad that this morning we heard from Professor Jones, Professor Stubbs, and Professor Spitzer on the future potential for this Treaty.

It is vital for Treaty Parties to have the opportunity to reflect on the successes of the past five years and to discuss the challenges that lie ahead and the potential going forward.  Just as we did during our school years, we need to review our progress and identify room for improvement.  It is clear that in regards to our “European security report card,” we did not make passing grades in some areas.  This is the case for Open Skies, as well as other parts of the conventional arms control regime in Europe.  We can and must do better.

As you all know, the security situation in Europe has changed dramatically since we last met in 2010, and not for the better.  Russia’s occupation and attempted annexation of Crimea, and its ongoing destabilizing and aggressive activity in and around Ukraine have undermined peace, security, and stability across the region.  While diplomacy continues, no one can ignore that Russia’s aggression in Ukraine has violated the very principles upon which cooperation is built.  Russia’s selective implementation of the Vienna Document and Open Skies Treaty and long-standing non-implementation of the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (or “CFE)” have eroded the positive contributions of these arms control instruments.

We must find a way to rectify the current situation.  Even during the Cold War, NATO and Warsaw Pact nations agreed it was in their common interest to build trust, provide early warning of developing tensions, and be transparent about military plans and postures.  This was exactly the type of transparency called for by President Dwight Eisenhower in 1955, and again by President George H. W. Bush in 1989 when the concept of the Open Skies Treaty was first advanced.  The arms control and confidence building regimes we developed towards the end of the Cold War showed the world, as President Bush said at the time, “the true meaning of the concept of openness.”

Our success was possible because we shared a commitment to the Helsinki principles and to cooperative approaches to security which, unfortunately, is lacking in Europe today.  We need to find a way forward – not walk away because Russia has veered off course.  We call on Russia to join us in improving security in Europe and to return to full implementation of its OSCE commitments, including the Vienna Document, as well as its obligations under CFE and the Open Skies Treaty.

Russia-Ukraine

While Russian aggression in Ukraine has undermined security and confidence in Europe, the current crisis has also demonstrated the value of functioning arms control agreements.  More than a dozen Open Skies flights over Ukraine and western Russia since last February, including the first use of the Treaty’s provision for “Extraordinary Observation Flights,” demonstrated the commitment of Treaty Parties to uphold this key element of the Euro-Atlantic security architecture.  Unfortunately, since the tragic missile shoot-down of flight MH-17 last July from a missile system in separatist-held territory, we have been unable to conduct overflights of either Russia or Ukraine near their shared international border.

In addition to Open Skies flights, other European conventional arms control mechanisms have been used to promote stability and provide transparency. Russia’s suspension of the CFE Treaty in 2007 significantly reduced transparency about its military forces.  But, CFE inspections in Ukraine and elsewhere in the neighborhood have been a source of vital information about the military forces in a time of tension.

The Vienna Document’s Confidence and Security-Building Measures have also been used extensively and in creative ways.  I’m thinking in particular of the voluntary visits to dispel concerns and above-quota inspections that Ukraine has hosted throughout the crisis.

Regrettably, these steps have not been reciprocated.  Russia has refused to provide substantive answers to requests for clarification under the Vienna Document’s Risk Reduction provisions and has chosen not to facilitate transparency on the buildup of Russian forces on Ukraine’s border.    

Compliance

My government is very concerned about Russia’s adherence to its treaty obligations.  Russia’s poor compliance record with CFE and INF is now well documented, as is its practice of selective implementation of the Vienna Document and, as we have discussed, the Open Skies Treaty. We have identified a number of compliance issues that impact the conduct of Open Skies flights, including the imposition of several restrictions that impede the full implementation of these treaties.

Many of these issues are described in the United States Compliance Report for calendar year 2014, which was released last Friday on June 5.  Russia should take steps to remedy these problems immediately.

Looking to the Future

Now, let me look to the future. As I said, there are certainly some problems with our report card.  It is now up to all of us to get European security – and conventional arms control – back on track.  As we work together to rebuild the trust and confidence that has been lost in recent years, we must also look to the future.

During the 2010 Review Conference chaired by the U.S, a major theme was the need to transition to digital sensor capability.  I appreciate that the Open Skies States Parties have made a good start in the transition to digital sensors which was initiated by the Russian Federation.  That first digital sensor certification was more complicated than we imagined and I want to thank everyone who has worked so hard this past year to reach agreement on improved technical decisions for future certification events that will involve digital sensors.

This was a good start, but much work remains ahead to sustain this regime.  In addition to completing the digital sensor transition, we must devote further efforts to modernize and improve the fleet of aircraft. We also need to make the financial investments now that will sustain the Open Skies infrastructure in the future.

We have work to do in other parts of our conventional arms control agenda, as well.  The crisis in Ukraine has highlighted the critical need to update and modernize the Vienna Document CSBMs to reflect modern military realities.  It has also focused our attention on the importance of having sufficient verification opportunities in time of crisis.  This will not be easy work, but it is vital nonetheless.  The United States is developing proposals to contribute to this effort and we encourage all OSCE participating States to engage meaningfully and productively in this effort.

The United States and all members of NATO have consistently said that conventional arms control in Europe, based on longstanding Helsinki principles, has a role to play in building a stable and secure Europe.  You all know that this has proven true in the most difficult of circumstances, building mutual confidence in the Western Balkans through the Dayton Article IV agreement.  We can still explore ways to improve security in the Euro-Atlantic region, even though the security situation is not currently amenable to comprehensive new negotiations.

Mr. Chairman, it is time for everyone here to roll up their sleeves and work together to address our failing grades.  Arms control treaties and confidence- and security-building measures are useful tools for building trust and confidence and they have made a vital contribution to peace and security in Europe, which we should not overlook.

There is no doubt that we need to strengthen and modernize our existing arms control and confidence building tools to increase transparency and better address today’s challenge: the challenge of building mutual confidence.  Some of our problems are being addressed here at the Open Skies Review Conference and others will be addressed through our collective work at the OSCE as it commemorates its fortieth year.  We should begin now by focusing on compliance with existing agreements and on building on lessons learned.

I wish all Treaty members continued success for the future implementation of the Open Skies Treaty, and I look forward to your continued contribution to the larger goal of modernizing conventional arms control in Europe.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for everyone’s attention.

Sunday, May 31, 2015

U.S. AND ALLIED NAVIES CONDUCT EXERCISES SOUTH OF KOREAN PENINSULA

FROM:  U.S. NAVY 

WATERS TO THE SOUTH OF THE KOREAN PENINSULA (May 25, 2015) The Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Lassen (DDG 82), front, conducts a trilateral naval exercise with the Turkish navy frigate FTCD Gediz (F-495) and the Republic of Korea navy destroyers Seoae Ryu Seong-ryong (DDG 993) and Gang Gam-chan (DDH 979) in support of theater security operations. Lassen is on routine patrol in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations in support of security and stability in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. (U.S. Navy photo by Naval Air Crewman (Helicopter) 2nd Class Evan Kenny/Released)

150525-N-ZZ999-006
USS Lassen Conducts Multilateral Exercises with Allied Navies
Story Number: NNS150527-01Release Date: 5/27/2015 9:02:00 AM
From Commander, Naval Forces Korea Public Affairs

BUSAN, Republic of Korea (NNS) -- The Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Lassen (DDG 82) and ships from the Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) conducted separate one-day multilateral naval exercises with France and Turkey in the waters south of the Korean peninsula May 23 and 25.

The exercises, conducted with French frigate FS Aconit (F-713) May 23 and Turkish frigate TCG Gediz (F-495) May 25, were designed to increase maritime interoperability and strengthen long-standing partnerships with these participating United Nations Sending States.

France and Turkey are two of the 17 nations that have reaffirmed their national commitment as Sending States to the United Nations Command with a promise to return to Korea should the armistice agreement fail.

"It is an incredible experience to conduct high-speed tactical drills with the French, Turkish and ROK navies," said Lt. j.g. Gerie Palanca, the signals warfare officer aboard Lassen. "During both exercises, it was obvious that their ship handling skills were flawless and the communication was very professional. We always look forward to interacting with our partners."

The exercises took place in international waters around the Korean peninsula and consisted of tactical maneuvering drills, non-maneuvering voice drills and signal communication training.

"Through multilateral training, the participating navies can improve operational proficiency and integration," said Cmdr. Lee, Jong-Sik, of the Republic of Korea Fleet Headquarters in Busan. "By working with our allied partners, we help ensure the continued peace and stability throughout the region."

Lassen, one of seven destroyers assigned to Destroyer Squadron 15, is on patrol in the U.S. 7th Fleet area of operations in support of security and stability in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region.

Friday, May 15, 2015

DOJ SETTLES SECURITY AND FACILITY CONDITIONS CASE WITH LEFLORE COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI

FROM:  U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Wednesday, May 13, 2015
Justice Department Settles Claims Against Leflore County, Mississippi, to Address Security and Facility Conditions at the Leflore County Juvenile Detention Center

Today, the Justice Department announced that it has reached an agreement with Leflore County, Mississippi, to improve security and facility conditions at the Leflore County Juvenile Detention Center in Greenwood, Mississippi.  Leflore County committed to numerous reforms to protect children in its care from abuse and self-harm, to improve its security and emergency preparedness and to improve its medical and mental health care.  Leflore County also pledged to end the use of solitary confinement as a form of discipline and to limit solitary confinement to a cool-down period not to exceed one hour.

