FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Monday, June 29, 2015
Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch Statement on the U.S. Supreme Court Ruling in Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission
Attorney General Loretta E. Lynch released the following statement today after the Supreme Court ruling in Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission:
“I am pleased that the Supreme Court has vindicated the rights of voters who want their electoral districts drawn fairly, independently and without undue emphasis on partisan affiliation or political creed. Arizona’s approach to redistricting is an innovative and effective advance in the effort to reduce gerrymandering and give all Americans an opportunity to make their voices heard. Today’s decision is a victory for the people of Arizona, for the promise of fair and competitive elections and for the principles of democratic self-governance that make our nation exceptional.”
A PUBLICATION OF RANDOM U.S.GOVERNMENT PRESS RELEASES AND ARTICLES
Showing posts with label DEMOCRACY. Show all posts
Showing posts with label DEMOCRACY. Show all posts
Monday, June 29, 2015
Friday, March 20, 2015
U.S. JOINS TUNISIANS IN CELEBRATING TUNISIA NATIONAL DAY
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Tunisia National Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 20, 2015
As we join all Tunisians in celebrating this year’s National Day, this is a moment to reflect on the extraordinary steps Tunisia has taken during the last year to move from a period of transition to the consolidation of its democracy.
In conversations with President Caid Essebsi and Prime Minister Essid yesterday, President Obama and I expressed our sincerest condolences to the families of those killed on March 18. We condemn in the strongest terms the heinous and cowardly attack perpetrated by the terrorists at the historic National Bardo Museum.
Those terrible acts cannot diminish the shining example that Tunisia and its people offer us all. Just one year ago, a transitional government was entering office after a period of considerable political upheaval. In short order, the Tunisian people participated in free and fair elections, installed a new parliament and president, and showed the world what can be accomplished through the dedication to democracy, consensus, and an inclusive political process.
We commend the Tunisian government and all Tunisians for working together to meet their aspirations for freedom, security, economic opportunity, and dignity. The peaceful demonstrations against Wednesday’s terrorist attack in Tunis show Tunisian resolve to stand up for the ideals of their hard-fought democratic revolution.
While more work lies ahead, the Tunisian people can be proud of their extraordinary achievements. The United States remains committed to strengthening and expanding our strategic partnership with the Tunisian people as they continue to lay the foundation for a bright and prosperous future for their country.
I send the people of Tunisia our warmest wishes for a patriotic holiday, a peaceful year ahead, and all continued success.
Tunisia National Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 20, 2015
As we join all Tunisians in celebrating this year’s National Day, this is a moment to reflect on the extraordinary steps Tunisia has taken during the last year to move from a period of transition to the consolidation of its democracy.
In conversations with President Caid Essebsi and Prime Minister Essid yesterday, President Obama and I expressed our sincerest condolences to the families of those killed on March 18. We condemn in the strongest terms the heinous and cowardly attack perpetrated by the terrorists at the historic National Bardo Museum.
Those terrible acts cannot diminish the shining example that Tunisia and its people offer us all. Just one year ago, a transitional government was entering office after a period of considerable political upheaval. In short order, the Tunisian people participated in free and fair elections, installed a new parliament and president, and showed the world what can be accomplished through the dedication to democracy, consensus, and an inclusive political process.
We commend the Tunisian government and all Tunisians for working together to meet their aspirations for freedom, security, economic opportunity, and dignity. The peaceful demonstrations against Wednesday’s terrorist attack in Tunis show Tunisian resolve to stand up for the ideals of their hard-fought democratic revolution.
While more work lies ahead, the Tunisian people can be proud of their extraordinary achievements. The United States remains committed to strengthening and expanding our strategic partnership with the Tunisian people as they continue to lay the foundation for a bright and prosperous future for their country.
I send the people of Tunisia our warmest wishes for a patriotic holiday, a peaceful year ahead, and all continued success.
