FROM: U.S. LABOR DEPARTMENT
International Scene
Berlin Hosts G7 International Stakeholder Conference
"Promoting Decent Work Worldwide through Sustainable Supply Chains" was the topic of a G7 international stakeholder conference hosted jointly by Germany's Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs. Eric Biel, associate deputy undersecretary of labor for international affairs, joined government, business, labor and civil society leaders in Berlin on March 11 and 12 to discuss a range of issues pertaining to worker rights and working conditions. The two-day event included a keynote address by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Kailash Satyarthi, who emphasized the importance of the department's funding and research that shines a light on poor labor practices around the world. The session also featured comments from German Ministers Andrea Nahles and Gerd Müller; Jim Yong Kim of the World Bank; Angel Gurría of the OECD, and Guy Ryder, the Director-General of the International Labour Organization.
Showing posts with label WORLD BANK. Show all posts
Showing posts with label WORLD BANK. Show all posts
Monday, March 16, 2015
Saturday, December 6, 2014
U.S. OFFICIAL'S REMARKS AT CONNECTING THE AMERICAS 2022 INVESTMENT SUMMIT
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the Opening of the Connect 2022 Investment Summit
December 3, 2014
By Special Representative for Commercial and Business Affairs Scott Nathan
As Prepared
Good morning. Buenos dias.
It is a privilege to be here today with so many distinguished representatives from Mesoamerican nations, regional and development organizations, and leaders from the private sector.
I want to thank President Otto Perez Molina, Minister of Energy and Mines Erick Archila, and the Republic of Guatemala for hosting the first Connecting the Americas 2022 Investment Summit. I also thank the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank for their support and for bringing their expertise to help inform our discussions today.
The Western Hemisphere is on a clear trajectory of greater opportunity, greater democracy, and greater prosperity. We see the consolidation of democratic values and freer and more inclusive societies. We see some of the world’s biggest and fastest growing economies. We see a growing middle class that today is nearly 300 million strong. And we know the Americas is vital to global energy markets. The Hemisphere is endowed with a significant portion of the world’s oil, gas, and coal, and a rich and diverse array of renewable energy sources, from geothermal in El Salvador and Guatemala, to wind in Mexico and Nicaragua, to hydropower in Colombia and Panama, and biomass in Honduras and Costa Rica. The Americas is a model of energy cooperation and of high renewables penetration.
Today we look to the future of our Hemisphere not with trepidation about looming conflicts and crises, but with confidence that together -- as equal partners -- we can achieve sustainable economic growth and development.
Last year the United States launched one of the most active periods of American engagement with our Hemispheric partners in a very long time, with trips to the region by President Obama, Vice-President Biden, and Secretary Kerry, as well as visits to the White House this year by the Presidents of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.
Next week our Vice President and the IDB will convene high-level officials from regional governments, the private sector, the international community, and non-governmental organizations to discuss how to address the complex issues that impact Central America’s security and prosperity.
This engagement demonstrates a conscious effort by the Obama Administration to define a shared vision for the future of our Hemisphere and outline a practical and concrete agenda for action. Today we gather here in Guatemala City to advance an important piece of that agenda – our need to transition to a more reliable, affordable, interconnected, commercially viable, and sustainable electricity network.
The Challenges
We will not reach our full potential as a region – not in economic competitiveness, not in job creation, not in education, and not in healthcare – if tens of millions of people in our hemisphere are off the grid and hundreds of millions more are limited to unreliable and expensive electricity.
The scope of the challenge is clear.
First, thanks to booming economies and a growing middle class, energy demand in our region is skyrocketing. Studies suggest that Central American countries will need to double its energy supply in the next 10 years to keep up with demand – an endeavor that will require $25 billion in power sector investment by 2030. We know public finance alone cannot close the energy investment gap, particularly as it needs resources to improve citizen security.
Second, increased demand is driving up the cost of energy. Central America pays very high prices for electricity – ranging from two to five times what we pay in the United States. Expensive electricity hurts competitiveness, undermines investment, slows job growth, and ultimately undercuts the welfare and security of households.
Third, climate change is putting us all at risk. In those countries where clean hydroelectric power has met most needs, climate change is affecting patterns and levels of water availability. Droughts and flood are driving those nations to diversify energy sources, including renewable sources of power. In other countries, continued reliance on conventional, imported heavy oil and diesel, is releasing toxins into communities and greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Climate change also puts the region’s biodiversity at risk – and Central America is the source of 40 percent of global biodiversity.
No country can confront the energy and climate challenge on its own. It is not viable from a technical perspective, it is not viable from a business perspective, and it is not viable from a political perspective.
The Response
This is why the United States supported Colombia’s launch of the Connecting the Americas 2022 initiative at the Sixth Summit of the Americas. The goal of this initiative is clear: universal access to reliable, clean, and affordable electricity in one decade, so that families and businesses have the energy they need at a price they can afford.
To achieve this goal, we all pledged to work together to create a modern, commercially viable electricity network in the Western Hemisphere that attracts private investment and transforms power markets to incorporate cleaner, renewable, and more efficient sources of energy. Underlying this commitment is a profound vision of how we bring prosperity to this hemisphere. The leaders of the Western Hemisphere did not endorse Connect 2022 out of a commitment to energy, but rather because they recognize that energy means jobs, education, and health care for their citizens.
This same vision has to inform our continuing political determination to achieve Connect 2022 goals. There will be times when prospects for low-cost and clean energy come up against legacy investments that are dirty and expensive. The right choices for society may be clear. But that is not always how powerful interests function. And that is why the leadership of policymakers, informed by sound technical analysis, is so very important as we make choices for posterity.
This Mesoamerican region has made important progress over the past two years. My government sees this region as the leader on Connect 2022, and we encourage you to celebrate your success when leaders meet at the 2015 Summit of the Americas in Panama.
Permanent regional market rules have been in place since June 2013. These rules are essential for creating a business and legal climate that encourages investors to take capital and development risks. You need look no further than regional electricity trade statistics to see how setting clear rules can unleash powerful growth. The volume of electricity trade over the past twelve months, at 1,316 gigawatt-hours, is more than triple what it was in the twelve months ending in June 2013.
Just over a month ago, the Electrical Interconnection System of Central America, or SIEPAC completed its regional transmission line, connecting 37 million consumers in, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. Power grids are now connected from Canada to Panama.
And each government has shown a commitment to diversification with cleaner sources of electricity. From Mexico’s historic energy reform, to Nicaragua’s impressive and diverse renewables portfolio, Guatemala’s utility scale solar project and potential gas resources, to wind energy in Honduras and Costa Rica, which the U.S. Export-Import Bank helped finance, Mesoamerican energy transformation and integration is well underway.
We must build on this momentum by addressing several important challenges.
The first is, by far, the most straightforward: ensure that the physical infrastructure of the SIEPAC line is strong and resilient, that the company operating the line has the resources it needs to maintain and expand the line, and that the Regional Electricity Market develops robust interconnections with Mexico to the north and Colombia to the south. Ensure that there is non-discriminatory access to national transmission systems in order to take full advantage of power systems. As in any business, you must have a product to sell. The new Central American line is there but it is not sufficient to support the volume of trade required to meet the region’s full power needs. The market is growing. Let’s work together to achieve its potential.
The second challenge is contractual. If you are going to make a 20-year investment in power generation, then you need to know that you have access to the power line for 20 years to amortize your investment. If you need bank financing, banks need to understand the contracts. The more that contracts are built around a common model, the more competition you’ll get from financial institutions and the lower the cost. Long term financing that reduces the cost of capital will enable leaders to meet their growing electricity demand without necessarily increasing electricity prices. Interest rates reflect risk, but development banks have instruments to mitigate risk. And of course in any business that cuts across national lines, you need mechanisms to resolve disputes. These are issues we know how to solve. And that is why we are gathered here today.
The third challenge is financial. We need to leverage private capital to support the Connect 2022 initiative. Governments have their role in creating business opportunities. But the $25 billion we need in the region is not going to come from the collective Treasuries of the countries in this region. And it does not need to if we create conditions that allow businesses to make a return on capital.
This is an area where the United States can help. The Export-Import Bank and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation are able to provide excellent terms for projects that include an element of U.S. industry. Our development, energy, commerce, and trade agencies all stand ready to assist and support your efforts however and wherever we can.
Demand is real. Just last year EXIM finalized direct loans of $220 million for wind power projects in Central America. OPIC has committed $1.2 billion in support for renewable energy projects worldwide, 53 percent of which were in Latin America. Central America’s share, while small today has enormous potential. If we open the doors with the right enabling policy environment and financial conditions, private capital is ready to come in.
The IDB, World Bank and IFC, and other finance partners are equally committed to help finance these investments.
Conclusion
Now is the time for definitive action – to clear the outstanding technical, contractual, and financial hurdles…to finalize the legal, regulatory, operational, and market conditions required for greater investment… and to diversify our energy supplies.
We have the knowledge and the means to do all of these things. All we need is political will, leadership, and courage. Political will to focus our governments on this effort in the midst of competing and often urgent priorities. Leadership to change the way our governments and industries do business. And courage to innovate, take risks, and transcend our differences for the common good.
Let’s challenge ourselves to have a productive and successful day of discussions.
Thank you very much.
Remarks at the Opening of the Connect 2022 Investment Summit
December 3, 2014
By Special Representative for Commercial and Business Affairs Scott Nathan
As Prepared
Good morning. Buenos dias.
It is a privilege to be here today with so many distinguished representatives from Mesoamerican nations, regional and development organizations, and leaders from the private sector.
I want to thank President Otto Perez Molina, Minister of Energy and Mines Erick Archila, and the Republic of Guatemala for hosting the first Connecting the Americas 2022 Investment Summit. I also thank the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank for their support and for bringing their expertise to help inform our discussions today.
The Western Hemisphere is on a clear trajectory of greater opportunity, greater democracy, and greater prosperity. We see the consolidation of democratic values and freer and more inclusive societies. We see some of the world’s biggest and fastest growing economies. We see a growing middle class that today is nearly 300 million strong. And we know the Americas is vital to global energy markets. The Hemisphere is endowed with a significant portion of the world’s oil, gas, and coal, and a rich and diverse array of renewable energy sources, from geothermal in El Salvador and Guatemala, to wind in Mexico and Nicaragua, to hydropower in Colombia and Panama, and biomass in Honduras and Costa Rica. The Americas is a model of energy cooperation and of high renewables penetration.