The department investigated conditions at Leflore County Juvenile Detention Center and in March 2011 found deficiencies in numerous areas, including the use of force and restraints, abuse investigations, suicide prevention and use of solitary confinement.

The agreement was filed today in the federal district court of the Northern District of Mississippi.  Upon court approval, it will require significant reforms that will enhance safety and security for children held at the detention center.  The reforms concern intake and classification, use of force and restraints, behavior management, solitary confinement, suicide prevention and mental health care, medical care, due process, incident reporting, sanitation, fire safety and security staffing.  In addition, the agreement contains provisions governing data gathering, quality assurance and policy revision.  The agreement requires Leflore County to obtain expert assistance to meet its reform obligations.  The agreement will terminate once Leflore County has achieved 12 consecutive months of substantial compliance with all of the agreement’s provisions.

“This agreement will help protect children who are in custody and ensure that they are detained under conditions that are secure, safe and appropriate,” said Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General Vanita Gupta of the Civil Rights Division.  “Leflore County should be credited for embracing reform, particularly in the use of solitary confinement.”

“Leflore County and the detention center administrators are to be commended for their commitment to reforming Leflore County’s juvenile detention facility and protecting children in custody,” said U.S. Attorney Felicia C. Adams of the Northern District of Mississippi.  “The agreement will put in place reforms that will keep at-risk children safe as they prepare to return to their communities.”

The department also found violations of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) in the detention center school.  Because the state of Mississippi took control of the Leflore County schools in 2013, the county no longer has a role in providing education services.  As a result, the agreement between the United States and Leflore does not resolve the United States’ findings of violations of children’s educational rights at the detention center.  The department is working separately with the state of Mississippi to resolve the department’s concerns about education.

The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 authorizes the department to seek a remedy for a pattern or practice of conduct that violates the constitutional or federal statutory rights of youth in juvenile justice institutions.  Please visit the division’s website to learn more about this act and other laws the Civil Rights Division enforces.

This agreement is due to the efforts of the Special Litigation Section of the Civil Rights Division and the U.S. Attorney’s Office of the Northern District of Mississippi.

Wednesday, April 29, 2015

JAPAN TO HAVE GREATER INTERNATIONAL ROLE

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Right:  U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter, far right, and U.S. Secretary of State John F. Kerry, second from right, shake hands with Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani, far left, and Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida after a joint press conference in New York City, April 27, 2015. DoD screen shot.

Carter: U.S, Japan Defense Guidelines ‘Break New Ground’
By Jim Garamone
DoD News, Defense Media Activity

NEW YORK, April 27, 2015 – American and Japanese national security leaders unveiled the new guidelines for U.S.-Japan defense cooperation today, saying the new rules will promote peace and stability not only in the region, but worldwide.
Secretary of State John Kerry, Defense Secretary Ash Carter, Japanese Foreign Affairs Minister Fumio Kishida and Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani announced the results of the Security Consultative Committee meeting here today.

Known as the “2-plus-2” meetings, the discussions covered all aspects of the U.S.-Japanese alliance, but the revision of the defense guidelines -- the first since 1997 -- took precedence.

The guidelines lay out how the United States and Japan will work together, and come after the Japanese government reinterpreted their constitution to allow a greater international role, including greater military cooperation.

Japanese leaders see the guidelines as strengthening the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. “Though we live in different hemispheres, at opposite ends of the globe, the United States could ask for no better friend and ally than Japan,” Kerry said during a news conference.

He added that the U.S. alliance with Japan has been the cornerstone of peace and prosperity in Asia since the end of World War II.

“The guidelines will enhance Japan’s security, deter threats and contribute to regional peace and stability,” the secretary of state said. “The United States and Japan stand together in calling for disputes in the region to be resolved peacefully. We reject any suggestion that freedom of navigation, overflight and other lawful uses of the sea and airspace are privileges granted by big states to small ones.”

Guidelines Fit Japan’s Expanded Role

Carter stressed that the revisions were a necessary process, given how much has changed in the world since 1997. Both the United States and Japan have new capabilities, and new threats have emerged, including a whole new domain of warfare in cyberspace, he said.

“The Asia-Pacific region has changed,” the defense secretary said. “Its weight in world affairs has increased, and that is reflected in the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific including its expression in our own defense capabilities.”

Carter noted that Japan is taking on a bigger role in world affairs. “These guidelines allow us to modernize the U.S.-Japan alliance at the same time, by breaking new ground on existing areas of military cooperation and helping us open new areas of military cooperation both in the Asia-Pacific and around the globe,” he said.

Carter and Nakatani will continue their consultations in Washington tomorrow with discussion on establishing a bilateral space cooperation working group. “The approval of the defense guidelines mark an important step in the rebalance’s next phase,” Carter said. “There will be many more.”

Kishida said through an interpreter that the revisions reflect “the enhancement of solidarity and the expansion of cooperation between Japan and the United States.”

The guidelines are the logical outgrowth of Japan’s new policy of “proactive contribution to peace based on the principle of international cooperation and the rebalance policy on the U.S. side,” the foreign minister said. “The new guidelines will enhance synergies of both policies.”
Other Business

Other business in the meetings included the U.S. affirmation that the Senkaku Islands are territories of Japan and fall under the U.S.-Japan Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security.

They also stressed the importance of cooperation in ballistic missile defense. This includes basing two more U.S. ballistic missile defense destroyers in Japan and continuing deployment of a second X-band radar in the country.

The two sides discussed ways to expand tri-lateral and multi-lateral cooperation. This includes Australia and South Korea and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

The ministers also talked about the realignment of U.S. forces based in Japan including relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma on the island of Okinawa.

Wednesday, April 22, 2015

DEFENSE SECRETARY CARTER, UAE CROWN PRINCE AL NAHYAN DISCUSS DEFENSE

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Right:  U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter, left, meets with Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates to discuss the U.S.-UAE bilateral defense relationship and other issues in Washington, D.C., April 20, 2015.  DoD photo by U.S. Army Sgt. 1st Class Clydell Kinchen. 

Carter, UAE Crown Prince Discuss Bilateral Defense Relationship
DoD News, Defense Media Activity

WASHINGTON, April 21, 2015 – Defense Secretary Ash Carter and Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan of the United Arab Emirates discussed the U.S.-UAE bilateral defense relationship and other issues during a meeting here yesterday, according to a Defense Department statement.

Carter emphasized the importance of the U.S.-UAE strategic partnership and reiterated both countries’ shared commitment to ensuring a stable and secure Middle East, the statement said.

The secretary also lauded bilateral security cooperation between the two countries and commended the UAE's efforts to work with the United States to expand regional military collaboration, according to the statement.

The meeting ended with a discussion of regional issues, including the Gulf Cooperation Council-led air campaign in Yemen, the coalition against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, and ongoing regional negotiations.

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS WITH TURKISH MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, MEVLUT CAVUSOGLU

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs Mevlut Cavusoglu
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
April 21, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, good afternoon, everybody. And I’m delighted to welcome this afternoon to Washington my friend and my colleague, Mevlut Cavusoglu. We run into each other in a lot of different places. Probably this is the longest gap we’ve had in the last few months. But I’m very, very delighted to welcome him here to Washington in the full bloom of springtime.

We are about to begin a meeting with a very typical U.S.-Turkey agenda which covers a vast range of security, political, and economic issues.

We’re going to talk, for example, about the Iran nuclear negotiation, including both the progress that was made at Lausanne and the urgency of working out the final details for a comprehensive plan and clarity about the road forward if we do that with respect to the security interests of the region, which everybody shares concerns about.

Neither the United States nor Turkey believe that it would be acceptable for Iran to have a nuclear weapon, just as we are also united in our concern about Tehran’s support for activities in the region which can be disruptive and destabilizing, and particularly any kind of support for terrorism or other kinds of destabilizing activities.

Counterterrorism in general will be high on our list of discussion today. Mevlut and I met just three months ago at the Counter-ISIL Ministerial in London. And since then, ISIL – or Daesh as many people know it – has suffered numerous setbacks. But much remains to be done, and we’re aware of that and we are committed to doing it. We’re committed to doing everything necessary to push Daesh out of Iraq and ultimately out of Syria or any other place where it seeks a foothold for terror.

Now, much will be done over the course of these next months, and we will be discussing that. But it is obvious that Daesh’s forces are under increasing strain, its leadership has been degraded, its finances have been squeezed, and its hateful ideology has been discredited. Now Turkey – Turkey has been – excuse me – has been and remains a very essential partner in all of these efforts and it is co-chair of the Coalition’s Working Group on Foreign Terrorist Fighters. And that convened just earlier this month in Ankara.

As Daesh has weakened, it has become more dependent on new recruits, which means that we have to redouble our efforts to persuade – and if necessary to prevent – young people from making the fatal mistake of signing up and then traveling to and trying to cross the border into Syria. Turkey is stepping up its efforts by improving screening procedures, expanding and implementing a “no entry list,” detaining suspected terrorists. In February, the Turkish Government also agreed to host a U.S.-led train and equip mission for the members of the vetted Syrian opposition.