Sunday, February 8, 2015
AMBASSADOR PRESSMAN'S COMMENTS ON KOSOVO
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
02/06/2015 01:44 PM EST
Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs
New York, NY
February 6, 2015
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you Special Representative Zarif for your briefing. We welcome Foreign Ministers ThaÒ«i and DaÄiÄ back to the Council. I commend both countries for their continued dedication to the normalization of relations. We particularly welcome Kosovo’s continuing integration into the community of states as demonstrated by its participation in regional meetings and fora in recent months and, specifically, we congratulate Kosovo on its recognition by the International Olympic Committee and look forward to seeing Kosovo’s athletes competing under the Kosovo flag in Rio de Janeiro in 2016.
The United States welcomes the successful formation of a government in Kosovo in December 2014. Although this process took time, it represents the first democratic transition of political authority resulting from free and fair elections across the entirety of Kosovo’s territory. This coalition government, and the process that led to its formation, demonstrated the resilience and vitality of Kosovo’s democratic and political institutions. The United States appreciates the leadership of President Jahjaga in helping to facilitate the political dialogue that led to government formation in accordance with Kosovo’s constitution.
The new government, which includes representatives of minority communities, has been tested over the last month by violent protests and by the separation from government service yesterday of the Minister for Communities and Returns. The importance of a fully representative, fully participatory and multi-ethnic government and parliament cannot be understated. With respect to the protests, let’s be clear: All citizens have the democratic right to protest, but violence is illegal and it’s unacceptable. We condemn all acts of vandalism to public and private property and the intimidation of journalists and TV crews. All citizens of Kosovo should exercise their democratic rights and they should do so legally and responsibly.
We encourage the new government to move quickly to address the socio-economic challenges in the country. Economic growth and new employment opportunities will demonstrate to the citizens of Kosovo, regardless of ethnicity, that they have a prosperous and free future at home, stemming the tide of migration out of the country. We additionally encourage efforts by Kosovo to undertake those measures necessary to encourage the return of those displaced both internally and outside of Kosovo as a result of the conflict, including by adjudicating property claims and enforcing court decisions. We will continue to urge Serbia, Kosovo, and all states in the region to increase cooperation at their shared borders. Such cooperation will advance the rule of law, increase security, counter criminal activity, including smuggling and trafficking in persons.
We again condemn the actions of those who seek to oppose the work of building inclusive democracy in Kosovo by committing acts of violence or by sowing tensions, mistrust, and fear between communities. The use of violence against religious pilgrims, as we unfortunately saw in Gjakove/Djakovica on Orthodox Christmas, is clearly unacceptable. All sides must guarantee freedom of movement for local populations. To this end, KFOR and EULEX continue to exercise indispensable roles in facilitating a safe and secure environment.
The United States notes the visit of Prime Minister VuÄiÄ to Kosovo in January and the cooperation of Kosovo authorities to provide protection. This act was another step toward the normalization of relations. The EU-facilitated Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue and implementation of the April 2013 agreement continue to be critical elements of building a strong, inclusive and multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo. We welcome the forthcoming high-level meetings in Brussels next week and hope that the session on Monday will lead to concrete progress that will directly benefit the citizens of both countries.
The United States commends Serbia and Kosovo for your work, as well, on combatting foreign terrorist fighters, as demonstrated by your attendance at the first ministerial-level plenary session of the counter-ISIL coalition in December in Brussels. Kosovo’s dedication to this effort is also apparent in the recent work to arrest and prosecute foreign terrorist fighters in Kosovo and by the introduction of a law to criminalize participation in such activity.
Mr. President, in closing, I would like to stress that while the United States believes the situation in Kosovo remains an important issue, and there is much work to be done to advance the Dialogue. There is important work to be done to discuss issues critical for long-term stability, reconciliation, and development in the region. There is little, however, that such regular briefings contribute to those issues. We reiterate our preference that the Council extend the reporting period for the Secretary-General to every six months.
Thank you, Mr. President.