Today we look to the future of our Hemisphere not with trepidation about looming conflicts and crises, but with confidence that together -- as equal partners -- we can achieve sustainable economic growth and development.
Last year the United States launched one of the most active periods of American engagement with our Hemispheric partners in a very long time, with trips to the region by President Obama, Vice-President Biden, and Secretary Kerry, as well as visits to the White House this year by the Presidents of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.
Next week our Vice President and the IDB will convene high-level officials from regional governments, the private sector, the international community, and non-governmental organizations to discuss how to address the complex issues that impact Central America’s security and prosperity.
This engagement demonstrates a conscious effort by the Obama Administration to define a shared vision for the future of our Hemisphere and outline a practical and concrete agenda for action. Today we gather here in Guatemala City to advance an important piece of that agenda – our need to transition to a more reliable, affordable, interconnected, commercially viable, and sustainable electricity network.
The Challenges
We will not reach our full potential as a region – not in economic competitiveness, not in job creation, not in education, and not in healthcare – if tens of millions of people in our hemisphere are off the grid and hundreds of millions more are limited to unreliable and expensive electricity.
The scope of the challenge is clear.
First, thanks to booming economies and a growing middle class, energy demand in our region is skyrocketing. Studies suggest that Central American countries will need to double its energy supply in the next 10 years to keep up with demand – an endeavor that will require $25 billion in power sector investment by 2030. We know public finance alone cannot close the energy investment gap, particularly as it needs resources to improve citizen security.
Second, increased demand is driving up the cost of energy. Central America pays very high prices for electricity – ranging from two to five times what we pay in the United States. Expensive electricity hurts competitiveness, undermines investment, slows job growth, and ultimately undercuts the welfare and security of households.
Third, climate change is putting us all at risk. In those countries where clean hydroelectric power has met most needs, climate change is affecting patterns and levels of water availability. Droughts and flood are driving those nations to diversify energy sources, including renewable sources of power. In other countries, continued reliance on conventional, imported heavy oil and diesel, is releasing toxins into communities and greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. Climate change also puts the region’s biodiversity at risk – and Central America is the source of 40 percent of global biodiversity.
No country can confront the energy and climate challenge on its own. It is not viable from a technical perspective, it is not viable from a business perspective, and it is not viable from a political perspective.
The Response
This is why the United States supported Colombia’s launch of the Connecting the Americas 2022 initiative at the Sixth Summit of the Americas. The goal of this initiative is clear: universal access to reliable, clean, and affordable electricity in one decade, so that families and businesses have the energy they need at a price they can afford.
To achieve this goal, we all pledged to work together to create a modern, commercially viable electricity network in the Western Hemisphere that attracts private investment and transforms power markets to incorporate cleaner, renewable, and more efficient sources of energy. Underlying this commitment is a profound vision of how we bring prosperity to this hemisphere. The leaders of the Western Hemisphere did not endorse Connect 2022 out of a commitment to energy, but rather because they recognize that energy means jobs, education, and health care for their citizens.
This same vision has to inform our continuing political determination to achieve Connect 2022 goals. There will be times when prospects for low-cost and clean energy come up against legacy investments that are dirty and expensive. The right choices for society may be clear. But that is not always how powerful interests function. And that is why the leadership of policymakers, informed by sound technical analysis, is so very important as we make choices for posterity.
This Mesoamerican region has made important progress over the past two years. My government sees this region as the leader on Connect 2022, and we encourage you to celebrate your success when leaders meet at the 2015 Summit of the Americas in Panama.
Permanent regional market rules have been in place since June 2013. These rules are essential for creating a business and legal climate that encourages investors to take capital and development risks. You need look no further than regional electricity trade statistics to see how setting clear rules can unleash powerful growth. The volume of electricity trade over the past twelve months, at 1,316 gigawatt-hours, is more than triple what it was in the twelve months ending in June 2013.
Just over a month ago, the Electrical Interconnection System of Central America, or SIEPAC completed its regional transmission line, connecting 37 million consumers in, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. Power grids are now connected from Canada to Panama.
And each government has shown a commitment to diversification with cleaner sources of electricity. From Mexico’s historic energy reform, to Nicaragua’s impressive and diverse renewables portfolio, Guatemala’s utility scale solar project and potential gas resources, to wind energy in Honduras and Costa Rica, which the U.S. Export-Import Bank helped finance, Mesoamerican energy transformation and integration is well underway.
We must build on this momentum by addressing several important challenges.
The first is, by far, the most straightforward: ensure that the physical infrastructure of the SIEPAC line is strong and resilient, that the company operating the line has the resources it needs to maintain and expand the line, and that the Regional Electricity Market develops robust interconnections with Mexico to the north and Colombia to the south. Ensure that there is non-discriminatory access to national transmission systems in order to take full advantage of power systems. As in any business, you must have a product to sell. The new Central American line is there but it is not sufficient to support the volume of trade required to meet the region’s full power needs. The market is growing. Let’s work together to achieve its potential.
The second challenge is contractual. If you are going to make a 20-year investment in power generation, then you need to know that you have access to the power line for 20 years to amortize your investment. If you need bank financing, banks need to understand the contracts. The more that contracts are built around a common model, the more competition you’ll get from financial institutions and the lower the cost. Long term financing that reduces the cost of capital will enable leaders to meet their growing electricity demand without necessarily increasing electricity prices. Interest rates reflect risk, but development banks have instruments to mitigate risk. And of course in any business that cuts across national lines, you need mechanisms to resolve disputes. These are issues we know how to solve. And that is why we are gathered here today.
The third challenge is financial. We need to leverage private capital to support the Connect 2022 initiative. Governments have their role in creating business opportunities. But the $25 billion we need in the region is not going to come from the collective Treasuries of the countries in this region. And it does not need to if we create conditions that allow businesses to make a return on capital.
This is an area where the United States can help. The Export-Import Bank and the Overseas Private Investment Corporation are able to provide excellent terms for projects that include an element of U.S. industry. Our development, energy, commerce, and trade agencies all stand ready to assist and support your efforts however and wherever we can.
Demand is real. Just last year EXIM finalized direct loans of $220 million for wind power projects in Central America. OPIC has committed $1.2 billion in support for renewable energy projects worldwide, 53 percent of which were in Latin America. Central America’s share, while small today has enormous potential. If we open the doors with the right enabling policy environment and financial conditions, private capital is ready to come in.
The IDB, World Bank and IFC, and other finance partners are equally committed to help finance these investments.
Conclusion
Now is the time for definitive action – to clear the outstanding technical, contractual, and financial hurdles…to finalize the legal, regulatory, operational, and market conditions required for greater investment… and to diversify our energy supplies.
We have the knowledge and the means to do all of these things. All we need is political will, leadership, and courage. Political will to focus our governments on this effort in the midst of competing and often urgent priorities. Leadership to change the way our governments and industries do business. And courage to innovate, take risks, and transcend our differences for the common good.
Let’s challenge ourselves to have a productive and successful day of discussions.
Thank you very much.
Thursday, June 12, 2014
NSA ADVISOR SUSAN RICE'S ADDRESS AT CENTER FOR A NEW AMERICAN SECURITY CONFERENCE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Annual Conference
Remarks by National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice
“The Strength of American Leadership, the Power of Collective Action”
Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Annual Conference
Washington, DC
As Prepared for Delivery
“The Strength of American Leadership, the Power of Collective Action”
Keynote Address at the Center for a New American Security Annual Conference
Washington, DC
As Prepared for Delivery
Thank you so much Richard for that kind welcome. And, to my good friends and former colleagues— Michele Flournoy and Kurt Campbell— I can’t help but note how well-rested you both look. I’m only a little bitter. Still, I want to thank you for your stellar service to our country both from inside government and now, again, as leading thinkers on national security.
CNAS, which you founded, does a remarkable job of preparing our next generation of national security leaders. That work is critical, because our nation needs bright, dedicated young women and men who care deeply about our world. We need a diverse pipeline of talent ready and eager to carry forward the mantle of American leadership. So, thank you all.
As President Obama told West Point’s graduating class two weeks ago, the question is not whether America will lead the world in the 21st century, but how America will lead. No other nation can match the enduring foundations of our strength. Our military has no peer. Our formidable economy is growing. We are more energy independent each year. Our vibrant and diverse population is demographically strong and productive. We attract hopeful immigrants from all over the world. Our unrivaled global network of alliances and partnerships makes us the one nation to which the world turns when challenges arise. So, American leadership is and will remain central to shaping a world that is freer, more secure, more just and more prosperous.
At West Point, President Obama outlined how America will lead in a world that is more complex and more interdependent than ever before. As we move out of a period dominated by the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, we will lead by drawing on every element of our national power. That power starts with our unparalleled military might, used wisely and when necessary to defend America’s core interests – the security of our citizens, our economy, and our allies. We will lead by strengthening effective partnerships to counter an evolving terrorist threat. We will lead by rallying coalitions and marshaling the resources of our partners to address regional and global challenges. And, we will lead by standing firm in defense of human dignity and equality, while steering the course of history toward greater justice and opportunity for all.
Today, I’d like to focus on one pillar of that strategy—mobilizing coalitions. Indeed, galvanizing the international community to address problems that no one nation can solve alone is the bread and butter of our global engagement. And, in many ways, it’s both the hardest and the most important element of how America leads on the world stage.
This concept is not new. Collective action has long been the hallmark of effective American leadership. The United Nations, NATO and our Asian alliances were all built on the foundation of American strength and American values. American leadership established the Bretton Woods system and supported open markets, spurring a rapid rise in global living standards. Nor is this approach the province of one political party. It was President Reagan who negotiated the Montreal Protocol, hailed today as our most successful international environmental treaty. President George H.W. Bush insisted on UN backing and assembled a broad coalition before sending American troops into the Gulf. And, President Clinton led the campaign to enlarge NATO, opening Europe’s door to the very nations who, as Secretary Albright put it, “knocked the teeth out of totalitarianism in Europe.” Our history is rich with successes won not as a lone nation, but as the leader of many.