On the humanitarian front, our ally is also hosting nearly two million refugees now, creating a huge economic burden and a social burden also on Turkey. The United States is grateful for Turkey’s generosity and is urging international donors to help address the refugee needs, including access to health care, education, and employment. In the past four years, the United States has contributed more than $3.7 billion in order to provide aid to the region, including more than a quarter of a billion to support relief efforts in Turkey specifically.

Now meanwhile, I am personally looking forward to my visit next month to Turkey for the NATO ministerial in Antalya, which is a city with a booming economy and a fascinating history, with mountains on one side, the Mediterranean on the other, and Turkish hospitality everywhere. It’s sure to provide a very inspiring setting for our review of NATO priorities. And one of those priorities is Russian aggression against Ukraine in the east, and the threat that is posed by violent extremists to NATO’s south, where Turkey’s contributions are especially important.

Now, I want to emphasize this afternoon the importance of the ties between the United States and Turkey, and particularly the security relationship at this particular moment. Turkey is playing a very important role in Afghanistan as part of Operation Resolute Support. It is protecting NATO’s southern flank with its patrols in the Black Sea, and it’s been making important contributions in Iraq.

I will resume my conversations this afternoon with the foreign minister on such issues as the failed leadership of Assad in Syria, the conflict in Yemen, and the ongoing problems in Libya, including the tragic death this week of hundreds of migrants at sea. The foreign minister and I will also be talking about energy security, which is critical to the geostrategic interests of the entire region.

Last month a consortium of partners broke ground on the Trans-Anatolian Pipeline, the longest segment of the planned southern corridor that would bring gas from the Caspian through Turkey and into Europe. My government thinks it is absolutely essential to complete the southern corridor and also the transatlantic pipeline – the Trans-Adriatic Pipeline, which will connect to Greece, Albania, and Italy, and strengthen energy diversity in Europe, including with possible lines up to a place like Bulgaria or elsewhere.

Cyprus is also on our agenda here today. The United States and Turkey both support the UN-led negotiations to reunify the island as a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. Now, this is a problem that just has gone on for far too long, and it is begging for international efforts to try to help bring about a resolution, a lasting settlement. We hope together – and I talked with Mevlut’s predecessor, Ahmet Davutoglu, at great length about this, now the prime minister – we believe that the parties can make real and lasting progress in the year 2015. And that would be very positive for the region, and obviously a terrific boost in opportunity for a better life for all Cypriots.

As I’ve often said, foreign policy and economic policy are absolutely inseparable, and this is reflected in the U.S.-Turkey relationship. This coming November, leaders from around the world will assemble in Antalya for the annual summit of the G-20. And Turkey is currently serving as president of that meeting. In the past decade, the U.S.-Turkey trade has doubled, and I’m confident that we can and we will do a lot more in the future in order to strengthen our commercial ties.

Let me just say that the United States and Turkey are at our best when we are working to strengthen our democracies, including the fundamental rights and responsibilities that are enshrined in both of our nation’s constitutions, such as free speech and an independent press and judiciary. So as always, when representatives of the United States and Turkey get together, we are obviously going to have a very full plate of issues to discuss this afternoon.

And I’m pleased now to yield the floor to my friend and my colleague, the foreign minister of Turkey, Mevlut.

FOREIGN MINISTER CAVUSOGLU: Thank you so much, John. Ladies and gentlemen, I have the pleasure to be in Washington, D.C. and the State Department upon the kind invitation of Secretary and my dear friend John Kerry. And we are at a critical time for our region – our region in Middle East and also in Ukraine, and also around the Black Sea. And Turkish-American strategic relations are more indispensable today than ever.

As my dear friend John Kerry mentioned, during our bilateral meeting we will extensively discuss a number of important issues on our common agenda. Besides the bilateral issues – trade and economic cooperation and the political – to further deepening and strengthening our political affairs and cooperation, we will take up the situation in Yemen and Syria, Iraq, and the threat posed by (inaudible) terrorist organization Daesh. And we will focus on concrete steps for taking our operational cooperation on these issues even further. And the ongoing crisis in Ukraine and Crimea and Cyprus are also on our plates.

And we want to reach a last solution in Cyprus in this year. And as special advisor of United Nations, Secretary General Eide, mentioned the talks can restart or resume after the elections in Turkish Cyprus. And we are hoping to reach a solution within 2015, and we have the political will. Turkey and Turkish Cypriots have the political will for a solution, and they are – we are waiting at the negotiating table. Here, United States role – active role and involvement is very important. And we see this will in the United States and in the State Department and as well as in White House. And thanks to the efforts and the support of United States, we can finally reach a last and fair solution in Cyprus.

Of course, energy security and fight against terrorism is also on our agenda. And regarding the fight against terrorism, first we need to eradicate and we need to fight Daesh and other terrorist organizations on the ground, particularly in Syria and Iraq. And we need to also stop foreign terrorist fighters flow, and Turkey is one of the transit country for foreign fighters. We have been doing our best to stop them, and we have included more than 12,800 people into the no-entry list and we caught and deported 1,300 foreign fighters. But the source countries should also do their best to spot and to stop the foreign fighters before they leave those source countries.

And we need better cooperation. We need timely information sharing and also intelligence. And our cooperation regarding the foreign fighters with United States I can say excellent, and we can further improve, of course, this cooperation. And I appreciate the determination of the United States on our fight with foreign fighters and foreign fighter flows to Syria.

And Turkey and the United States are the two countries with important comparative advantages. This is what makes our partnership unique and valuable. In the past, we have proved that by working together on any common vision, our two countries can overcome any challenges. That is why I am confident that we can continue our significant contributions to the international peace and security by working together in close cooperation and coordination. Our meeting today will give us the opportunity to confirm our mutual determination and deepen our cooperation on all these issues through concrete steps.

Iran nuclear deal is also on the agenda, and first of all Turkey welcomes the tentative deal with Iran. And I appreciate Secretary Kerry for his tireless efforts and personal contribution to these achievements. And Turkey always for a political solution and we will be supporting the process. And we hope that by the end of June there will be a comprehensive deal, and I’m sure my dear friend Secretary Kerry will continue playing his important role to make that deal with Iran. We know that it is not easy, but we shouldn’t underestimate the achievements that are made, but we have to also be realistic that we have to do a lot more for the comprehensive settlement.

And I would like to also personally thank John Kerry for informing me. He kept me informed during all this process. He often called me and he updated me about the developments regarding this Iran nuclear deal. Turkey is against nuclear weapons. Turkey had never intention to have nuclear weapons, and Turkey is against that Iran might have – or Iran’s intention to have nuclear weapon, or Turkey is against nuclear weapons in our neighborhood. Therefore, we will continue giving our full support to this process.

Well, we have many issues to discuss in the room (inaudible), and once again, I would like to thank John Kerry for the kind invitation. I’m looking forward to hosting him in three weeks’ time in Antalya, my hometown. I brought some nice weather from Antalya today to Washington, D.C., but in three weeks’ time, we will have – we will also enjoy the beauty of Antalya as you described, John. Thank you very much once again. Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all very much.

Sunday, April 19, 2015

CHAIRMAN JOINT CHIEFS SAYS IRAQ TRENDING IN RIGHT DIRECTION

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Right:  Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, left, and Defense Secretary Ash Carter conduct a news conference at the Pentagon, April 16, 2015. DoD photo by Army Sgt. 1st Class Clydell Kinchen.
  
Trends in Iraq Moving in Right Direction, Dempsey Says
By Terri Moon Cronk
DoD News, Defense Media Activity

WASHINGTON, April 16, 2015 – The Iraqi government has made gains, and trends there are moving in the right direction, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said at a Pentagon news conference today.

Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey met with reporters alongside Defense Secretary Ash Carter.

Hard work remains to be done to integrate Iraq’s militias under state command and control as Iraq continues to prepare its forces to sustain momentum against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, the general said.

Iraq’s efforts during the Tikrit offensive are a good step, the chairman said, adding that the United States will continue consulting with Iraq's leadership as it plans and conducts operations. Dempsey also noted that Iraq has helped in its fight against ISIL.

Encouraged by Coalition’s Commitment

“I'm encouraged by the commitment of the coalition,” Dempsey said. “There's been an addition of 300 Australian troops and 100 New Zealand troops to the training mission, and that will certainly contribute to the outcomes we all seek.”
Those forces join the international partnership capacity mission, which includes the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands and the United States, he added.

The chairman briefly outlined the military offensive going north of Baghdad through Diyala and into Tikrit, Beiji, and eventually up near Kirkuk from Anbar province.

“The offensive north of Baghdad has been deliberate, measured, steady progress,” he said. “Al Anbar has always been pockets of Iraqi security forces and pockets of ISIL. [The] latest attack on Ramadi is yet another indication that what the government of Iraq needs to do is connect these ink blots … of their legitimate security forces, so that there isn't this constant back and forth.”
Iraq’s Oil Infrastructure

Beiji, part of the Iraqi oil infrastructure, remains a contested area, the chairman said. “[But] when the Iraqis have full control of Beiji,” he added, “they will control all of their oil infrastructure, both north and south, and deny ISIL the ability to generate revenue through oil.”

The ISIL threat to the refinery is serious, Dempsey said, because the extremist group penetrated the outer perimeter.

“It's an extraordinarily large expanse of facility,” he said. “The refinery itself is at no risk right now, and we're focusing a lot of our [intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance] and air support there.”