02/06/2015 01:44 PM EST
Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs
New York, NY
February 6, 2015
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you Special Representative Zarif for your briefing. We welcome Foreign Ministers ThaÒ«i and DaÄiÄ back to the Council. I commend both countries for their continued dedication to the normalization of relations. We particularly welcome Kosovo’s continuing integration into the community of states as demonstrated by its participation in regional meetings and fora in recent months and, specifically, we congratulate Kosovo on its recognition by the International Olympic Committee and look forward to seeing Kosovo’s athletes competing under the Kosovo flag in Rio de Janeiro in 2016.
The United States welcomes the successful formation of a government in Kosovo in December 2014. Although this process took time, it represents the first democratic transition of political authority resulting from free and fair elections across the entirety of Kosovo’s territory. This coalition government, and the process that led to its formation, demonstrated the resilience and vitality of Kosovo’s democratic and political institutions. The United States appreciates the leadership of President Jahjaga in helping to facilitate the political dialogue that led to government formation in accordance with Kosovo’s constitution.
The new government, which includes representatives of minority communities, has been tested over the last month by violent protests and by the separation from government service yesterday of the Minister for Communities and Returns. The importance of a fully representative, fully participatory and multi-ethnic government and parliament cannot be understated. With respect to the protests, let’s be clear: All citizens have the democratic right to protest, but violence is illegal and it’s unacceptable. We condemn all acts of vandalism to public and private property and the intimidation of journalists and TV crews. All citizens of Kosovo should exercise their democratic rights and they should do so legally and responsibly.
We encourage the new government to move quickly to address the socio-economic challenges in the country. Economic growth and new employment opportunities will demonstrate to the citizens of Kosovo, regardless of ethnicity, that they have a prosperous and free future at home, stemming the tide of migration out of the country. We additionally encourage efforts by Kosovo to undertake those measures necessary to encourage the return of those displaced both internally and outside of Kosovo as a result of the conflict, including by adjudicating property claims and enforcing court decisions. We will continue to urge Serbia, Kosovo, and all states in the region to increase cooperation at their shared borders. Such cooperation will advance the rule of law, increase security, counter criminal activity, including smuggling and trafficking in persons.
We again condemn the actions of those who seek to oppose the work of building inclusive democracy in Kosovo by committing acts of violence or by sowing tensions, mistrust, and fear between communities. The use of violence against religious pilgrims, as we unfortunately saw in Gjakove/Djakovica on Orthodox Christmas, is clearly unacceptable. All sides must guarantee freedom of movement for local populations. To this end, KFOR and EULEX continue to exercise indispensable roles in facilitating a safe and secure environment.
The United States notes the visit of Prime Minister VuÄiÄ to Kosovo in January and the cooperation of Kosovo authorities to provide protection. This act was another step toward the normalization of relations. The EU-facilitated Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue and implementation of the April 2013 agreement continue to be critical elements of building a strong, inclusive and multi-ethnic democracy in Kosovo. We welcome the forthcoming high-level meetings in Brussels next week and hope that the session on Monday will lead to concrete progress that will directly benefit the citizens of both countries.
The United States commends Serbia and Kosovo for your work, as well, on combatting foreign terrorist fighters, as demonstrated by your attendance at the first ministerial-level plenary session of the counter-ISIL coalition in December in Brussels. Kosovo’s dedication to this effort is also apparent in the recent work to arrest and prosecute foreign terrorist fighters in Kosovo and by the introduction of a law to criminalize participation in such activity.
Mr. President, in closing, I would like to stress that while the United States believes the situation in Kosovo remains an important issue, and there is much work to be done to advance the Dialogue. There is important work to be done to discuss issues critical for long-term stability, reconciliation, and development in the region. There is little, however, that such regular briefings contribute to those issues. We reiterate our preference that the Council extend the reporting period for the Secretary-General to every six months.
Thank you, Mr. President.
Thursday, February 5, 2015
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS WITH UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT POROSHENKO
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
02/05/2015 12:56 PM EST
Remarks With Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko After Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Bankova
Kyiv, Ukraine
February 5, 2015
PRESIDENT POROSHENKO: Mr. Secretary, we are very pleased to welcome you, as the United States Secretary of State.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you.