Now, our approach must meet the new demands of a complex and rapidly changing world. The architecture that we built in the 20th century must be re-energized to deal with the challenges of the 21st. With emerging powers, we must be able to collaborate where our interests converge but define our differences and defend our interests where they diverge. Our coalitions may be more fluid than in the past, but the basics haven’t changed. When we spur collective action, we deliver outcomes that are more legitimate, more sustainable, and less costly.
As global challenges arise, we turn first, always, to our traditional allies. When Russia trampled long-established principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and international law with its illegal annexation of Crimea, the United States rallied the international community to isolate Russia and impose costs. With American leadership, the world condemned the seizure of Crimea through an overwhelming vote in the UN General Assembly. We expelled Russia from the G8. Last week, the G7 met for the first time in 17 years, and we continued to concert our approach to Ukraine and other pressing global challenges. We’ve reinforced the unity of our NATO Alliance and bolstered our commitment to Article 5. President Obama has pledged to invest an additional $1 billion to bolster the security of our Eastern European allies against threats or intimidation. More U.S. Army and Air Force units are now deployed to Central and Eastern Europe, more American ships patrol the Black Sea, more American planes police the Baltic skies. And, meanwhile, with the support of the international community, Ukrainians have the chance to write a new chapter in their history.
By working in lockstep with the EU and other partners, we imposed sanctions that are biting the Russian economy. The IMF, the World Bank and private sector estimates all suggest that $100-200 billion in capital will flow out of Russia this year, as investors move their money to more reliable markets. Russia’s economy contracted in the first quarter, and the IMF has declared that the country is likely in recession. Its credit now rates just above junk status. Russia has lost standing, influence, and economic clout by the day. With our closest partners—Europe, the G7 and other key allies —we continue to send a common message: Russia must cease aggression against Ukraine, halt support for violent separatists in the East, seal the border, and recognize the newly elected Ukrainian government. If Russia does not, it faces the very real prospect of greater pressure and significant additional sanctions.
The speed and unity of our response demonstrates the unique value of America’s leadership. Unilateral sanctions would not have had the same bite as coordinated efforts with the EU. American condemnations alone do not carry the same weight as the UN General Assembly. Bilateral U.S. assistance to Ukraine could not match the roughly $15 billion IMF program. And, for our Eastern allies, American security guarantees are most powerful when augmented by NATO’s security umbrella.
The United States’ commitment to the security of our allies is sacrosanct and always backed by the full weight of our military might. At the same time, we expect our partners to shoulder their share of the burden of our collective security. Collective action doesn’t mean the United States puts skin in the game while others stand on the sidelines cheering. Alliances are a two-way street, especially in hard times when alliances matter most.
As we approach the NATO summit in Wales this September, we expect every ally to pull its full weight through increased investment in defense and upgrading our Alliance for the future. Europe needs to take defense spending seriously and meet NATO’s benchmark—at least two percent of GDP—to keep our alliance strong and dynamic. And, just as we reassure allies in the face of Russia’s actions, we must upgrade NATO’s ability to meet challenges to its south—including by reinforcing the President’s commitment to build the capacity of our counterterrorism partners.
Likewise, our historic alliances in Asia continue to underwrite regional stability, as we move toward a more geographically distributed and operationally resilient defense posture. In the face of North Korea’s increasing provocations, we’ve developed a tailored deterrence strategy and counter provocation plan with South Korea, and we are updating our defense cooperation guidelines with Japan for the first time in almost two decades. We aim also to deepen trilateral security cooperation and interoperability, which President Obama made a central focus of his summit with the leaders of Japan and Korea in March and his trip to the region in April.
Improved coordination is a necessity in the Middle East as well. The 35,000 American service members stationed in the Gulf are a daily reminder of our commitment to the region and clear evidence that the United States remains ready to defend our core interests, whether it’s disrupting al-Qa’ida or preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. At the same time, we look to our partners, both individually and through the Gulf Cooperation Council, to cooperate on missile defense and develop other critical deterrence capabilities, including in the spheres of counter-piracy, maritime security, counterterrorism and counter-proliferation.
America will always maintain our iron-clad commitment to the security of Israel, ensuring that Israel maintains its qualitative military edge and can protect its territory and people. Equally, we consistently defend Israel’s legitimacy and security in the UN and other international fora. In turn, we expect Israel to stand and be counted with the US and other partners on core matters of international law and principle, such as Ukraine.
Drawing on the strength of our alliances and the reach of our partnerships, the United States’ brings together countries in every region of the world to advance our shared security, expand global prosperity, and uphold our fundamental values.
Let me start with our shared security. To responsibly end our war in Afghanistan, President Obama first rallied our NATO allies and ISAF partners to contribute more troops to the coalition, surging resources and helping Afghan forces take charge of their nation’s security. As we bring America’s combat mission to an end, we’ve enlisted our allies and partners to make enduring commitments to Afghanistan’s future—so that Afghan Security Forces continue to have the resources they need, and the Afghan people have our lasting support.
Partnership is also the cornerstone of our counter-terrorism strategy designed to meet a threat that is now more diffuse and decentralized. Core al-Qa’ida is diminished, but its affiliates and off-shoots increasingly threaten the U.S. and our partners, as we are witnessing this week in Mosul. The United States has been fast to provide necessary support for the people and government of Iraq under our Strategic Framework Agreement, and we are working together to roll back aggression and counter the threat that the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant poses to the people of the region. Yet, as President Obama said at West Point, we must do more to strengthen our partners’ capacity to defeat the terrorist threat on their home turf by providing them the necessary training, equipment and support. That is why the President is asking Congress for a new Counterterrorism Partnership Fund of up to $5 billion to assist nations on the frontlines of terrorism to fight al-Qa’ida, its affiliates, and groups that embrace its violent extremist ideology.
To shrink terrorist safe-havens and end civil conflicts, which can be breeding grounds for transnational threats, we continue to lead the international community to strengthen the foundations of peace and security. The U.S. is the largest supporter of UN peace operations, which both reduce the need to deploy our own armed forces and mitigate the risks that fragile and failed states pose. When violence in South Sudan broke out in December, and the world’s youngest country reached the brink of all-out war, the United States led the Security Council to augment the UN mission in South Sudan and re-focus it on protecting civilians, while we recruited, trained and equipped additional peacekeepers. Since December, nearly 2,000 more troops have surged into South Sudan, with approximately another 1,700 expected this month.
In Syria, by contrast, we have seen the failure of the UN Security Council to act effectively, as Russia and China have four times used their vetoes to protect Assad. With fighting escalating, terrorist groups associated with al-Qa’ida are gaining a greater foothold in Syria, the horrific humanitarian costs are mounting, and the stability of neighboring countries is threatened. So, while Russia and Iran continue to prop up the regime, the United States is working with our partners through non-traditional channels to provide critical humanitarian assistance and, through the London-11 group, to ramp up our coordinated support for the moderate, vetted Syrian opposition— both political and military.
Yet, even as we strongly oppose Russia on Syria and Ukraine, we continue to work together to eliminate Assad’s chemical weapons and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. We built an unprecedented sanctions regime to pressure Iran while keeping the door open to diplomacy. As a consequence, working with the P5+1, we’ve halted Iran’s progress toward a nuclear weapon and rolled it back in key respects. Now, we are testing whether we can reach a comprehensive solution that resolves peacefully the international community’s concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and bolsters our shared security.
In today’s world, the reality is: many transnational security challenges can only be addressed through collective action. Take the threat of nuclear material in terrorist hands. One unlocked door at any of the facilities worldwide that house weapons-usable material is a threat to everyone. That’s why President Obama created the Nuclear Security Summit. So far, 12 countries and 24 nuclear facilities have rid themselves of highly-enriched uranium and plutonium. Dozens of nations have increased security at their nuclear storage sites, built counter-smuggling teams, or enhanced their nuclear security training. Our nuclear security regime is stronger today, because we created a coalition to address the problem, and we’ll keep the momentum going when we host the fourth Nuclear Security Summit in 2016.
Consider, as well, infectious diseases like MERS, bird flu or Ebola, which present yet another type of threat to our security. In 2012, 80 percent of countries failed to meet the World Health Organization’s deadline for preparedness against outbreaks. The international community needed a shot in the arm. So, the United States brought together partners from more than 30 countries and multiple international institutions to develop the Global Health Security Agenda, which we launched in February. Our strategy, backed by concrete commitments, will move us towards a system that reports outbreaks in real time and ensures nations have the resources to contain localized problems before they become global pandemics.
As we confront the grave and growing threat of climate change, the United States is leading the world by example. As National Security Advisor, part of my job is to focus on any threat that could breed conflict, migration, and natural disasters. Climate change is just such a creeping national security crisis, and it is one of our top global priorities.
Our new rule, announced last week, to reduce carbon pollution from power plants by 30 percent compared to 2005 levels is the most ambitious climate action ever taken in the U.S. It’s the centerpiece of our broader climate action plan. And, as we work toward the meeting in Paris next year to define a new global framework for tackling climate change, we’re challenging other major economies to step up too. We’re working intensively with China, the world’s biggest emitter, to bend down their emissions curve as fast as possible. We’ve built international coalitions to address short-lived climate pollutants like black carbon, HFCs and methane. And, we’ve led in encouraging private investment in green infrastructure projects overseas, while reducing incentives for high-carbon energy investment.
Our security also relies on defining and upholding rules that govern our shared spaces—rules that reject aggression, impede the ability of large nations to bully smaller ones, and establish ways to resolve conflicts peacefully. A key element of our Asia Rebalance is collaborating with our partners to strengthen regional institutions and international norms. That’s why we are working with ASEAN to advance a code of conduct for the South China Sea that would enhance maritime security, reinforce international law, and strengthen the regional rules of the road.
Similarly, we are building partnerships to set standards of behavior to protect the open, reliable, and interoperable Internet, and to hold accountable those who engage in malicious cyber activity. That’s why we’re working with our partners to expand international law enforcement cooperation and ensure that emerging norms, including the protection of intellectual property and civilian infrastructure, are respected in cyberspace. For example, last week, working with 10 countries and numerous private sector partners, we successfully disrupted a “botnet” that had been used to steal hundreds of millions of dollars and filed criminal charges against its Russia-based administrator. Last month, the Department of Justice indicted five Chinese military officials for hacking our nation’s corporate computers, making it clear there’s no room for government-sponsored theft in cyberspace for commercial gain. We are working with our allies through efforts like the Freedom On-Line Coalition and the Internet Governance Forum to preserve the open Internet as driver for human rights and economic prosperity.