Overall, the chairman said, the security environment in Iraq remains as dynamic as it's ever been. “And we remain focused on ensuring that our troops have the leadership, the training, and the resources to accomplish the tasks we ask of them,” he added.

FRANK ROSE MAKES REMARKS ON USING DIPLOMACY TO ADVANCE SECURITY IN OUTER SPACE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Using Diplomacy to Advance the Long-term Sustainability and Security of the Outer Space Environment
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
31st Space Symposium
Colorado Springs, CO
April 16, 2015
As prepared

Introduction

Thank you for your kind introduction and the opportunity to speak to you today.

My name is Frank Rose, and I am the Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance. It’s a pleasure to be back at the Space Symposium, and I’d like to thank Elliot Pulham and all the sponsors for inviting me back again.

By way of introduction, while I am the Assistant Secretary for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, my work at the State Department is focused on enhancing strategic stability around the world. Arms control, verification and compliance are some of the tools we use to enhance strategic stability and reassure our allies and partners that we will meet our security commitments. Given the importance of outer space to our national security, we also work on efforts to ensure the long term sustainability and security of the outer space environment.

This morning I would like to discuss steps the United States is taking diplomatically, in concert with international partners to address the growing threats to space security.


Threats to the Space Environment

First, the threat to outer space is real and growing. As Director of National Intelligence James Clapper said in his recent Congressional testimony,

“Threats to U.S. space systems and services will increase during 2015 and beyond as potential adversaries pursue disruptive and destructive counterspace capabilities. Chinese and Russian military leaders understand the unique information advantages afforded by space systems and services and are developing capabilities to deny access in a conflict.”

In particular, China’s continued development of anti-satellite weapons remains a major challenge to the outer space environment. China’s 2007 anti-satellite test left thousands of pieces of debris in orbit that continues to threaten the space systems of all nations.

The 2010 U.S. National Space Policy makes it clear that it is not in the interest of anyone for armed conflict to extend into space. It states,

“The United States considers the space systems of all nations to have the rights of passage through, and conduct of operations in, space without interference. Purposeful interference with space systems, including supporting infrastructure, will be considered an infringement of a nation’s rights.”

It also states that,

“the United States will employ a variety of measures to help assure the use of space for all responsible parties, and consistent with the inherent right of self-defense, deter others from interference and attack, defend our space systems and contribute to the defense of allies space systems, and if deterrence fails, defeat efforts to attack them.”

It is not in the international community’s interest to engage in a space weapons arms race. Such a race would not bode well for the long-term sustainability of the space environment.

Indeed, protecting U.S. national security by preventing conflict from extending into space in the first place is a major goal of our diplomatic engagements. In that regard, we work to prevent conflict from extending into space via two diplomatic tracks; strengthening our deterrent posture, and encouraging responsible behavior to prevent mishaps, misper­ceptions, and the chances of miscalculation.


Strengthening Our Deterrent Posture

First, we use diplomacy to gain the support of our allies and friends. We have established numerous space security dialogues with our Allies and Partners. These dialogues help them understand the threat, as well as our diplomatic and national security goals, which is critical in persuading them to stand by our side, often in the face of tremendous pressure from our adversaries. Not only have I made numerous trips to meet with our allies in Canada, Europe, and the Asia-Pacific, I have also visited India (where we held our first space security dialogue this March), South Africa, and elsewhere in Africa to raise U.S. concerns about the threats to space systems and to discuss the way forward diplomatically. Furthermore, our Department’s leadership has also carried our message in numerous bilateral and multilateral dialogues.

Diplomacy also prepares the way for closer military-to-military cooperation and allied investment in capabilities compatible with U.S. systems. We work very closely with our interagency colleagues in the Department of Defense to make sure our efforts are synchronized so that investments by our allies and friends contribute to strengthening the resilience of our space architectures and contribute to Space Mission Assurance. The resulting deterrent effect created by such a web of integrated capabilities is greater than the sum of its individual parts.

For example, the Department of State works closely with the Department of Defense on Space Situational Awareness (or SSA) information sharing agreements with foreign partners. The United States has found international cooperation on SSA to be important, as international partnerships bring the resources, capabilities, and geographical advantages. We have also worked to strengthen military-to-military cooperation in satellite communications and space-based maritime domain awareness.


Promoting the Responsible Use of Outer Space

Second, we use diplomacy to promote the responsible use of outer space and especially strategic restraint in the development of anti-satellite weapons.

Diplomacy has an important role in responding to the development of anti-satellite weapons developments that threaten the outer space environment. Responding both privately and publicly to tests of anti-satellite systems is a critical component of our diplomatic strategy.

For example, in 2007, China faced tremendous international pressure following its destructive ASAT test, and this response from the international community appears to have been a factor in China changing its approach. We have not seen a destructive ASAT test since then, although China did conduct a non-destructive test of this system in July 2014. I have not been shy about expressing the U.S. Governments concerns about Chinese anti-satellite tests directly to our Chinese counterparts. We need to continue to call out the disruptive actions of countries like Russia and China both publicly and in cooperation with our allies and partners.

The Department of State is also using diplomacy to reduce the chances for conflict extending into space through the promotion of responsible international norms of behavior, both bilaterally and multilaterally. Norms matter because they help define boundaries and distinguish good behavior from bad behavior.

For example, we have discussed preventing mishaps and reducing potentially destabilizing misperceptions or miscalculations with China.

In addition, and very importantly, through bilateral and multilateral dialogue and diplomatic engagement we seek to identify areas of mutual interest and hopefully reach agreement on how to prevent those interests from being harmed in peacetime, and in conflict.

During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union found many areas of mutual interest in avoiding potentially destabilizing actions. The 1963 Limited Test Ban Treaty, which prohibited the testing of nuclear weapons in outer space, started a fifty-plus-year string of bilateral arms control treaties and agreements with the Soviet Union, and later the Russian Federation. We also came to agreement in many other realms, including chemical and biological weapons.

Simply stated, if the United States and the Soviet Union could find areas of mutual interest in the realm of nuclear deterrence and chemical weapons -- with the tensions and stakes as high as they were -- then in today’s climate we should be able to find areas of mutual interest among all space-faring nations regarding space security.

Indeed, I would argue that it is reasonable to assume that most nations, if not all nations, would find it to be in their national interest to prevent conflict from extending into space, knowing that such conflict would degrade the sustainability of the space environment, hinder future space-based scientific activities, and potentially reduce the quality of life for everybody on Earth if the benefits of space-based applications were eroded. Convincing other nations, including China and Russia, of this objective is the role of diplomacy.

The United States and China have already implemented some bilateral transparency and confidence building measures (or TCBMs) to prevent the generation of additional debris in space. As part of the 2014 U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, led by Secretary of State John Kerry, we reached agreement on the establishment of e-mail contact between China and the United States for the transmission of space object conjunction warnings. Not only does this communication help prevent collision between objects in space, it will help to develop trust and understanding between the United States and China.

Over the past few years the United States has also supported a number of multilateral initiatives that should reduce the chances of mishaps, misperceptions and potential miscalculations. Multilateral TCBMs are means by which governments can address challenges and share information with the aim of creating mutual understanding and reducing tensions. Through TCBMs we can increase familiarity and trust and encourage openness among space actors.

One of the key efforts that we have been pursuing is working with the European Union to advance a non-legally binding International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities. The Code would establish guidelines to reduce the risks of debris-generating events and to strengthen the long-term sustainability and security of the space environment. Among the draft Code’s most important provisions is a commitment for the subscribing States to refrain from any action -- unless such action is justified by exceptions spelled out in the draft Code -- that brings about, directly or indirectly, damage or destruction of space objects. We view the draft Code as a potential first step in establishing TCBMs for space.

The State Department is also leading U.S. efforts in the framework of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS) to move forward in the development of a draft set of guidelines for sustainable space operations to include ways to prevent the generation of space debris.

Another important recent effort was the United Nations Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) study of outer space transparency and confidence-building measures. That UN group, for which I served as the U.S. expert, published a consensus report in July 2013 endorsing voluntary, non-legally binding TCBMs to strengthen sustainability and security in space. The United States subsequently co-sponsored a resolution with Russia and China referring the GGE report’s recommendations for consideration by the relevant entities and organizations of the United Nations system.

These diplomatic efforts contribute to reducing misperceptions and miscalculations and help lower the chance of conflict extending into space.

I would like to add one more thought for your consideration. If we do not lead with active diplomacy on international space security issues, it is more likely that others will seek to fill the diplomatic vacuum with initiatives that meet their own national interests without regard for the broader interests of the international community.

The United States has focused on TCBMs over the last several years because these can make a real difference in the near term. Such measures can lead to greater mutual understanding and reduce tensions.

In contrast, Russia’s and China’s diplomatic efforts to pursue legally binding treaties and other measures do not reduce the chances for mishaps, misunderstanding or miscalculation and provide little or no verification capability to make sure that everyone is playing by the same rules. Moreover, their diplomatic efforts do not address very real, near-term space security threats such as terrestrial-based anti-satellite weapons like the one China tested in 2007.