PRESIDENT POROSHENKO: It’s almost one year passed since your last visit in Kyiv and I still remember the very crucial and positive discussions we had at that time, and the whole world (inaudible) our country faced a critical changes in peace and security caused by the extremely cynical aggression against Ukraine, aggression against fundamental principles of international law, peaceful coexistence, respecting sovereignty and territorial (inaudible) and noninterference (inaudible). Present time become the test – Ukraine-U.S. strategic partnership.
In Ukraine, we highly appreciate the United States invaluable support to our nation and our people through all the time of Ukraine independence. The support has become most evident viewed in the Russian aggression on Crimea and on Donbas. It is important to underline strong and unanimous support of our country both from United States President, United States Administration, United States Congress, and United States Government. And it’s very important by American people. It’s very valuable – this support, Mr. Secretary.
The United States leading role in consideration of the transatlantic solidarity in support of Ukraine is critical for pushing of the peaceful solution, and we are grateful for the consistent engagement of the State Department and you personally, Mr. Secretary, into this effort. And I still remember that the historic Minsk protocol and Minsk memorandum – it was done on the 5th of September, where we met on the – in United Kingdom on the major summit and this is a key element and the main documents of our de-escalation of the situation and development of the peace process.
Today, we are facing another growing escalation of violence by terrorists directly supporting by Moscow, their refusal to fulfill obligation of the Minsk agreement, their barbarian attack on the civilian population, which led to multiple casualties every day. (Inaudible) Volnovakha, tragedy in Mariupol, tragedy in the Debaltseve, where they’re killing civilian people, is absolutely unacceptable in the 21st century in the center of Europe.
Nadiya Savchenko – illegal imprisonment, captain of the Ukrainian army, defending their own land, their own motherland, was captured, imprisoned, and today is the – her 55th day of the exhausted hunger strike and refusal (inaudible) her relatives is terrible violation of the human rights committed by Russia. This issue were a point of our discussion with the Secretary Kerry. We are working to find out ways for peaceful settlement and deprive Ukrainian people from ongoing horror on the aggression. This is a priority for all community of the civilized nation, for every civilized society.
At the same time, we are strengthening our security cooperation, a number of means could be used to enhance such cooperation. However, to find out the most effective way, the most effective medicine for the (inaudible) to help him to recover the principal task. A comprehensive support of reform in Ukraine also was discussed today, and we thank United States for the assistance, for the advisors, and for their cooperation. We are already demonstrating the most important and most urgent sphere of the Ukraine who need (inaudible). This is the fight against corruption, this is the rule of law, this is the build-up independent court and judge system, this is the building of the effective investment climate, and development of the democracy and freedom.
And in this particular sphere, this is crucially important our cooperation with the United States and we thank you for the – for this cooperation. Because the comprehensive support of Ukraine, also the crucial direction in Ukrainian-American partnership, which is equal important, it means political, economic, financial consulting support, and we are receiving maximum possible assistance from our American partners.
Today as you know, we have a mission of the International Monetary Fund most probably in the next hours, even not days, they finish their mission and they prepared a memorandum. And the effective cooperation with the IMF, with our reliable partner, such as United States, European Union, Japan, Canada, Australia, South Korea – all the countries of the world who are demonstrating their readiness to support Ukraine in this difficult time is vitally important for us.
And I thank Secretary Kerry for – and United States Administration for the decision to provide Ukraine with a significant economic assistance, both previous and (inaudible). I think this is very important for us, and the fact that Secretary Kerry come not with empty hands and this is just – today was the additional increasing of the financial support is very important and is right timeframe in need (inaudible).
And as the President of Ukraine, I can once more reaffirm my strong support of speedy implementation for the systematic reform, fighting corruption, rearranging all state governance to ensure priority of democratic society. These changes are the key prerequisite for a successful and democratic Ukraine, as well as prosperous and safe life for our citizens.
And today, voting of the – in the Ukrainian parliament and support my constitutional proposal, more than constitutional majority, for the removing the immunity of the members of parliament and immunity of the judges and helping us to fight against corruption. This is another step and another evidence of the – our decisive efforts to build up the new country with the European values, with the – based on the principle of freedom and democracy. And this is the same way how we can demonstrate our cooperation with the United States (inaudible).