This brings me to the second key reason we mobilize collective action—to expand our shared prosperity. In 2009, facing the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression, President Obama led to establish the G20 as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. We needed more voices at the table, writing the rules for the global economy and committing to dramatic measures to restore growth. Our efforts included mobilizing more resources for the IMF and World Bank to support the most vulnerable countries. And, thanks to a broad and concerted international effort, the global economy has turned the corner.
Last year, we played a key role in enabling the 157 members of the WTO to reach a landmark agreement that will modernize the entire international trading system. In every region of the world, we’ve brought nations together to increase trade and develop high-standard agreements to further boost growth and job creation. This is a key pillar of our rebalance to Asia, where we’re working with 12 economies, representing almost 40 percent of global GDP, to finalize an ambitious Trans-Pacific Partnership. With the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, we’re taking what is already the largest trading partnership in the world to a new level. To increase trade both within Africa and between Africa and the United States, we will join with Congress to extend and update the African Growth and Opportunity Act before it expires next year.
In regions brimming with economic potential, including Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia, we’re supporting entrepreneurship and fostering private sector investment. Our Power Africa initiative will double access to electricity across the continent through more than $15 billion in private sector commitments. We’re assisting young people throughout Africa and South East Asia to develop their business and entrepreneurship skills, as well as their leadership.
As we approach 2015, we’re pressing our partners to deliver on the Millennium Development Goals and to devise bold new goals that will guide the next phase of the fight against poverty. Building on the extraordinary progress in many developing countries, our approach isn’t simply about pledging more money, it’s about bringing together resources and expertise from every sector to do more with what we have and to support models of economic growth that fuel new markets. We’re building public-private partnerships, investing in academic breakthroughs, supporting non-profits that translate ideas into action, and creating stronger connections among them all.
Take, for example, the progress we’ve made in agricultural development. Back in 2009, at the G8 meeting in L’Aquila, President Obama made food security a global priority backed by billions of dollars in international commitments. In 2012, the President launched the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which has now grown to ten African countries, more than 160 companies, and delivered more than $7 billion in responsible planned investments in African agriculture. And through our Feed the Future partnerships, millions of smallholder farmers are planting better seeds, using better fertilizers, and seeing their incomes rise.
Which leads me to the third key reason we mobilize collective action. For, however much we might like to, we rarely can force nations to respect the rights of their citizens. So we must catalyze the international community to uphold universal values, build broad coalitions to advance human rights, and impose costs on those who violate them.
Human rights must be protected for everyone, especially traditionally marginalized communities such as ethnic or religious minorities, LGBT persons, migrant workers, and people with disabilities. That’s why President Obama decided to join the UN Human Rights Council, so we could lead in reforming that flawed institution from within. In fact, we have made it more effective. Because of our efforts, the Council has spent far more time spotlighting abuses in Qadhafi’s Libya, Syria, Sudan, North Korea and Iran than demonizing Israel.
At the same time, the Open Government Partnership initiated by President Obama in 2011, has grown from eight countries to 64, all working together to strengthen accountable and transparent governance. Our Equal Futures Partnership unites two dozen countries in a commitment to take concrete steps to empower women in their societies both economically and politically. And, as civil society comes under attack in more and more places, we’re bringing countries and peoples together to counter restrictions and strengthen protections for civil society.
Moreover, we’ve focused the global community on elevating that most basic aspect of human dignity—the health and well-being of the most vulnerable people. We’re partnering with nations that invest in their health systems. We’re working with NGOs to improve child and maternal health, end preventable diseases, and make progress towards a goal that was inconceivable just a decade ago—the world’s first AIDS-free generation.
Across all these vital and far-reaching challenges, we continue to bring the resources of the United States and the reach of our partnerships to bear to forge a safer and more prosperous world. Our goals are bold and won’t be realized overnight, but the essence of U.S. leadership, as always, remains our ambition, our determination, and our dauntless vision of the possible – the pursuit of a world free of nuclear weapons; a world where extreme poverty is no more; where people are free to choose their own leaders; and where no child’s potential is cut short by a circumstance of her birth.
We’ve earned our unparalleled position in the world through decades of responsible leadership. We affirm our exceptionalism by working tirelessly to strengthen the international system we helped build. We affirm it daily with our painstaking efforts to marshal international support and rally nations behind our leadership. We affirm it by taking strong action when we see rules and norms broken by those who try to game the system for their own gain. As President Obama told those graduating cadets at West Point, “What makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it’s our willingness to affirm them through our actions.”
As we leave an era of American foreign policy dominated by war, we are in a much stronger position to shape a more just and secure peace. In doing so, we will be vigilant against threats to our security, but we also recognize that we are stronger still when we mobilize the world on behalf of our common security and common humanity. That is the proud tradition of American foreign policy, and that is what’s required to shape a new chapter of American leadership.
Thank you very much.
Thursday, May 1, 2014
ASSISTANT SECRETARY BROWNFIELD'S REMARKS AT WILDLIFE CRIMINOLOGY SYMPOSIUM
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the Wildlife Criminology Symposium
Remarks
William R. Brownfield
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
World Bank,
Washington, DC
April 23, 2014
Thank you very much, Mr. Magrath and Mr. McCarthy. Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to open with my own personal note of thanks, not just to the two gentlemen seated up here with me, but to the entire World Bank. I say this with sincerity. The World Bank has done excellent work in managing, leading, and in many ways, pioneering the effort worldwide to address the crisis of illegal wildlife trafficking. I have this on the best authority on the entire planet – the United States Ambassador to Thailand, a woman to whom I have the unmitigated pleasure of being married for the past 30 years -- and her assessment this morning is that no organization has been more active and more effective in this effort in South East Asia than the World Bank.
Ladies and gentlemen, you may be asking yourselves the question, “What is Mr. Brownfield, a man who is known in the State Department as Mr. Drugs and Thugs, doing here to discuss the issue of international wildlife conservation, protection, and preservation?” My message for all of you is that I am here because there is a very important connection between what I do and what those in the conservation community do. We are talking about two communities that for the past 100, 1000, or 5000 years have not actually worked together a great deal. The conservation community is comprised of men and women who have done extraordinarily effective and noble work in protecting and preserving not dozens, not scores, but hundreds of species of life on our planet that would otherwise be as extinct today as the dinosaurs. To them, we all owe a tremendous debt of gratitude. On the other hand, there is the law enforcement community -- a community that while not traditionally dedicated to the conservation and preservation of species, is very dedicated and quite talented at the process by which we combat and eventually defeat criminal trafficking organizations. Our challenge, ladies and gentlemen – and what I submit to you is the unspoken theme of this symposium - is how to make these two communities work effectively together. That is our challenge for the 21st century.
I know why I am doing this. I am doing this because two and a half years ago a woman looked at me with very firm eyes and said to me, “Brownfield, you are going to do counter-wildlife trafficking, whether you like it or not.” Her name was Hillary Rodham Clinton and I did what you would expect any Assistant Secretary of State to do under those circumstances -- I said ‘yes Ma’am, I will get right on it.’ And if any of you are wondering whether her departure and the arrival of her successor generated any change in this regard, may I offer you a personal anecdote? The only conversation that I have had with John Kerry that was, shall I say, “pointed,” over the last 14 months has been about how fast I was moving in order to make progress on the issue of wildlife trafficking. So that is why I am here.
Why are you here? I offer the following suggestions. One, you are here because if you did not come or did not focus on this issue, hundreds of species of our planet would be dead, eliminated forever, before this century is out. And second, law enforcers are now dealing with a criminal enterprise that is generating perhaps as much as $10 billion in criminal proceeds every year. Ten billion, ladies and gentlemen, that begins to be real money. You might actually want to begin to pay attention to an enterprise that is moving in an illegal and illicit manner, corrupting institutions and governments to the tune of $10 billion a year.
Ladies and gentlemen, I, like Mr. McCarthy, do not claim to be an expert on wildlife conservation or even on wildlife trafficking. I do think I know something about trafficking in general, and I know that there are certain elements common to each and every one of the trafficking industries. Whether it is cocaine and heroin, firearms, people, cut flowers, or wildlife, I know that first, in every case; there is a demand for the product, which produces a market. In every case, there will be a producer at the source region. Perhaps that producer is growing the product. Perhaps that producer is manufacturing the product. Perhaps that producer is butchering the product in order to traffic it. I know that every trafficking organization develops a logistics network – normally an extremely sophisticated logistics network, because it must move a product from one country across numerous national borders to get to the final market, and it must do so in an illicit manner. Every trafficked product eventually has a retail marketing system at the country of destination. And finally every trafficking network has a financial system that permits those involved in the enterprise eventually to convert their product into some form of cash or other marketable commodity that they can use in the open and licit market. This, law enforcers, is the challenge that we confront as we move down the road toward combatting illegal wildlife trafficking; while every product is different, there are not that many differences between how we will attack this problem and how we attack the problem of drugs or trafficking in persons or trafficking in firearms.
From the law enforcement perspective, we are not at a bad starting point. We do have international conventions, foremost among them CITES, but others as well, that give us the international authority or basis to cooperate and attack this problem. We have certain existing international organizations which have taken on this responsibility, such as Interpol and its regional subgroups, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the World Customs Organization, even ICCWC, as Leonard laid out. These international organizations or groupings give us natural allies and umbrellas beneath which we can operate. We have regional organizations that have taken on the mission: the OECD, APEC for the Pacific nations, ASEAN specifically for Southeast Asia, and the UN Crime Commission. We are not starting at point zero. Man has walked this path before us and we can take advantage of some of the institutions, the infrastructure, and the architecture that has already been built for us.
For those of us who are from the United States of America, and specifically the United States Government, we have a new weapon as of February of this year, when the President’s new National Strategy for Combatting Wildlife Trafficking came online. This Strategy is easily available online to anyone who may choose to access it.
The President’s National Strategy offers three areas of focus: first, strengthening enforcement of laws and regulations. That, ladies and gentlemen, is what I do for a living. I support law enforcement around the world.