To be more specific, Russia and China continue to press for a “Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space, the Threat or Use of Force against Outer Space Objects,” known as the PPWT. Russia also is making concerted diplomatic efforts to gain adherents to its pledge of “No First Placement” of weapons in outer space. These two documents are fundamentally flawed. They do not address the threat of terrestrially-based ASAT capabilities, and they contain no verification provisions. Yet, at the same time, these proposals may gain some support internationally because many countries are attracted, naturally, to the idea of preventing the weaponization of space. As a diplomat, it is my job to explain why support for these Russian and Chinese proposals is misplaced and may even be counterproductive, while offering pragmatic alternatives, such as TCBMs, which demonstrate U.S. leadership and help shape the international space security agenda.


Conclusion

If conflict extends into space, the right to explore and use space for peaceful purposes would be threatened.

If diplomacy fails, and the use of force does extend to space, the United States must be prepared to protect our space capabilities and prevail in conflict. That is absolutely clear.

The goal of our diplomacy, however, is to prevent conflict from extending into space in the first place.

Diplomacy can help strengthen U.S. and allied deterrent posture and help prevent mishaps, misperceptions, and mistrust among nations.

These two diplomatic tracks, supported by other instruments of U.S. national power and the support of our allies and friends, will hopefully persuade any potential adversary that attacking the United States in space would not be in its best interests.

Thank you for your time and attention.

Saturday, March 14, 2015

SECRETARY CARTER'S REMARKS TO CYBER COMMAND WORKFORCE

Above:  SECDEF Discusses 'Cyber Force' at USCYBERCOM Troop Event

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Remarks by Secretary Carter to U.S. Cyber Command Workforce at Fort Meade, Maryland
Presenter: Secretary of Defense Ash Carter
March 13, 2015

SECRETARY OF DEFENSE ASH CARTER: Thank you all. It's -- first of all, thank you, Admiral Rogers. We count ourselves very lucky to have you in charge here, and we count ourselves very, very lucky to have each and every one of you I see in front of me.

I've been learning some today about getting really updated on the development of CYBERCOM and also NSA, the two magnificent institutions represented here and that you all serve, and that we're so grateful that you serve.

This is, in fact, the first troop event I've done as secretary of defense in the United States. And there's a reason for that. And that is the importance of what you're doing to our department and our country. That should tell you something about how vital the mission is that you all have taken on, how important it is for the security of our country and, for that matter, the security of our economy and our people in their individual lives, because cyber touches all aspects of their lives.

So, if you do nothing else and get nothing else out of this encounter today, I want you to do one thing, which is to go home tonight or make a call or tweet at your family, or do whatever you people do -- (Laughter) -- but in whatever medium you use, please tell them that you were thanked today by the leadership of the department, and through us, the entire country, for what you do.

We don't take it for granted. You're what we wake up for every morning. Your service, your sacrifice, your professionalism and your welfare and that of your families is all we do. That's all we care about. And we're so, so grateful for it.

And with all that's going on in the world, from Iraq to Ukraine to the Asia-Pacific, the domain that you protect, cyberspace, is presenting us with some of the most profound challenges, both from a security perspective and from an economic perspective. The president had a cybersecurity summit a few weeks ago, in which you can see that our national leadership at every level is really seized with the need to get on top of this problem.

So cyber, which is what you do, is a marriage of the best people and the newest technology. And that being the case, and it being the case that there's a high demand for both of those things -- the best people and the newest technology across the country -- means that we, and I know this, we as a government and a department and a military need to be open to that -- those sources of good people and new technology. We need to be open in order to be good in this field.

And that means we need to build bridges to society, bridges that aren't as necessary in other fields of warfare that don't have a civilian or a commercial counterpart to the extent that this field does. So we have to build bridges and rebuild bridges to the rest of our society.

And that means we need to be open. And of course, we can't be open, given what you do, in the traditional sense. But we need to be open to new ideas. We need to be open to people we can't always tell them what we're doing, but we need to be open enough with our government so that it knows what it's doing, so that its officials can in turn turn to our people and say, "I'm sorry I can't tell you everything; you wouldn't want me to tell you everything that is being done to protect you because that would undermine our ability to protect you."

But you should trust that your senior officials and your elected officials and so forth are acting on your behalf. And I think we do have that trust and that people do understand that what you're doing for them is necessary and being done in an appropriate manner.

We need to be open generationally. We need to be open to a new generation because we need the young to be attracted to our mission. We need people who grew up with technology that was not available when I was growing up, and therefore have a sixth sense about it, which I can never have.

And that will be true when even those of you who are now the young people in front of me who are so smugly nodding your head. (Laughter) You, too, will be overcome by new technology at some point. And then also we'll need a new generation.

So our institution in general has to be an open one because we're an open society. But in order to be really good at anything, but especially good at what you do, we need to be open to a younger generation. That's incredibly (inaudible) your leaders know that. I've talked to them about that. And we know that that's the only way we're going to continue to have an elite core of people like the ones who are sitting in front of me right now.

And, you know, I actually think that in that regard, the development of the cyber workforce, which we are working on now, can be a model for other things we do in the department. The freshness of approach, the constant effort to stay up, reinvent, that your field demands is actually something we can use everywhere in the department.

So we're looking to you in a sense as a model and a trailblazer for many other things we need in the department. One of the things that I've said I'm determined to bring to our department is openness to new ideas. That's the only way that we're going to remain what we are today, which is the greatest fighting force the world has ever known. That's the way to do it going forward. And we -- we will.

For -- for the institutions that you join, be they military services or field agencies or new -- new commands, they are trying to figure out how to welcome this new breed of warrior to their ranks. What's the right way to do that? How do you fit in?

I had lunch with some of you earlier today. We were talking about how this skill set and this professional orientation fits into the traditional armed services. And of course, it doesn't fit into the traditional armed services. We have to figure out how to get it to fit in, so that you all have a full opportunity to bring to bear on your careers the expertise that you gained here and the sense of mission that you felt here, and carry it into the future.

I know that's a challenge in front of us. And you all feel it in your individual careers. And I'm determined that we together create that fit, but that comes with doing something new and different and exciting. You're going to be pathfinders, but we'll find the path together.

You are, whether you're civilians, military, contractor, all parts of our -- our workforce. We regard you as on the frontlines in the same way that last week I was in Afghanistan, and we have people on the frontlines there. It is the front line of today's effort to protect our country. And while you may not be at risk in the way that the forces are -- physical risk in the way our -- in Afghanistan, we are requiring from you a comparable level of professionalism, excellence, dedication. And I know you show all that, but we count on it, because you really are on the frontlines.

NSA and CYBERCOM, two -- one around for a long time, another one kind of brand new. A lot of people wonder what's the relationship between the two. And we pretty much have that in our heads. But the honest truth is, it's a work in progress. We're working out that relationship.

My view is that we're doing the right thing in having the leadership of those two organizations be in the same place. And one way of thinking about that is that we just don't have enough good people like you to spread around. And we need to cluster our hits as a country. And that's one of the reasons why we're going to keep these two together, at least for now.

I want you to know that in addition to thinking through how you're organized and so forth, that a big priority of mine is going to be to make sure that you're getting the training and the equipment and the resources you need. This is a very high priority area. And, you know, if you read about sequester, which is a terrible, stupid thing that we are doing to ourselves -- I have nothing good to say about it. But I think that even in the era of sequester, we understand that this mission area is one we cannot afford not to keep investing in.

And that means that that fact, together with our determination to help you chart rewarding, lasting careers in this field, those two things together ought to tell you, also, how much we value what you do.

Let me make one last point, and this is something that you all know, but it's important to remind our fellow citizens and, for that matter, the rest of the world, and that is we are -- we build our cyber mission force, it's the kind of country we are, to defend the openness of cyber space, to keep it free.

We're the ones who stand with those who create and innovate against those who would steal and destroy. That's the kind of country we are, and that's the kind of cyber force we are.

We're going to execute our mission while being as transparent as possible, because that's also who we are. And that's why I wanted my remarks to you to be public, which they are, if you see them being filmed here. That's an unusual thing for you, and I know that some of you can't be seen on television because of the nature of your work. And it's rare that media come into the premises of this organization.

But I wanted not only you to know how important we know what you do is for the country, but everyone else to hear that as well. So what that means, I suppose, is that even if you forget or are too lazy or for some other reason don't tell your family that you were thanked today, they're going to learn anyway.

(Laughter) So I suggest that you beat the media to the punch and, once again, go home, call home, call a friend and say, today I was thanked by the leadership of my department and through them by the country for what I do.

Tell them that. Thank you very much. We'll have some questions?

So, there are two microphones here, which in NSA fashion are only connected by wires to the floor. So, have at it. Any subject at all. Any question or comment.
Q: Mr. Secretary, in a budget-constrained environment, what are your top priorities?

SEC. CARTER: So, the question was, in a budget-constrained environment, what are my top priorities. And that's -- first and foremost, our people. That's got to be number one, because that's what makes our military the greatest in the world. It's people. It's also technology, it's also lots of other things, but it's principally -- it's first and foremost our people, and that's something we need to keep investing in.

Now, I know that that's not the only investment we make, and we do have to have a balanced approach to defense spending, because each of you wants not only to be adequately compensated, but you want to have other people to your left and right, as you do what you do. You want to have the best equipment. And you want to -- and you don't want to go into action without the best training.

So each of us wants to see some balance in how we spend the defense dollar.
But it's not just a matter of money. It's a matter of caring about our people, making sure that the safety and dignity of all of our people is respected, and all those things that we have responsibility for.