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you very much Mr. President. First of all, thank you for welcoming me here today and thank you very, very much for the great leadership that you personally, your government, my friend, your foreign minister, who I’ve worked with closely in many meetings in the last year. And you are right, it is just about a year since I was here. And I want you to know that today I am here specifically to bring you the support and friendship and goodwill of the President of the United States, of the Administration, but most importantly the American people. The people of the United States share unwavering support for the Ukrainian people as they continue to display a very courageous journey towards democracy, towards freedom, independence, and most importantly towards the protection of the appropriate respect due for the sovereignty of your country. Your people have bravely and relentlessly pursued a sovereign democratic future; we admire that and we respect it.
I would emphasize to President Putin and to those Russians who obviously express concerns about the road that you’re on that we don’t view this as a zero-sum game. We have never viewed it that way. This is not meant to be nor should it be a divide between East and West. This is about rule of law. It’s about the norms by which nation-states behave. And it’s about the fundamental respect for the integrity of the sovereignty of Ukraine.
This morning, President Poroshenko and I had an opportunity to be able to discuss the necessary and promising reform steps that the President has been leading. This is a program that the Ukrainian Government is undertaking now. Even in the difficult circumstances of the conflict that is taking place, you just heard President Poroshenko restate his personal commitment and the steps that he is taking in order to implement these reforms in Ukraine. We spent some time talking about his political path ahead, the unity of his government, the commitment of his government to protect the interests of the people of Ukraine, but also we talked about the largest threat that Ukraine faces today, and that is Russia’s continued aggression in the east. There’s no other way to call it.
We’re not seeking a conflict with Russia; no one is – not President Poroshenko, not the United States, not the European community. That’s not what this is about. We are very hopeful that Russia will take advantage of our broad-based, uniform acceptance of the notion that there is a diplomatic solution that is staring everybody in the face. That’s what we want. We want a diplomatic resolution. But we cannot close our eyes to tanks that are crossing the border from Russia and coming into Ukraine. We can’t close our eyes to Russian fighters in unmarked uniforms crossing the border and leading individual companies of so-called separatists in battle. We can’t close our eyes to modern rockets and modern radar capacity and other capacity that has crossed the border in order to prosecute this conflict across sovereign lines, across international borders, against all the promises that were made in the Minsk ceasefire agreement.
So we want a peaceful resolution. And President Obama has asked me to come here and he has asked Vice President Biden and me to join together over this weekend in Munich in direct conversations where we will meet again with President Poroshenko, where we will meet with our European allies and friends in an effort to underscore our choice is diplomacy, our choice is a peaceful resolution. But Russia needs to make its choices, and those choices are not just declared by words; they have to be declared by actions. And that means engaging in a series of steps that will uphold the Minsk Agreement which was entered into last year and which they signed up to.
Regrettably, the violence in Donbas has accelerated since then, not diminished. Innocent people are dying every single day – innocent people, people caught in a barrage of artillery that comes into Mariupol, which has no business whatsoever being dragged into this conflict; families cowering in their basements with their children to avoid the shelling. So it is imperative that everybody make the right choices here. Russia needs to demonstrate its commitment to ending the bloodshed once and for all. And we would ask that it does so by honoring the agreement that it signed, the Minsk agreement. Everybody knows what the actions are that were expected from that agreement. It’s not complicated. And Russia needs to now cease this military support for the separatists and bring people to the table in an effort to achieve a lasting political solution.
So in order for this conflict to be resolved, certain things need to happen. The Russians need to undertake certain steps, and the separatists who act with their input have to also support those steps. First of all, there must be an immediate commitment now to a real ceasefire which is not just a piece of paper and words, but which is followed up by specific actions.