Second, reducing demand for illegally trafficked wildlife. That, to a very considerable extent, is what the conservation community does for a living. However, I do predict that demand will drop rather substantially if, for instance, we tell most individuals that they could be sent to prison for 20 years for buying a rhino horn. I predict that the demand for rhino horn just might diminish a little bit as a result of law enforcement efforts.
The third area laid out in this strategy is building greater international and domestic cooperation. And, that is what both the conservation and the law enforcement communities do.
Now, despite the fact that I am widely referred to in the State Department as “drugs and thugs,” I am actually the Assistant Secretary for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, or INL. We have $15 million that we are putting to wildlife trafficking in 2014. And, without going into detail, I am going to divide it into two basic categories. One, we are processing roughly $5 million through some of these international organizations that I just laid out for you. They have already developed programs that are transnational in scope and address the wildlife trafficking issue in an entire region. They need support, they need funds, they need resources. We are trying to provide some of that for them.
The remaining $10 million or so is going into programs with individual countries and governments. This is heavily focused at this time on Africa, and we will have cooperative and close programs with the Governments of Kenya and the Republic of South Africa. Some of the $10 million will be available for other regional programs and cooperation in southern Africa.
We have organized our work on this issue around four basic categories. The first is what we call “legislative framework.” The principle behind this is amazingly simple: it is very difficult to prosecute someone for wildlife trafficking if there is no law on the books that makes it a criminal offense. Judges get annoyed when prosecutors bring cases before them and the prosecutors cannot explain what law has been violated by the defendant. And, believe it or not, in many countries and regions around the world, there are not existing statutes on the books criminalizing this sort of activity or, in some cases; it is criminalized to such a minimal extent that it becomes the equivalent of a traffic offense or a failure to pay parking tickets. Creating the legislative framework must be the first plank in a successful strategy of combatting wildlife trafficking.
Our second organizational concept is support for law enforcement. In the United States of America, this is largely a ranger’s function, though not exclusively. The more we get into prosecutions, the more state and local law enforcement will become engaged, but trying to stop poachers and traffickers at the point of infraction is an expanded ranger function. By expanded, I mean that what these poor guys have to deal with are groups of people armed to the level of an infantry platoon – that degree of firepower. The prospect of coming in and enforcing the law with a nightstick and possibly a 9mm pistol puts local law enforcement in an extraordinarily difficult position. They need training, they need equipment, and in some instances, they need weaponry. That must be part of our challenge.
Our third organizational category includes prosecutors and courts. As you can well imagine, if we have identified them, arrested them, and brought them to court, but a prosecutor has no experience whatsoever on how to prosecute this particular type of crime, then we are not likely to have success. There is nothing that will kill a strategy and a policy more quickly than two or three losing cases that send the message out to everyone in the trafficking industry that “they can’t touch us even if they get us to court.”
Our fourth organizational category is cross-border cooperation. We do it through something we call wildlife enforcement networks – WENS. The principle behind this initiative is extremely simple. It is that governments that are neighbors or at least in the same region as each other stand to benefit from sharing intelligence and information and notifying each other about trafficking groups that seem to be moving across frontiers and borders. At times, regional partners might even plan and cooperate on joint operations and efforts. I can assure you that sophisticated wildlife trafficking organizations know exactly where the borders are located and know precisely how to take advantage of the border if country or government X is enforcing and government Y is not enforcing.
That is the plan. Has there been an impact? I would suggest that there has been. Let me offer three examples from the INL anti-wildlife trafficking initiative. First, recently, 28 governments and their law enforcement communities cooperated for one month in an exercise called COBRA II. This involved law enforcement communities and organizations from Asia, Africa, and North America. What did they accomplish in one month? More than 400 arrests and 350 seizures of illegally trafficked wildlife - and they learned in that month how to do it. They learned lessons from other law enforcement organizations as to what worked and what did not work. They also learned how to communicate with one another and learned new tactics, techniques, and technologies.
Second, in April 2013, the United Nations Crime Commission met and - with the eventual sponsorship of 20 different governments - passed a resolution that stated that wildlife trafficking is a “serious crime” in the United Nations system. Now, ladies and gentlemen, in UN speak, that is about as tough as you can get. They have given the tool and the weapon to any government that is prepared to take on the challenge, by saying the United Nations system and the world’s global community says that this act is a serious crime.
Third and finally, in November of last year, the government for which I work issued its first ever reward offer of the Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Program. Under the authority created by the President of the United States and supporting our Transnational Organized Crime Strategy, this reward program was designed to fill the gap between counterterrorism on one side and counternarcotics on the other side by creating the authority to offer rewards for the most serious participants in transnational organized crime. Who was the very first named suspected criminal under this authority? Ladies and gentleman, it was the organization known as the Xaysavang Network, under the leadership, we believe, of Mr. Keosavang, a citizen of Laos. We believe this organization is perhaps one of the world’s largest wildlife trafficking organizations. They traffic product from Asia and Africa in search of markets around the world.
We have offered $1 million to anyone who assists in taking down this trafficking network. It is symbolic, I acknowledge, but it is important symbolism to say that at the first opportunity we had to identify a transnational criminal organization and to put real money behind its dismantlement, we selected a wildlife trafficking organization. May I say to anyone in the Xaysavang network who may be listening today or in the future that this reward offer still stands. There is no rock beneath which you can hide; no tree behind which you may conceal yourself that will make that $1 million go away.
Ladies and gentlemen, may I mention one other program? I believe there are some academics in this room and I would like to draw you in to this conversation as well. There is a program that the State Department has been managing for several years. It’s kind of a cool program that we call the Diplomacy Lab. It works on the following concept. Neither the Department of State nor any other foreign ministry in the world has so many resources, so many people, so much money that it can do all of the research and analysis that it requires with its own employees. We want to draw in the academic world to this effort. We want to allow them the opportunity, whether they are undergraduate or graduate students or tenured professors, to do research and work that will have a direct, real-world impact on what we are doing. We identify areas and invite research and analysis in those areas. We had excellent success with this in areas related to my line of work, including corrections, prison management, community policing, and tribal courts. There have been a half-dozen of these sorts of research efforts which we absorb in the INL bureau, integrate into our programs and then attempt to apply in genuine programs in many countries around the world. May I suggest to you, academics, to look to the year 2014 for the opportunity to engage in several of these projects and programs that are related to illicit wildlife trafficking?
The problem of wildlife trafficking is not going to be solved today or even this year. It has taken us centuries and perhaps even millennia to get into this problem. It is going to take us some years as a human race to solve it. Yet we will solve the problem, step by step. We will do it together as two communities: a community that is dedicated to conservation and preservation and a community that is dedicated to the enforcement of our nations’ and our planet’s laws. We will do it because we can. We will do it because we must.
Leonard mentioned in his remarks the sound of a lioness mourning the loss of its cub. I come from the west Texas panhandle. I can assure you that I have never heard that sound. I hope I never do. But there is one sound of a mother mourning that, I suggest to you, I would not mind hearing at all. That would be the sound of a homo sapien mourning the departure of her poacher son as he begins several years of incarceration following his conviction and sentencing for wildlife trafficking. That is a vision that I would not mind associating myself with, because the more of that sort of mourning we hear, the less mourning we will hear from lionesses who have lost their cubs. Someday, if we do our jobs right and well, perhaps we’ll hear neither of those two sorts of mourning. Neither the lioness nor the elephant nor the rhino mother, mourning the loss of its young, nor the homo sapien mother mourning the departure of her poacher son. When that day comes, we will have succeeded.
I thank you very much; I look forward to further discussion.
Ladies and gentlemen, you may be asking yourselves the question, “What is Mr. Brownfield, a man who is known in the State Department as Mr. Drugs and Thugs, doing here to discuss the issue of international wildlife conservation, protection, and preservation?” My message for all of you is that I am here because there is a very important connection between what I do and what those in the conservation community do. We are talking about two communities that for the past 100, 1000, or 5000 years have not actually worked together a great deal. The conservation community is comprised of men and women who have done extraordinarily effective and noble work in protecting and preserving not dozens, not scores, but hundreds of species of life on our planet that would otherwise be as extinct today as the dinosaurs. To them, we all owe a tremendous debt of gratitude. On the other hand, there is the law enforcement community -- a community that while not traditionally dedicated to the conservation and preservation of species, is very dedicated and quite talented at the process by which we combat and eventually defeat criminal trafficking organizations. Our challenge, ladies and gentlemen – and what I submit to you is the unspoken theme of this symposium - is how to make these two communities work effectively together. That is our challenge for the 21st century.
I know why I am doing this. I am doing this because two and a half years ago a woman looked at me with very firm eyes and said to me, “Brownfield, you are going to do counter-wildlife trafficking, whether you like it or not.” Her name was Hillary Rodham Clinton and I did what you would expect any Assistant Secretary of State to do under those circumstances -- I said ‘yes Ma’am, I will get right on it.’ And if any of you are wondering whether her departure and the arrival of her successor generated any change in this regard, may I offer you a personal anecdote? The only conversation that I have had with John Kerry that was, shall I say, “pointed,” over the last 14 months has been about how fast I was moving in order to make progress on the issue of wildlife trafficking. So that is why I am here.
Why are you here? I offer the following suggestions. One, you are here because if you did not come or did not focus on this issue, hundreds of species of our planet would be dead, eliminated forever, before this century is out. And second, law enforcers are now dealing with a criminal enterprise that is generating perhaps as much as $10 billion in criminal proceeds every year. Ten billion, ladies and gentlemen, that begins to be real money. You might actually want to begin to pay attention to an enterprise that is moving in an illegal and illicit manner, corrupting institutions and governments to the tune of $10 billion a year.
Ladies and gentlemen, I, like Mr. McCarthy, do not claim to be an expert on wildlife conservation or even on wildlife trafficking. I do think I know something about trafficking in general, and I know that there are certain elements common to each and every one of the trafficking industries. Whether it is cocaine and heroin, firearms, people, cut flowers, or wildlife, I know that first, in every case; there is a demand for the product, which produces a market. In every case, there will be a producer at the source region. Perhaps that producer is growing the product. Perhaps that producer is manufacturing the product. Perhaps that producer is butchering the product in order to traffic it. I know that every trafficking organization develops a logistics network – normally an extremely sophisticated logistics network, because it must move a product from one country across numerous national borders to get to the final market, and it must do so in an illicit manner. Every trafficked product eventually has a retail marketing system at the country of destination. And finally every trafficking network has a financial system that permits those involved in the enterprise eventually to convert their product into some form of cash or other marketable commodity that they can use in the open and licit market. This, law enforcers, is the challenge that we confront as we move down the road toward combatting illegal wildlife trafficking; while every product is different, there are not that many differences between how we will attack this problem and how we attack the problem of drugs or trafficking in persons or trafficking in firearms.