So, number one, for me, is people.

And the second thing I would say is we need to be an open institution. Open to the rest of -- because the way we're going to stay excellent is to be the most excellent part of society. And to do that, you have to be pulling from society the very best and the very best people.

And you guys are superb. And this is why people want to hire veterans so much, because you're all so good. That's why you're such good people to hire. And I know that's another problem, and I don't want you being hired away either. (Laughter) And I can't stop you.

But the reason that people want to hire you away is you're so darn good.
Q: Sir, you spoke of military needing to find a way to fit in within their respective branches. What are the possibilities of establishing a cyber branch of service, much like the Army Air Corps became the Air Force?

SEC. CARTER: It's a very good question. And we have asked ourselves that over time. And there may come a time when that makes sense. I think that for now we're trying to build upon our strengths. We're trying to draw from where we already are strong and not to take too many jumps, organizationally, at once.
So, you know, we're trying -- why has cyber come here at Fort Meade? Well, you know, because we didn't want to start all over again somewhere else. Because we didn't feel like we could afford to do that.

And, as I said, maybe there'll come a day when these two things will each be so strong and different, that they won't need to be in the same place. But that's not now.

There was some question initially about why we used so many uniformed people in the first place. Maybe we should be using more civilians or contractors.
We started where we thought we had strength. And I think you have to look at this as the first step in a journey that may, over time, lead to the decision to break out cyber the way that you said the Army Air Corps became the U.S. Air Force, the way Special Operations Command was created, and with a somewhat separate thing, although that still has service parts to it.

And so, we're trying to get the best of both. You know, our armed services give us hundreds of years of proud tradition, a whole system of recruiting, training and so forth. So it's a pretty -- it's not something you walk away from lightly and said, well, I'm going to start all over again.

So, it may come to that, and I think it's an excellent question. It's a very thoughtful question. And we have given some thought to that. And for right now, we're walking before we run.

But it may -- that's one of the futures that cyber might have.

Q: Good afternoon, Mr. Secretary. My question, sir, is in regard to cyber and authorities. Going forward, sir, a vast amount of our work is done with network administrators across the DoDIN [DoD Information Network]. Currently, sir, most of the products we report are recommendations, if you will, sir.

What is your vision, going forward, to make those recommendations more of a requirement for those network administrators?

SEC. CARTER: That's a very insightful question also. It is -- it gets down to a fundamental issue here, and let's be -- let's just put it right out on the table, because that's what you're getting at.

The information networks that it is CYBERCOM's first responsibility to protect are our own DOD networks, because there's no point in my buying all these ships and planes and tanks and everything, and none of them is going to work and our kids aren't going to work, unless there are networks that stitches the whole thing together, enables the whole thing. We've got to -- got to -- got to make our networks secure.

And the protectors don't own the networks. So if you're a cyber mission team and you fall in on a network, you find, well, you know, there's a whole bunch of people who work on this network. They set it up, and they're responding to other needs than security. They're responding to people calling the help desk and driving them crazy with one little problem or another they can't figure out, people who want more, more, more; want faster, this isn't working, I want to add some people.

So they're trying to juggle lots of needs. Many of them are administering networks that are outdated and that have been around for a long time and are a little long in the tooth and so forth.

And so, there's going to be a tension between those who are called upon to protect the networks and those who own and operate the networks. And I understand that. And we think we go into this with our eyes wide open.

But the -- I mean, I'm going to stand -- I can tell you this, I'm going to stand with you on the side of requiring protection, because it's not -- it's not adequate network administration to downplay security. You are laying the warfighter open to risk.

And we can't have that. And I -- you know, you put it this way, if all the network owners and operators were good at protecting themselves, we wouldn't have to, right, have these -- these national mission force protectors.

But it's -- they're not. And it's actually not reasonable for them all to be because that's not their first area of expertise. And we -- so we're counting on this sort of extra proficient group of people to fall in on them and help them.

But there'll always be a little tension when you show up at the door, and they've got a problem. And but you've got to do what you've got to do, because they are no good to us if they're penetrated or vulnerable.

I think that's all I can take for right now.

Let me just, once again, thank you from me very much, and please pass that on.

Friday, March 13, 2015

DEFENSE SECRETARY CARTER SAYS U.S. AND U.K. SECURITY TIES STRONG

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

Right:  U.S. Defense Secretary Ash Carter and British Defense Secretary Michael C. Fallon brief reporters during a joint news conference at the Pentagon, March 11, 2015. The leaders met beforehand to discuss security and other matters of mutual importance. DoD photo by Petty Officer 2nd Class Sean Hurt. 
Carter: U.S., U.K. Maintain Strong Security Ties
By Claudette Roulo
DoD News, Defense Media Activity

WASHINGTON, March 11, 2015 – The security ties between the United States and the United Kingdom are enduring and exceptional, Defense Secretary Ash Carter said today in a joint news conference with British Defense Secretary Michael C. Fallon.

For 200 years -- since the signing of the Treaty of Ghent, ending the war of 1812 -- service members from the U.S. and the U.K. have flown together, sailed together and fought together, Carter said.

“And our military collaboration in so many different areas -- from Iraq to Afghanistan -- reinforces the fact that our ‘special relationship’ is a cornerstone of both of our nations’ security,” he said.

The news conference was a first for both leaders -- it was Fallon’s first visit to the Pentagon and Carter’s first trip to the briefing room as defense secretary.
During their meeting before the news conference, the two secretaries discussed the “full scope of issues on which the United States and the United Kingdom are leading together around the world,” Carter said.

Multifaceted Partnership

The U.K. is a stalwart member of the global coalition fighting the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, Carter said, noting British contributions in the air and on the ground.

“As we continue to support local forces, the United States is fortunate to have our British allies by our side,” he said.

From the beginning of combat operations in Afghanistan, the U.K. was steadfast in its support, Carter said, and it continues that support as the mission evolves by providing hundreds of troops to train, advise and assist Afghan security forces.
“Their efforts will be critical to making sure that our progress there sticks,” Carter said.

In the Baltics, the U.S. and U.K. are working together to reassure their transatlantic allies and deter further Russian aggression, he said.
Support to Ukraine

“The United States has been clear from the outset of the crisis in Ukraine that we support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine,” Carter said. “And we’ve been very clear that if Russia continues to flout the commitments it made in the September and February Minsk agreements, the costs to Russia will continue to rise -- including and especially through sanctions in coordination with our European allies and partners.”

The United States will continue to support Ukraine’s right to defend itself, he said. The White House announced today that it plans to provide Kiev with an additional $75 million in nonlethal security assistance and more than 200 Humvees, Carter noted.

“This brings U.S. security assistance to Ukraine to a total of nearly $200 million, with the new funds going towards unmanned aerial vehicles for improved surveillance, a variety of radios and other secure communications equipment, counter-mortar radars, military ambulances, first-aid kits and other medical supplies,” he said.

The additional assistance underscores the reassurance mission, Carter said, noting the impending arrival of troops and equipment from the U.S. Army’s 1st Brigade, 3rd Infantry Division to train with regional allies as part of Operation Atlantic Resolve.

“And since Russia’s aggression began last year, the United Kingdom has also stepped up militarily, contributing to NATO’s Baltic Air Policing mission and serving as a framework nation for NATO’s Very-high Readiness Joint Task Force,” he said.

NATO Endures

The NATO mission’s importance is demonstrated by alliance members’ commitment, agreed to last year in Wales, to invest two percent of their gross domestic product in defense, Carter said.

“Seventy years after we declared victory in Europe, our NATO allies -- and indeed the world -- still look to both [the U.S. and UK] as leaders,” he said. “And it’s clear that the threats and challenges we face -- whether they manifest through cyberattacks, ISIL’s foreign fighters, or Russian aircraft flying aggressively close to NATO’s airspace -- all of those will continue to demand our leadership.”

Leadership requires investment in innovation and modernized capabilities, in prudent reforms and in the forces necessary to meet national security obligations, Carter said.

“These are investments that both our nations -- and both our defense institutions -- must not only make, but embrace in the months and years to come,” he said.

Thursday, March 5, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS IN MONTREUX, SWITZERLAND

FROM:  THE STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks in Montreux, Switzerland
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Montreux, Switzerland
March 4, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY: So good afternoon to all, and thank you very, very much for your patience. We’ve been involved in some long discussions over the past few days, and even well before that. And before I leave Montreux, I wanted to quickly share with you where we are.

From the beginning, these negotiations have been tough and intense, and they remain so. And we’ve made some progress from where we were, but there are still significant gaps and important choices that need to be made. The purpose of these negotiations is not to get any deal; it’s to get the right deal, one that can withstand scrutiny – the scrutiny of experts on nuclear affairs all around the world, the scrutiny of other governments, the scrutiny of people, the scrutiny of the Congress of the United States, people in America, and the scrutiny of countries in the region that are affected by it. And so we know that. We approach these negotiations with a full understanding of the test that will be applied to this and of the expectations that exist.

We also want an agreement that is sustainable over time, and particularly that achieves the singular goal of proving that Iran’s nuclear program is and will remain peaceful. We aren’t going to be distracted by external factors or politics. We will continue to be guided by our experts, our scientists, our national interests and those of our partners and allies.