Namely, pull back the heavy weapons from the ceasefire line, from the border, beyond the range of artillery, beyond the range of certain munitions to be able to do harm to civilians. That would be the first confidence-building measure that would begin to allow for peaceful resolution. Second, remove foreign troops and heavy equipment from Ukraine. Which leads you to the third step: Respect the international border; close that border to the movement of these materials and tanks, which are the fundamental means by which this continued war is prosecuted, and by doing so, restore Ukrainian sovereignty, respect Ukrainian sovereignty. It is fully possible to be able to work through the interests that Russia has expressed about the people in Donetsk and Luhansk and to have those issues worked through, but the way to do it is not by fostering greater violence.
Both sides need to release the hostages who are currently detained, and in addition, it is important to note that President Poroshenko this morning, in my conversations with him, pointed out that he remains committed to supporting the special status law which is currently on the books, which provides greater economic and municipal and political rights to those particular to the Donbas area. And that’s important to remember – that he has also committed to pursuing real constitutional reform, and he is committed to holding new free and fair elections in Donbas, and if these steps are respected, it is fully appropriate to also expect that the full measure of the Minsk agreement can then also be respected and implemented. That is the outline of peace. And the United States of America, President Obama, is deeply committed to helping to assist all the parties to come together in an effort to try to achieve this. The fact that Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande are visiting Kyiv today underscores that together, the United States, France, Germany, and the rest of our international partners stand united with Ukraine in calling on Russia to take the steps that I just outlined, and to take those steps without delay. And that is exactly how this conflict can come to an end.
That is our choice. The Ukrainian people, President Poroshenko, the United States, European allies and friends, we are convinced that if diplomacy is given meaning beyond the piece of paper and the words that are on it, through the actions that follow to implement what those words lay out, there could be peace. So this is a critical moment for this region, for this country, and for the prospects of peace. It is really possible that this conflict could come to an end, but only starting with a ceasefire, moving the heavy equipment back, and beginning to deal with the real issues that we all know are on the table.
That is also the only way that Russia’s international isolation is going to be ended and eased, and it’s the only way that the Ukrainian people in all parts of this country will finally achieve the peace that they so deserve.
Let me just say that when I came here a year ago, I was deeply moved by my visit, deeply moved by the people that I met near the Maidan, as I visited the site where so many people were killed by snipers at that pivotal turning point in the struggle for freedom. It is really enormously impressive what the people of Ukraine have accomplished, broadly speaking, over the course of this year. They held an election under the most difficult circumstances, a peaceful transfer of power, the finding of a new government, a government that has worked hard in unity to try to end this conflict. And we hope that in the next days it may be possible, finally, to try to find a road ahead, and Mr. President, we’re grateful to you for your steadfast leadership and for the effort to reform things even in the middle of this conflict, which you have remained so committed to.
So we thank you for that, and I look forward to seeing you in Munich in a day or so. Thank you, sir.
02/05/2015 12:56 PM EST
Remarks With Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko After Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Bankova
Kyiv, Ukraine
February 5, 2015
PRESIDENT POROSHENKO: Mr. Secretary, we are very pleased to welcome you, as the United States Secretary of State.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you.
PRESIDENT POROSHENKO: It’s almost one year passed since your last visit in Kyiv and I still remember the very crucial and positive discussions we had at that time, and the whole world (inaudible) our country faced a critical changes in peace and security caused by the extremely cynical aggression against Ukraine, aggression against fundamental principles of international law, peaceful coexistence, respecting sovereignty and territorial (inaudible) and noninterference (inaudible). Present time become the test – Ukraine-U.S. strategic partnership.
In Ukraine, we highly appreciate the United States invaluable support to our nation and our people through all the time of Ukraine independence. The support has become most evident viewed in the Russian aggression on Crimea and on Donbas. It is important to underline strong and unanimous support of our country both from United States President, United States Administration, United States Congress, and United States Government. And it’s very important by American people. It’s very valuable – this support, Mr. Secretary.
The United States leading role in consideration of the transatlantic solidarity in support of Ukraine is critical for pushing of the peaceful solution, and we are grateful for the consistent engagement of the State Department and you personally, Mr. Secretary, into this effort. And I still remember that the historic Minsk protocol and Minsk memorandum – it was done on the 5th of September, where we met on the – in United Kingdom on the major summit and this is a key element and the main documents of our de-escalation of the situation and development of the peace process.