From the law enforcement perspective, we are not at a bad starting point. We do have international conventions, foremost among them CITES, but others as well, that give us the international authority or basis to cooperate and attack this problem. We have certain existing international organizations which have taken on this responsibility, such as Interpol and its regional subgroups, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, the World Customs Organization, even ICCWC, as Leonard laid out. These international organizations or groupings give us natural allies and umbrellas beneath which we can operate. We have regional organizations that have taken on the mission: the OECD, APEC for the Pacific nations, ASEAN specifically for Southeast Asia, and the UN Crime Commission. We are not starting at point zero. Man has walked this path before us and we can take advantage of some of the institutions, the infrastructure, and the architecture that has already been built for us.
For those of us who are from the United States of America, and specifically the United States Government, we have a new weapon as of February of this year, when the President’s new National Strategy for Combatting Wildlife Trafficking came online. This Strategy is easily available online to anyone who may choose to access it.
The President’s National Strategy offers three areas of focus: first, strengthening enforcement of laws and regulations. That, ladies and gentlemen, is what I do for a living. I support law enforcement around the world.
Second, reducing demand for illegally trafficked wildlife. That, to a very considerable extent, is what the conservation community does for a living. However, I do predict that demand will drop rather substantially if, for instance, we tell most individuals that they could be sent to prison for 20 years for buying a rhino horn. I predict that the demand for rhino horn just might diminish a little bit as a result of law enforcement efforts.
The third area laid out in this strategy is building greater international and domestic cooperation. And, that is what both the conservation and the law enforcement communities do.
Now, despite the fact that I am widely referred to in the State Department as “drugs and thugs,” I am actually the Assistant Secretary for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, or INL. We have $15 million that we are putting to wildlife trafficking in 2014. And, without going into detail, I am going to divide it into two basic categories. One, we are processing roughly $5 million through some of these international organizations that I just laid out for you. They have already developed programs that are transnational in scope and address the wildlife trafficking issue in an entire region. They need support, they need funds, they need resources. We are trying to provide some of that for them.
The remaining $10 million or so is going into programs with individual countries and governments. This is heavily focused at this time on Africa, and we will have cooperative and close programs with the Governments of Kenya and the Republic of South Africa. Some of the $10 million will be available for other regional programs and cooperation in southern Africa.
We have organized our work on this issue around four basic categories. The first is what we call “legislative framework.” The principle behind this is amazingly simple: it is very difficult to prosecute someone for wildlife trafficking if there is no law on the books that makes it a criminal offense. Judges get annoyed when prosecutors bring cases before them and the prosecutors cannot explain what law has been violated by the defendant. And, believe it or not, in many countries and regions around the world, there are not existing statutes on the books criminalizing this sort of activity or, in some cases; it is criminalized to such a minimal extent that it becomes the equivalent of a traffic offense or a failure to pay parking tickets. Creating the legislative framework must be the first plank in a successful strategy of combatting wildlife trafficking.
Our second organizational concept is support for law enforcement. In the United States of America, this is largely a ranger’s function, though not exclusively. The more we get into prosecutions, the more state and local law enforcement will become engaged, but trying to stop poachers and traffickers at the point of infraction is an expanded ranger function. By expanded, I mean that what these poor guys have to deal with are groups of people armed to the level of an infantry platoon – that degree of firepower. The prospect of coming in and enforcing the law with a nightstick and possibly a 9mm pistol puts local law enforcement in an extraordinarily difficult position. They need training, they need equipment, and in some instances, they need weaponry. That must be part of our challenge.
Our third organizational category includes prosecutors and courts. As you can well imagine, if we have identified them, arrested them, and brought them to court, but a prosecutor has no experience whatsoever on how to prosecute this particular type of crime, then we are not likely to have success. There is nothing that will kill a strategy and a policy more quickly than two or three losing cases that send the message out to everyone in the trafficking industry that “they can’t touch us even if they get us to court.”
Our fourth organizational category is cross-border cooperation. We do it through something we call wildlife enforcement networks – WENS. The principle behind this initiative is extremely simple. It is that governments that are neighbors or at least in the same region as each other stand to benefit from sharing intelligence and information and notifying each other about trafficking groups that seem to be moving across frontiers and borders. At times, regional partners might even plan and cooperate on joint operations and efforts. I can assure you that sophisticated wildlife trafficking organizations know exactly where the borders are located and know precisely how to take advantage of the border if country or government X is enforcing and government Y is not enforcing.
That is the plan. Has there been an impact? I would suggest that there has been. Let me offer three examples from the INL anti-wildlife trafficking initiative. First, recently, 28 governments and their law enforcement communities cooperated for one month in an exercise called COBRA II. This involved law enforcement communities and organizations from Asia, Africa, and North America. What did they accomplish in one month? More than 400 arrests and 350 seizures of illegally trafficked wildlife - and they learned in that month how to do it. They learned lessons from other law enforcement organizations as to what worked and what did not work. They also learned how to communicate with one another and learned new tactics, techniques, and technologies.
Second, in April 2013, the United Nations Crime Commission met and - with the eventual sponsorship of 20 different governments - passed a resolution that stated that wildlife trafficking is a “serious crime” in the United Nations system. Now, ladies and gentlemen, in UN speak, that is about as tough as you can get. They have given the tool and the weapon to any government that is prepared to take on the challenge, by saying the United Nations system and the world’s global community says that this act is a serious crime.
Third and finally, in November of last year, the government for which I work issued its first ever reward offer of the Transnational Organized Crime Rewards Program. Under the authority created by the President of the United States and supporting our Transnational Organized Crime Strategy, this reward program was designed to fill the gap between counterterrorism on one side and counternarcotics on the other side by creating the authority to offer rewards for the most serious participants in transnational organized crime. Who was the very first named suspected criminal under this authority? Ladies and gentleman, it was the organization known as the Xaysavang Network, under the leadership, we believe, of Mr. Keosavang, a citizen of Laos. We believe this organization is perhaps one of the world’s largest wildlife trafficking organizations. They traffic product from Asia and Africa in search of markets around the world.
We have offered $1 million to anyone who assists in taking down this trafficking network. It is symbolic, I acknowledge, but it is important symbolism to say that at the first opportunity we had to identify a transnational criminal organization and to put real money behind its dismantlement, we selected a wildlife trafficking organization. May I say to anyone in the Xaysavang network who may be listening today or in the future that this reward offer still stands. There is no rock beneath which you can hide; no tree behind which you may conceal yourself that will make that $1 million go away.
Ladies and gentlemen, may I mention one other program? I believe there are some academics in this room and I would like to draw you in to this conversation as well. There is a program that the State Department has been managing for several years. It’s kind of a cool program that we call the Diplomacy Lab. It works on the following concept. Neither the Department of State nor any other foreign ministry in the world has so many resources, so many people, so much money that it can do all of the research and analysis that it requires with its own employees. We want to draw in the academic world to this effort. We want to allow them the opportunity, whether they are undergraduate or graduate students or tenured professors, to do research and work that will have a direct, real-world impact on what we are doing. We identify areas and invite research and analysis in those areas. We had excellent success with this in areas related to my line of work, including corrections, prison management, community policing, and tribal courts. There have been a half-dozen of these sorts of research efforts which we absorb in the INL bureau, integrate into our programs and then attempt to apply in genuine programs in many countries around the world. May I suggest to you, academics, to look to the year 2014 for the opportunity to engage in several of these projects and programs that are related to illicit wildlife trafficking?
The problem of wildlife trafficking is not going to be solved today or even this year. It has taken us centuries and perhaps even millennia to get into this problem. It is going to take us some years as a human race to solve it. Yet we will solve the problem, step by step. We will do it together as two communities: a community that is dedicated to conservation and preservation and a community that is dedicated to the enforcement of our nations’ and our planet’s laws. We will do it because we can. We will do it because we must.
Leonard mentioned in his remarks the sound of a lioness mourning the loss of its cub. I come from the west Texas panhandle. I can assure you that I have never heard that sound. I hope I never do. But there is one sound of a mother mourning that, I suggest to you, I would not mind hearing at all. That would be the sound of a homo sapien mourning the departure of her poacher son as he begins several years of incarceration following his conviction and sentencing for wildlife trafficking. That is a vision that I would not mind associating myself with, because the more of that sort of mourning we hear, the less mourning we will hear from lionesses who have lost their cubs. Someday, if we do our jobs right and well, perhaps we’ll hear neither of those two sorts of mourning. Neither the lioness nor the elephant nor the rhino mother, mourning the loss of its young, nor the homo sapien mother mourning the departure of her poacher son. When that day comes, we will have succeeded.
I thank you very much; I look forward to further discussion.
Saturday, April 12, 2014
U.S. URGES SUPPORTING GLOBAL AGRICULTURE, FOOD SECURITY
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
United States Urges Partner Countries To Increase Support for the Global Agriculture and Food Security Program
Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
April 12, 2014
Trust Fund Produces High Impact, Sustainable Results in the Global Fight against Poverty and Hunger
The Secretaries of the U.S. Department of the Treasury and the U.S. Department of State yesterday sent a letter to international partner countries urging nations around the world to expand their support for the Global Agriculture and Food Security Program (GAFSP).
The United States spearheaded the creation of GAFSP in the wake of the 2007-2008 food price crisis. It assists in the implementation of pledges made by the G-20 in Pittsburgh in September 2009. GAFSP promotes food security by providing merit-based financing for the agricultural sector in low-income countries, with a focus on smallholder farmers in poor communities. GAFSP financing and technical assistance helps to increase agricultural productivity, link farmers to markets, reduce risk and vulnerability, and improve rural livelihoods. Managed by the World Bank, GAFSP is a multi-donor trust fund and partnership among developing countries, development partners, civil society, and the private sector.