Now, for all the objections that any country has to Iranian activities in the region – and believe me, we have objections and others in the world have objections – the first step is to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. And we know that absent a deal, Iran will have the ability to move ahead with its nuclear program; that we know for sure, because that’s exactly what’s happened to date. We also know that any deal that we would agree to would significantly increase the breakout time, leaving Iran further – far further than it is today – from producing enough fissile material for a weapon, while it undertakes the effort of proving to the world that the program is, in fact, peaceful.

Clearly, increased breakout time makes any nation in the vicinity or any nation of concern safer. We also know that any deal that we reach would give us the intrusive access and verification measures necessary to confirm that Iran’s nuclear facilities are indeed on a peaceful path. And that would allow us to promptly detect any attempt to cheat or to break out, and then to respond appropriately. And contrary to some public reports, we are only contemplating a deal in which important access and verification measures will endure.

We also know that the international sanctions, which many want to simply hang their hats on – they may have gotten Iran to the table, but to date they haven’t stopped Iran from advancing its nuclear program. In fact, the first and only thing that had stopped their program from progressing in almost a decade was the Joint Plan of Action that we negotiated and we reached in November of 2013, and that has been adhered to in every single respect since then.

And most importantly, as President Obama said yesterday, we know that no one has presented a more viable, lasting alternative for how you actually prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. So folks, simply demanding that Iran capitulate is not a plan, and nor would any of our P5+1 partners support us in that position. And it’s very important to remember we have partners in this effort – France, Germany, Britain, China, Russia – all of whom have similar feelings about the importance of what must be done here.

So we continue to be focused on reaching a good deal, the right deal, that closes off any paths that Iran could have towards fissile material for a weapon and that protects the world from the enormous threat that we all know a nuclear-armed Iran would pose.

Now, we still don’t know whether we will get there, and it is certainly possible that we won’t. It may be that Iran simply can’t say yes to the type of deal that the international community requires. But we do know that we owe it to the American people in my case, people in the world, to try to find out. And we will return to these talks on the 15th of March, recognizing that time is of the essence, the days are ticking by, and important decisions need to be made. Thank you.

Friday, February 27, 2015

FRANK ROSE'S REMARKS ON U.S.-JAPAN ALLIANCE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
02/25/2015 05:14 PM EST
A Modern U.S.-Japan Alliance
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
American Center
Tokyo, Japan
February 23, 2015

Introduction

Thank you very much for allowing me to join you today.

My name is Frank Rose, and I am the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance.

I have had the privilege of being welcomed to Japan many times to discuss our nations’ shared interest in and commitment to international peace and security.

Those discussions have focused on several important topics, including nuclear policy and disarmament, extended deterrence, missile defense, and outer space security.

I’m especially pleased to be here this week, as our governments are nearing the end of their work to finalize a review of the guidelines for U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation. This review process aims to make the links underlying the U.S.-Japan Alliance stronger than ever and thus contribute more effectively to regional and global peace and security.

So today, I’d like to offer a few comments on our joint efforts to strengthen our alliance, particularly in the areas of new strategic capabilities like cyber and outer space security.

I will also cover two other critical areas of the modern-day U.S.-Japan Alliance: missile defense and space. After that, I look forward to your questions.

A Modern U.S.-Japan Alliance

The United States-Japan Alliance long has been the cornerstone of peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region.

As you know, at the 2013 “2+2” meeting in Tokyo, Secretary of State Kerry, then-Secretary of Defense Hagel, and their Japanese counterparts announced their decision to review the U.S.-Japan Guidelines for Defense Cooperation.

The bilateral defense guidelines, which serve as the policy framework that outlines each country’s roles, missions, and capabilities within the Alliance, were last updated in 1997.

The world is much changed since 1997. While longstanding threats to Japan such as North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs remain a concern, emerging threats in areas such as cyber security, space security, and freedom of navigation present new challenges.

U.S. policy affirms that as long as nuclear weapons exist, the U.S. nuclear arsenal will play a role in our extended deterrence commitments to Japan and our other allies. That said, it is important that we recognize the full range of strategic capabilities beyond the nuclear that contribute to effective deterrence—to include space, cyber, and missile defense.

The updated guidelines will provide a framework for Japan to expand its contributions to international peace and security in concert with the United States and like-minded partners during the coming decades. This is important as Japan is an increasingly important participant in international security operations, from counter-piracy to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.

Ultimately, strengthening the U.S.-Japan Alliance will allow our countries to more effectively contribute to peace and stability both here in the Asia-Pacific region and around the world.

Missile Defense in the Asia Pacific

In 1998, the DPRK irresponsibly test launched a long range ballistic missile that overflew Japan and dropped a rocket stage very near Japanese territory. The launch was not successful, but it did succeed in being highly provocative and, as a result, the United States and Japan initiated a more concerted effort to monitor, deter, and counter North Korean ballistic missiles.

Since 1998, North Korea has continued to make quantitative and qualitative advances in its ballistic missile force. For example, in 2012 North Korea unveiled what appeared to be a mobile ICBM that potentially could reach the United States.

In response to this growing threat the United States and Japan continue to deepen their cooperation on BMD.

Just this past December, the United States and Japan announced the deployment of the second AN/TPY-2 radar to Kyogamisaki, and we greatly appreciate Japan’s hard work in making the deployment possible despite a challenging timeline.

As many of you are aware, this asset will serve as a critical addition to our regional deterrence and defense architecture, enhancing the protection of both Japan and the U.S. homeland against the threat of ballistic missile attack.

This deployment builds on a deep and broad cooperative relationship that includes a AN/TPY-2 deployed to Shariki, Japan in 2006, cooperation on an advanced interceptor known as the SM-3 Block IIA, and continuing work on enhancing interoperability between U.S. and Japanese forces.

We also welcomed the inclusion of missile defense in the interim report on the revision of the defense guidelines, and we hope the final revision will reflect the valuable contribution of BMD to our collective self-defense as well as to regional stability.

These regional missile defenses help to reassure Japan and deter North Korea from seeking to coerce or attack its neighbors. Missile defenses contribute to regional stability because the protection that defenses offer can reduce pressures for a preemptive strike, or a large retaliation to a provocation that can escalate a crisis. We continue to encourage our allies to contribute to their own defense but also to provide capabilities in a multilateral context that can enhance their own security and contribute to stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

There has been a lot of discussion in the press recently about the possible deployment of a Terminal High Attitude Area Defense or THAAD system in the region. Let me be clear, this system is a purely defensive system to defend against short- and medium-range regional ballistic missiles from North Korea. It does not and cannot impact broader strategic stability with Russia and China. Such a system would provide additional defensive capabilities to support our forces on the peninsula. That said, there are no negotiations ongoing between the U.S. and the Republic of Korea to deploy THAAD to the Republic of Korea.

U.S.-Japan Cooperation on Outer Space Security

Finally, as some of you may know, I am in Tokyo this week to lead the U.S.-Japan Space Security Dialogue and attend the Japan Space Forum. So let me conclude my remarks with a few thoughts on U.S.-Japan cooperation on outer space security.

Space cooperation between the United States and Japan has a long history, built on the extensive civil and scientific cooperation among NASA, NOAA, and other U.S. agencies and their Japanese counterparts. Our discussions on these issues have grown into one of the most important relationships we have with our Allies and partners on outer space security issues.

The United States’ rebalance in the Asia-Pacific reflects a recognition that we must broaden and deepen our engagement in the region at all levels including the long-term sustainability, stability, safety, and security of the space environment.

Cooperation on space security is now part of the Common Strategic Objectives of the Alliance, and bilateral cooperation on civil and security space was recognized in the outcomes of summits between President Obama and former Prime Minister Noda in 2012 and again with Prime Minister Abe in 2014.

Recognizing the numerous opportunities for cooperation on space issues, the United States and Japan have held several space security dialogues in the last five years, in addition to ongoing civil space dialogues.

In fact, due to the success and robustness of our space security and civil space dialogues, our governments have also established a Comprehensive Dialogue on Space in order to address the bilateral relationship at a strategic level and to ensure a whole-of-government approach to space matters. We have held two Comprehensive Dialogues to date, with a third meeting to be held later this year in Japan.

Through these dialogues, we not only discuss possible avenues of cooperation and exchange space policies; we also have made tremendous progress in furthering our tangible space security cooperation.

In regards to improving our space situational awareness – specifically, improving our shared ability to rapidly detect, warn of, characterize, and attribute natural and man-made disturbances to space systems – in 2013 the United States signed a Space Situational Awareness (SSA) information sharing agreement with Japan.

Building on the foundation of that agreement, we are also exploring the possibility of establishing “two-way” SSA sharing with Japan. We hope that as our space surveillance capabilities improve, we will be able to notify satellite operators earlier and with greater accuracy of a need to maneuver a satellite in order to prevent collisions in space.

We are also looking at how we can expand cooperation on utilizing space systems for maritime domain awareness. To that end, the United States and Japan held the first “Use of Space for Maritime Domain Awareness” table top exercise last year.

Multilateral Cooperation

We also work closely together to cooperate and to coordinate positions on multilateral space issues. We hold an annual trilateral space security dialogue with Australia and Japan to coordinate our positions on these space security issues.

Our joint efforts to advance the work of the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS) Working Group on Long-term Sustainability of Outer Space Activities (LTS) continue to make progress.