Today, we are facing another growing escalation of violence by terrorists directly supporting by Moscow, their refusal to fulfill obligation of the Minsk agreement, their barbarian attack on the civilian population, which led to multiple casualties every day. (Inaudible) Volnovakha, tragedy in Mariupol, tragedy in the Debaltseve, where they’re killing civilian people, is absolutely unacceptable in the 21st century in the center of Europe.
Nadiya Savchenko – illegal imprisonment, captain of the Ukrainian army, defending their own land, their own motherland, was captured, imprisoned, and today is the – her 55th day of the exhausted hunger strike and refusal (inaudible) her relatives is terrible violation of the human rights committed by Russia. This issue were a point of our discussion with the Secretary Kerry. We are working to find out ways for peaceful settlement and deprive Ukrainian people from ongoing horror on the aggression. This is a priority for all community of the civilized nation, for every civilized society.
At the same time, we are strengthening our security cooperation, a number of means could be used to enhance such cooperation. However, to find out the most effective way, the most effective medicine for the (inaudible) to help him to recover the principal task. A comprehensive support of reform in Ukraine also was discussed today, and we thank United States for the assistance, for the advisors, and for their cooperation. We are already demonstrating the most important and most urgent sphere of the Ukraine who need (inaudible). This is the fight against corruption, this is the rule of law, this is the build-up independent court and judge system, this is the building of the effective investment climate, and development of the democracy and freedom.
And in this particular sphere, this is crucially important our cooperation with the United States and we thank you for the – for this cooperation. Because the comprehensive support of Ukraine, also the crucial direction in Ukrainian-American partnership, which is equal important, it means political, economic, financial consulting support, and we are receiving maximum possible assistance from our American partners.
Today as you know, we have a mission of the International Monetary Fund most probably in the next hours, even not days, they finish their mission and they prepared a memorandum. And the effective cooperation with the IMF, with our reliable partner, such as United States, European Union, Japan, Canada, Australia, South Korea – all the countries of the world who are demonstrating their readiness to support Ukraine in this difficult time is vitally important for us.
And I thank Secretary Kerry for – and United States Administration for the decision to provide Ukraine with a significant economic assistance, both previous and (inaudible). I think this is very important for us, and the fact that Secretary Kerry come not with empty hands and this is just – today was the additional increasing of the financial support is very important and is right timeframe in need (inaudible).
And as the President of Ukraine, I can once more reaffirm my strong support of speedy implementation for the systematic reform, fighting corruption, rearranging all state governance to ensure priority of democratic society. These changes are the key prerequisite for a successful and democratic Ukraine, as well as prosperous and safe life for our citizens.
And today, voting of the – in the Ukrainian parliament and support my constitutional proposal, more than constitutional majority, for the removing the immunity of the members of parliament and immunity of the judges and helping us to fight against corruption. This is another step and another evidence of the – our decisive efforts to build up the new country with the European values, with the – based on the principle of freedom and democracy. And this is the same way how we can demonstrate our cooperation with the United States (inaudible).
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you very much Mr. President. First of all, thank you for welcoming me here today and thank you very, very much for the great leadership that you personally, your government, my friend, your foreign minister, who I’ve worked with closely in many meetings in the last year. And you are right, it is just about a year since I was here. And I want you to know that today I am here specifically to bring you the support and friendship and goodwill of the President of the United States, of the Administration, but most importantly the American people. The people of the United States share unwavering support for the Ukrainian people as they continue to display a very courageous journey towards democracy, towards freedom, independence, and most importantly towards the protection of the appropriate respect due for the sovereignty of your country. Your people have bravely and relentlessly pursued a sovereign democratic future; we admire that and we respect it.
I would emphasize to President Putin and to those Russians who obviously express concerns about the road that you’re on that we don’t view this as a zero-sum game. We have never viewed it that way. This is not meant to be nor should it be a divide between East and West. This is about rule of law. It’s about the norms by which nation-states behave. And it’s about the fundamental respect for the integrity of the sovereignty of Ukraine.