“Since GAFSP was established, we have seen sustainable reductions in hunger and malnutrition, but the challenge of meeting the global demand for food is just as pressing as ever,” wrote Treasury Secretary Jacob J. Lew and Secretary of State John F. Kerry. “We are proud to champion this innovative program, and we call upon our international partners to join us in supporting the work of GAFSP. Together, we can make progress in the effort to eradicate hunger and poverty.”
As leaders gather for the World Bank-International Monetary Fund 2014 Spring Meetings this week, yesterday’s letter highlights the important role that GAFSP is playing in supporting the efforts of some of the world’s poorest countries in alleviating hunger and malnutrition. The letter calls on international partners to pledge additional support to meet funding goals for GAFSP. In October 2012, the United States challenged the international community to provide much needed funding for food security, by committing to contribute $1 to GAFSP for every $2 from other donors, up to a maximum U.S. contribution of $475 million. Since the announcement of the funding challenge, other donors have provided $230 million in new pledges. An additional $720 million in pledges from other donors is needed in order to fully leverage matching funds from the United States.
GAFSP consistently produces high impact, sustainable results, and the program is expected to improve the livelihoods of at least 13 million farmers across 25 countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Already, some countries have seen rural incomes increase by more than 200 percent. In Bangladesh, GAFSP has already reached more than 430,000 farmers in the first two years of a five-year program, providing smallholder producers with training and improved drought- and heat-tolerant seeds and fertilizer that will help farmers adapt to climate change. Two and a half years into its five year-long Rwanda project, GAFSP has already reached more than 92,000 direct beneficiaries, of which half are women. By helping to increase soil fertility in hillside areas, GAFSP has enabled farmers to improve their yields by an average of fourfold across various crops. GAFSP has also supported the introduction of new high nutrient crop varieties that could improve nutritional outcomes for farmers and their families.
The Secretaries of the U.S. Department of the Treasury and the U.S. Department of State yesterday sent a letter to international partner countries urging nations around the world to expand their support for the Global Agriculture and Food Security Program (GAFSP).
The United States spearheaded the creation of GAFSP in the wake of the 2007-2008 food price crisis. It assists in the implementation of pledges made by the G-20 in Pittsburgh in September 2009. GAFSP promotes food security by providing merit-based financing for the agricultural sector in low-income countries, with a focus on smallholder farmers in poor communities. GAFSP financing and technical assistance helps to increase agricultural productivity, link farmers to markets, reduce risk and vulnerability, and improve rural livelihoods. Managed by the World Bank, GAFSP is a multi-donor trust fund and partnership among developing countries, development partners, civil society, and the private sector.
“Since GAFSP was established, we have seen sustainable reductions in hunger and malnutrition, but the challenge of meeting the global demand for food is just as pressing as ever,” wrote Treasury Secretary Jacob J. Lew and Secretary of State John F. Kerry. “We are proud to champion this innovative program, and we call upon our international partners to join us in supporting the work of GAFSP. Together, we can make progress in the effort to eradicate hunger and poverty.”
As leaders gather for the World Bank-International Monetary Fund 2014 Spring Meetings this week, yesterday’s letter highlights the important role that GAFSP is playing in supporting the efforts of some of the world’s poorest countries in alleviating hunger and malnutrition. The letter calls on international partners to pledge additional support to meet funding goals for GAFSP. In October 2012, the United States challenged the international community to provide much needed funding for food security, by committing to contribute $1 to GAFSP for every $2 from other donors, up to a maximum U.S. contribution of $475 million. Since the announcement of the funding challenge, other donors have provided $230 million in new pledges. An additional $720 million in pledges from other donors is needed in order to fully leverage matching funds from the United States.
GAFSP consistently produces high impact, sustainable results, and the program is expected to improve the livelihoods of at least 13 million farmers across 25 countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Already, some countries have seen rural incomes increase by more than 200 percent. In Bangladesh, GAFSP has already reached more than 430,000 farmers in the first two years of a five-year program, providing smallholder producers with training and improved drought- and heat-tolerant seeds and fertilizer that will help farmers adapt to climate change. Two and a half years into its five year-long Rwanda project, GAFSP has already reached more than 92,000 direct beneficiaries, of which half are women. By helping to increase soil fertility in hillside areas, GAFSP has enabled farmers to improve their yields by an average of fourfold across various crops. GAFSP has also supported the introduction of new high nutrient crop varieties that could improve nutritional outcomes for farmers and their families.
Monday, March 3, 2014
G-7 STATEMENT ON UKRAINE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
G-7 Leaders Statement
We, the leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States and the President of the European Council and President of the European Commission, join together today to condemn the Russian Federation’s clear violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, in contravention of Russia’s obligations under the UN Charter and its 1997 basing agreement with Ukraine. We call on Russia to address any ongoing security or human rights concerns that it has with Ukraine through direct negotiations, and/or via international observation or mediation under the auspices of the UN or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We stand ready to assist with these efforts.
We also call on all parties concerned to behave with the greatest extent of self-restraint and responsibility, and to decrease the tensions.
We note that Russia’s actions in Ukraine also contravene the principles and values on which the G-7 and the G-8 operate. As such, we have decided for the time being to suspend our participation in activities associated with the preparation of the scheduled G-8 Summit in Sochi in June, until the environment comes back where the G-8 is able to have meaningful discussion.
We are united in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and its right to choose its own future. We commit ourselves to support Ukraine in its efforts to restore unity, stability, and political and economic health to the country. To that end, we will support Ukraine’s work with the International Monetary Fund to negotiate a new program and to implement needed reforms. IMF support will be critical in unlocking additional assistance from the World Bank, other international financial institutions, the EU, and bilateral sources.
G-7 Leaders Statement
We, the leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States and the President of the European Council and President of the European Commission, join together today to condemn the Russian Federation’s clear violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, in contravention of Russia’s obligations under the UN Charter and its 1997 basing agreement with Ukraine. We call on Russia to address any ongoing security or human rights concerns that it has with Ukraine through direct negotiations, and/or via international observation or mediation under the auspices of the UN or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We stand ready to assist with these efforts.
We also call on all parties concerned to behave with the greatest extent of self-restraint and responsibility, and to decrease the tensions.
We note that Russia’s actions in Ukraine also contravene the principles and values on which the G-7 and the G-8 operate. As such, we have decided for the time being to suspend our participation in activities associated with the preparation of the scheduled G-8 Summit in Sochi in June, until the environment comes back where the G-8 is able to have meaningful discussion.
We are united in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and its right to choose its own future. We commit ourselves to support Ukraine in its efforts to restore unity, stability, and political and economic health to the country. To that end, we will support Ukraine’s work with the International Monetary Fund to negotiate a new program and to implement needed reforms. IMF support will be critical in unlocking additional assistance from the World Bank, other international financial institutions, the EU, and bilateral sources.
Monday, July 2, 2012
U.S.-UNITED ARAB EMIRATES RELATIONS
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Relations With United Arab Emirates
Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs
Fact Sheet
June 29, 2012
U.S.-UNITED ARAB EMIRATES RELATIONS
The United States has had friendly relations with the United Arab Emirates (U.A.E.) since 1971, following its formation and independence from the United Kingdom. The two countries established formal diplomatic relations in 1972. The U.A.E. plays an influential role in the Middle East, and is a key partner for the United States. The United States and the U.A.E. enjoy strong bilateral cooperation on a full range of issues including defense, non-proliferation, trade, law enforcement, energy policy, and cultural exchange. The two countries work together to promote peace and security, support economic growth, and improve educational opportunities in the region and around the world. U.A.E. ports host more U.S. Navy ships than any port outside the United States.
U.S. Assistance to the United Arab Emirates
The United States provides no foreign assistance to the U.A.E.
Bilateral Economic Relations
The prosperity of the U.A.E. is based in large part on the country's vast oil and gas reserves, and it is one of the United States’ single largest export markets in the Middle East and North Africa region. More than 750 U.S. firms operate in the country. Many U.S. companies, drawn by strong logistics and transport industries, use the U.A.E. as a regional headquarters from which to conduct business throughout the Middle East, North Africa, and parts of Asia. The U.S. and U.A.E. have entered into a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, establishing a formal dialogue to promote increased trade and investment between the two countries.
The United Arab Emirates' Membership in International Organizations
The U.A.E. and the United States belong to a number of the same international organizations, including the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization.
Sunday, June 24, 2012
U.S.-IRELAND RELATIONS
U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Relations With Ireland
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs
Fact Sheet
June 15, 2012
U.S. relations with Ireland have long been based on common ancestral ties and shared values, and emigration has been a foundation of the U.S.-Irish relationship. Besides regular dialogue on political and economic issues, the U.S. and Irish Governments have official exchanges in areas such as medical research and education. With Ireland's membership in the European Union (EU), discussions of EU trade and economic policies as well as other aspects of EU policy have also become key elements in the U.S.-Irish relationship.
Irish citizens have continued a common practice of taking temporary residence overseas for work or study, mainly in Australia, the U.S., Canada, the United Kingdom (U.K.), and elsewhere in Europe. Along with an increased interest in long-term emigration, there has been a surge of interest in “mid-term” emigration for 3-5 years, which has been mirrored in Irish Government interest in a specialized extended-stay visa for mid-career professionals to live/work in the U.S. The U.S. J-1 visa program is popular means for Irish youths to work temporarily in the United States; a bilateral program expansion in 2008 that provides further opportunities for recent graduates to spend up to 1 year in the United States has been undersubscribed. A high priority of the Irish Government is the need to find a legal remedy for those Irish living out of status in the United States.
Regarding Northern Ireland, which is part of the United Kingdom, "Nationalist" and "Republican" groups seek a united Ireland that includes Northern Ireland, while "Unionists" and "Loyalists" want Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. U.S. priorities continue to be supporting the peace process and devolved political institutions in Northern Ireland and encouraging the implementation of the U.S.-brokered 1998 Belfast Agreement, also known as the Good Friday Agreement, and the 2006 St. Andrews Agreement.
U.S. Assistance to Ireland
The International Fund for Ireland (IFI), created in 1986, provides funding for projects to generate cross-community engagement and economic opportunity in Northern Ireland (the United Kingdom) and the border counties of Ireland. Since the IFI's establishment, the U.S. Government has contributed over $500 million, roughly half of total IFI funding. The other major donor to IFI is the European Union.