Perhaps one of the most beneficial transparency and confidence-building measures, or TCBMs, for ensuring sustainability and security in space could be the adoption of an International Code of Conduct to prevent mishaps, misperceptions, and mistrust in space. A code would establish guidelines, or rules of the road, to reduce the risks of debris-generating events, including collisions.

The United States is working with the European Union and other spacefaring nations, like Japan, to advance such a Code in the Asia-Pacific region. Both Japan and Australia have also endorsed its development.

Conclusion

In his State of the Union Address, President Obama spoke of the need to modernize our alliances in the Asia Pacific to meet common international challenges.

With the Government of Japan as a strong partner both on the guidelines as well as on a host of strategic issues, we are working together to do just that. Thanks very much, and I look forward to the discussion.

Thursday, February 26, 2015

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS ON FY 2016 BUDGET TO HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
02/25/2015 12:42 PM EST
Advancing U.S. Interests in a Troubled World: The FY 2016 Foreign Affairs Budget
Testimony
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Testimony Before the House Foreign Affairs Committee
Washington, DC
February 25, 2015

Well, thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Congressman Engel, Ranking Member, all the members of this committee. To respect your time, I will try to summarize my comments. Mr. Chairman, I hope I can do it in five minutes. There’s a lot to talk about. And your questions will, needless to say, elicit an enormous amount of dialogue, which I really welcome. I can’t think of a moment where more is happening, more challenges exist, there’s more transformation taking place, some of it with great turmoil, a lot of it with enormous opportunity that doesn’t get daily discussion, but all of it with big choices for you, for us – you representing the American people, all of us in positions of major responsibility at this important time.

We rose to the occasion, obviously, and we’d like to extol it. We all talk about it. I did, certainly, as a senator. I do as Secretary of State. And that is the extraordinary contribution of the Greatest Generation and what they did to help us, and our leaders did, Republican and Democrat alike, who put us on a course to win the battle against tyranny and dictatorship and to win the battle for democracy and human rights and freedom for a lot of people. And no country on the face of this planet has expended as much blood, put as many people on the line, lost as much of our human treasure to offer other people an opportunity to embrace their future, not tell them what it has to be. It’s really a remarkable story.

And now we find ourselves at a moment where we have to make some similar kinds of choices, frankly. I don’t want to overblow it; I’m not trying to. But this is a big moment of transformation where there are literally hundreds of millions of people emerging on this planet, young people. Count the numbers of countries where the population is 65 percent under the age of 30, 60 percent 30 and under, 50 percent under the age of 21. I mean, it’s all over the place. And if they live in a place where there’s bad governance or corruption or tyranny, in this world where everybody knows how to be in touch with everybody else all the time, you have a clash of aspirations, a clash of possibilities and opportunities.

And to some degree, that’s what we’re seeing today. That certainly was the beginning of the Arab Spring, which is now being infused with a sectarianism and confusions of religious overtones and other things that make it much more complicated than anything that has preceded this. By the way, the Cold War was simple compared to this: bipolar, pretty straightforward conversations. Yeah, we had to make big commitments, but it wasn’t half as complicated in a context of dealing country to country and with tribes, with culture, with a lot of old history, and it’s a very different set of choices. In addition, that’s complicated by the fact that many other countries today are growing in their economic power, growing in their own sense of independence, and not as willing to just take at face value what a larger G7 or G20 country tells them or what some particular alliance dictates. So that’s what we’re facing.

And I heard the Chairman say we shouldn’t compromise the day-to-day operations of the Department, but let me say to you the day-to-day operations of the Department are not confined to making an embassy secure. We need to do that, but if that’s all we do, folks, we’re in trouble. We’re not going to be able to protect ourselves adequately against these challenges that we’re faced-- that we’ll talk about today.

In the United States, we get 1 percent of the entire budget of the United States of America. Everything we do abroad within the State Department and USAID is within that 1 percent – everything. All the businesses we try to help to marry to economic opportunities in a country, all the visas, the consulate work, the diplomacy, the coordination of DHS, FBI, ATF. I mean, all the efforts that we have to engage in to work with other countries’ intelligence organizations, so forth, to help do the diplomacy around that is less than 1 percent.

I guarantee you more than 50 percent of the history of this era is going to be written out of that 1 percent and the issues we confront in that 1 percent. And I ask you to think about that as you contemplate the budgets. Because we’ve been robbing Peter to pay Paul and we’ve been stripping away our ability to help a country deal with those kids who may be ripe for becoming part of ISIL. We’ve been diminishing our capacity to be able to have the kind of impact we ought to be having in this more complicated world.

Now, I’m not going to go into all of the detail because I promised I’d summarize. But I believe the United States is leading extraordinarily on the basis of that 1 percent. We have led on ISIL, putting together a coalition for the first time in history that has five Arab nations engaged in military activity in another Arab country in the region against – Sunni against Sunni. I don’t want to turn this into that sectarian, but it’s an important part of what is happening. We are – we helped to lead in the effort to transition in Iraq a government that we could work with. Part of the problem in Iraq was the sectarianism that the former prime minister had embraced, which was dividing his nation and creating a military that was incompetent, and we saw that in the context of Mosul. So we wanted to make sure that we had a government that really represented people and was going to reform and move in a different direction. And we worked at it and we got it. We have it today. Is it perfect? No. But is it moving in the right direction? You bet it is.

In Afghanistan, we rescued a flawed election, brought together the parties, were able to negotiate to get a unified unity government, which has both of the presidential candidates working together to hold Afghanistan and define its future and create a – and negotiate a BSA that defines our future going forward, and give Afghanistan a chance to make good on the sacrifices of 14 years of our troops and our contributions and so forth.

On Ebola – we led that fight. President Obama made a brave decision to send 4,000 young American troops there in order to set up the structure so we had a capacity to be able to try to deal with it. One million deaths were predicted by last Christmas at the time that we did that. And not all the answers were there for questions that were real. But the President sent those people in, we have made the difference, and now there’s a huge reduction in the cases in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and we’re getting – not finished, but we’re getting to a place where you’re not seeing it on the nightly news every day and people aren’t living in fear here that they’re about to be infected.

On AIDS, we’re facing the first AIDS-free generation in history because of the work that we have done.

On the Ukraine, we’ve held together Europe and the United States in unity to put in place sanctions. The ruble is down 50 percent. There’s been $151 billion of capital flight from Russia. There’s been a very significant impact on day-to-day life, on food product availability. The economy is predicted in Russia to go into recession this year. And we are poised yet to do another round, potentially, depending on what happens with Minsk in these next few days.

On Iran, we’ve taken the risk of sitting down, of trying to figure out is there a diplomatic path to solve this problem. I can’t sit here today and tell you I know the answer to that, but I can tell you it’s worth trying before you go to more extreme measures that may result in asking young Americans yet again to put themselves in harm’s way.

We are pursuing the two most significant trade agreements of recent memory, the TPP in Asia Pacific and the TTIP in Europe, both of which represent about 40 percent of GDP of the world in order to have a race to the top, not a race to the bottom. And if we can achieve that, we will be achieving a major new structure with respect to trade rules on a global basis.

In Africa, we held the African Leaders Summit, an historic summit with more than 40 African leaders coming to Washington, out of which has come a series of events that will help, we hope, to meet our obligation to help transform Africa.

And finally, on climate – there are other things incidentally, I’m just skimming the surface of some of the most important – I know not everybody here is a believer in taking steps to deal with climate. I regret that. But the science keeps coming in stronger and stronger and stronger. On the front page of today’s newspapers are stories about an Alaskan village that’ll have to be given up because of what is happening with climate change. It is – there’s evidence of it everywhere in the world. And we cut a deal with China, improbable as that was a year ago – the biggest opponent of our efforts has now stood up and joined us because they see the problem and they need to respond to it. And so they’ve agreed to a target for lowering their reliance on fossil fuel and a target for alternative and renewable energy by a certain period of time, and we’ve set targets. And that’s encouraged other countries to start to come forward and try to take part in this effort.

So I will adamantly put forward the way in which this Administration is leading. I know not everybody agrees with every choice. Are there places where we need to do more? Yes, and we’ll talk about those, I’m sure, today. But we need to work together.

And I’ll end by saying that historically, that 1 percent has produced more than its monetary value precisely because your predecessors were willing to let foreign policy debate and fight become bipartisan, let politics stop at the water’s edge, and find what is in the common interest of our country. That’s what brings me here today. That’s why I’m so privileged to serve as Secretary of State at this difficult time, because I believe America is helping to define our way through some very difficult choices. And frankly – and last thing, this is counterintuitive but it’s true: Our citizens, our world today is actually, despite ISIL, despite the visible killings that you see and how horrific they are, we are actually living in a period of less daily threat to Americans and to people in the world than normally— less deaths, less violent deaths today than through the last century. And so even the concept of state war has changed in many people’s minds, and we’re seeing now more asymmetrical kinds of struggles.

So I would say to you that I see encouragement when I travel the world. I see people wanting to grow their economies. I see vast new numbers of middle-class people who are traveling. I see unbelievable embrace of new technologies. I see more democracy in places where it was non-existent or troubled – big changes in Sri Lanka and other countries. We can run the list. But I hope you will sense that it is not all doom and gloom that we are looking at. Tough issues? Yes. But enormous opportunities for transformation if we will do our job and continue to be steady and put on the table the resources necessary to take advantage of this moment of transformation.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

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