Bilateral Economic Relations
Economic and trade ties are an important facet of overall U.S.-Irish relations. U.S. exports to Ireland include electrical components and equipment, computers and peripherals, drugs and pharmaceuticals, and livestock feed. Irish exports to the United States include alcoholic beverages, chemicals and related products, electronic data processing equipment, electrical machinery, textiles and clothing, and glassware. U.S. firms year after year account for over half of Ireland's total exports.
U.S. investment has been particularly important to the growth and modernization of Irish industry over the past 25 years, providing new technology, export capabilities, and employment opportunities. There are approximately 600 U.S. subsidiaries in Ireland that employ roughly 100,000 people and span activities from manufacturing of high-tech electronics, computer products, medical supplies, and pharmaceuticals to retailing, banking, finance, and other services. In more recent years, Ireland has also become an important research and development center for U.S. firms in Europe.
Ireland's Membership in International Organizations
Ireland and the United States belong to a number of the same international organizations, including the United Nations, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization. Ireland is also a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Partnership for Peace program.
Wednesday, June 20, 2012
U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT FACT SHEET: U.S. RELATIONS WITH LITHUANIA
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENTMap Credit: U.S. State Department
U.S. Relations With Lithuania
Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs
Fact Sheet
June 6, 2012
U.S.-LITHUANIA RELATIONS
The U.S. and Lithuania share a history as valued allies and strong partners. The United States established diplomatic relations with Lithuania in 1922, following its declaration of independence during World War I. Lithuania was annexed by the Soviet Union in 1940 during World War II. In 1990, Lithuania proclaimed its renewed independence, and international recognition followed. The United States had never recognized the forcible incorporation of Lithuania into the Soviet Union, and it views the present Government of Lithuania as the legal continuation of the interwar republic.
Since Lithuania regained its independence, the United States has worked closely with the country to help it rebuild its democratic institutions and a market economy. The U.S. welcomed Lithuania's accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) in 2004. As a NATO ally and EU member, Lithuania has become a strong, effective partner committed to democratic principles and values. The country is a strong supporter of U.S. objectives in the area of democracy promotion and has helped the people of other young European nations develop and strengthen civil institutions.
U.S. Assistance to Lithuania
The United States provides no significant foreign assistance to Lithuania.
Bilateral Economic Relations
Lithuania is a relatively small but potentially attractive market for U.S. goods and services. Steps undertaken during the country's accession to the EU and NATO helped improve its legal, tax, and customs systems, which aided economic and commercial sector development. The United States and Lithuania have signed an agreement on bilateral trade and intellectual property protection and a bilateral investment treaty. Lithuania participates in the visa waiver program, which allows nationals of participating countries to travel to the United States for certain business or tourism purposes for stays of 90 days or less without obtaining a visa.
Lithuania's Membership in International Organizations
Lithuania’s foreign policy is largely informed by what it perceives as an expansionist Russia. Lithuania and the United States belong to a number of the same international organizations, including the United Nations, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization.
Sunday, April 22, 2012
INCAE AND WOODROW WILSON PRIVATE SECTOR INITIATIVE
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
INCAE and Woodrow Wilson Private Sector Initiative to Address Crime and Insecurity in Central America
Remarks Maria Otero
Under Secretary for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights World Bank
Washington, DC
April 19, 2012
(As Delivered)
Thank you, Cynthia. It is an honor to attend the third meeting of the INCAE and Woodrow Wilson Center project here in Washington, DC. I also want to thank the World Bank and the Central American Private Sector Initiative for co-hosting today’s event. I especially want to thank INCAE and the Woodrow Wilson Center for bringing together the private sector to help create practical solutions to the security challenges in Central America – because we know that governments cannot do this work alone. Your contribution is critical to help build safe, prosperous, and democratic societies in Central America.
Today, I want to talk about three key areas of the U.S. strategy to combat crime and insecurity in Central America: First, what the U.S. is doing to reduce the demand for illicit drugs in our own country, which we know is a major factor in this transnational issue. Second, how the U.S. is utilizing new international partnerships to address transnational organized crime and citizen security. And lastly, the need for a comprehensive, community-based approach to address citizen security in each country in Central America.
At the Summit of the Americas, President Obama and Secretary Clinton engaged with the leaders of the region in a robust and healthy dialogue on a range of issues, including the U.S. strategy on drugs. The U.S. has acknowledged that the high demand for drugs in our own country is a major contributing factor to drug trafficking and its effects in the region. In response to this concern, President Obama charted a new direction for our efforts to reduce illicit drug use and its consequences by launching a National Drug Control Strategy in 2010. This week, he announced a revised strategy that provides a review of our progress, and looks ahead to continued reform.
This new strategy rejects the false choice between an enforcement-centric “war on drugs” on the one hand and the notion of drug legalization on the other, an issue that was also addressed in Cartagena.
While the United States remains open to engaging in discussion on this issue, we do not believe that legalization is the path towards a holistic solution to combat drug trafficking and organized crime and improve citizen security across the region.
The United States believes there must be a balanced approach to reducing illicit drug use, and our efforts are yielding results. The rate of overall drug use in America has dropped by roughly one-third over the past three decades. Since 2006, meth use in America has been cut by half and cocaine use has dropped by nearly 40 percent. In 2011, the United States spent over 10 billion dollars on drug prevention and treatment; 9.4 billion dollars on domestic law enforcement; 3.6 billion on interdiction, and 2.1 billion on international drug control programs. The President’s revised National Drug Control Strategy seeks to redouble our efforts, and employs a balance of evidenced-based public health and safety reforms.
Another pillar of this strategy is strengthening international partnerships – and at the leadership of Secretary Clinton, we have created new partnerships to address the security challenges in Central America.
The United States has developed new modes of cooperation starting by addressing security issues that are identified by Central Americans themselves. Secretary Clinton firmly believes that the solutions to the problems in Central America must come from Central Americans – that is why the U.S. supports the Central American Integration System, commonly known as SICA. I cannot stress the importance – however difficult and slow it may be – to have the government leaders of Central America agree upon the primary security challenges and then identify as a group the specific areas of cooperation needed to create the solution. Today’s event further contributes to the Central American-led effort to identify practical solutions to the security challenges facing the region.
The U.S. programmatic efforts are funneled through our Central America Regional Security Initiative – known as CARSI – which is an integrated, collaborative program designed to disrupt and dismantle the gangs and transnational criminal organizations. From 2008 to 2011, the United States has allocated over 361 million dollars to CARSI efforts.
At the Summit of the Americas, President Obama announced that the U.S. will allocate 130 million dollars for CARSI in fiscal year 2012.
Our support is focused not just on helping security forces track down criminals. We are working to address the root causes of violence, from impunity to lack of opportunity. We are working to build accountable institutions free from corruption that respect human rights and enhance the rule of law. We are building partnerships to improve courts and prisons, train police and prosecutors, and enhance education systems and job-training centers. We are working towards building partnerships with political leaders, but also with civil society, businesses and with the elite, who have a special obligation to help confront these challenges.
The U.S. welcomes the progress on tax reform in some countries, such as President Perez Molina’s tax reform in Guatemala and the recently passed security taxes in Costa Rica and Honduras. The fact that so many of the wealthy in Latin America have not paid their fair share of taxes is one of the many reasons why the services that are necessary to protect citizen security and enhance educational opportunities have not been available. Fora such as the one today are critical to ensure the voices of the private sector are part of the solution.
In addition to new partnerships with Central Americans, we are building partnerships across the Americas. One example is our cooperation with Colombia in Central America. Presidents Obama and Santos announced a new Action Plan on Regional Security Cooperation earlier this week in Cartagena. These coordination efforts will initially focus on Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Panama with the goal of expanding to the rest of the Americas and West Africa. Both countries will develop complementary security assistance programs and operational efforts to support partner nations afflicted by effects of transnational organized crime.
Lastly, I want to talk about the progress we are seeing on the ground. I have seen the most progress during my visits to Central American countries when there is a multi-faceted, community-based approach that empowers all actors in society – including municipal and state government officials, members of the private sector and civil society, and individual citizens, with a focus on young people who are not only the most at-risk, but who have the most potential to change their communities for the better.
We are seeing progress clearly demonstrated in the Model Precinct Program which has significantly aided in reducing homicides, robberies, and burglaries throughout the region. The program uses community-based policing techniques and youth drug prevention programs like the Gang Resistance Education and Training – or GREAT - and the Police Athletic League to build local support. Police officers assigned to the unit receive several years of classroom and on-the-job training, greatly increasing their investigative and patrolling capabilities.
I recently visited the Model Precinct in Lourdes, El Salvador, where new police leadership was installed in the spring of 2010. The new commander of the Lourdes precinct fully embraced and implemented best practices for policing. By adopting an intelligence-led policing philosophy for crime prevention and targeted enforcement, the Lourdes precinct reduced the number of homicides from 287 in 2010 to 170 in 2011 -- a 40 percent reduction. All other major crimes were also reduced by more than 40 percent. By comparison, the national homicide rate in El Salvador rose by 9 percent in 2011.
Now these programs occur on a municipal-level; the challenge is how to scale up these efforts and replicate them across each nation and the region. In Guatemala, the new tax reform funds will go to support community-based policing programs building upon the Model Precinct in other parts of the country. For example, I visited the Mixco Model Precinct earlier this year. The local mayor, police chief, priest and community leaders worked together to create a new level of trust and collaboration that resulted in a significant decrease in the levels of crime and violence.
And it was clear that these efforts were not only difficult, but dangerous. In this particular case, the police chief had to release a high percentage of the police force due to corruption and train an entire new cadre of young police officers. So we see that even these models are not simple, and take a great deal of time, effort and personal investment by many actors. I am pleased that we will now expand this program in Honduras, which has launched the first Model Precinct Program. President Lobo has indicated that funds from the new security tax will go towards the expansion of these efforts.
Solving the crime and insecurity that plagues Central America requires a set of multi-faceted responses that include involvement by every sector of society. My message to those of you here today is that your governments need you – they need your investment in the country. And more importantly, they need your support to help increase the political will needed to face these tough issues head-on. They need your help to rebuild weak institutions, to strengthen the judicial system, to build capacity through the government, all essential for a meaningful and long lasting response.
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