This morning, President Poroshenko and I had an opportunity to be able to discuss the necessary and promising reform steps that the President has been leading. This is a program that the Ukrainian Government is undertaking now. Even in the difficult circumstances of the conflict that is taking place, you just heard President Poroshenko restate his personal commitment and the steps that he is taking in order to implement these reforms in Ukraine. We spent some time talking about his political path ahead, the unity of his government, the commitment of his government to protect the interests of the people of Ukraine, but also we talked about the largest threat that Ukraine faces today, and that is Russia’s continued aggression in the east. There’s no other way to call it.
We’re not seeking a conflict with Russia; no one is – not President Poroshenko, not the United States, not the European community. That’s not what this is about. We are very hopeful that Russia will take advantage of our broad-based, uniform acceptance of the notion that there is a diplomatic solution that is staring everybody in the face. That’s what we want. We want a diplomatic resolution. But we cannot close our eyes to tanks that are crossing the border from Russia and coming into Ukraine. We can’t close our eyes to Russian fighters in unmarked uniforms crossing the border and leading individual companies of so-called separatists in battle. We can’t close our eyes to modern rockets and modern radar capacity and other capacity that has crossed the border in order to prosecute this conflict across sovereign lines, across international borders, against all the promises that were made in the Minsk ceasefire agreement.
So we want a peaceful resolution. And President Obama has asked me to come here and he has asked Vice President Biden and me to join together over this weekend in Munich in direct conversations where we will meet again with President Poroshenko, where we will meet with our European allies and friends in an effort to underscore our choice is diplomacy, our choice is a peaceful resolution. But Russia needs to make its choices, and those choices are not just declared by words; they have to be declared by actions. And that means engaging in a series of steps that will uphold the Minsk Agreement which was entered into last year and which they signed up to.
Regrettably, the violence in Donbas has accelerated since then, not diminished. Innocent people are dying every single day – innocent people, people caught in a barrage of artillery that comes into Mariupol, which has no business whatsoever being dragged into this conflict; families cowering in their basements with their children to avoid the shelling. So it is imperative that everybody make the right choices here. Russia needs to demonstrate its commitment to ending the bloodshed once and for all. And we would ask that it does so by honoring the agreement that it signed, the Minsk agreement. Everybody knows what the actions are that were expected from that agreement. It’s not complicated. And Russia needs to now cease this military support for the separatists and bring people to the table in an effort to achieve a lasting political solution.
So in order for this conflict to be resolved, certain things need to happen. The Russians need to undertake certain steps, and the separatists who act with their input have to also support those steps. First of all, there must be an immediate commitment now to a real ceasefire which is not just a piece of paper and words, but which is followed up by specific actions.
Namely, pull back the heavy weapons from the ceasefire line, from the border, beyond the range of artillery, beyond the range of certain munitions to be able to do harm to civilians. That would be the first confidence-building measure that would begin to allow for peaceful resolution. Second, remove foreign troops and heavy equipment from Ukraine. Which leads you to the third step: Respect the international border; close that border to the movement of these materials and tanks, which are the fundamental means by which this continued war is prosecuted, and by doing so, restore Ukrainian sovereignty, respect Ukrainian sovereignty. It is fully possible to be able to work through the interests that Russia has expressed about the people in Donetsk and Luhansk and to have those issues worked through, but the way to do it is not by fostering greater violence.
Both sides need to release the hostages who are currently detained, and in addition, it is important to note that President Poroshenko this morning, in my conversations with him, pointed out that he remains committed to supporting the special status law which is currently on the books, which provides greater economic and municipal and political rights to those particular to the Donbas area. And that’s important to remember – that he has also committed to pursuing real constitutional reform, and he is committed to holding new free and fair elections in Donbas, and if these steps are respected, it is fully appropriate to also expect that the full measure of the Minsk agreement can then also be respected and implemented. That is the outline of peace. And the United States of America, President Obama, is deeply committed to helping to assist all the parties to come together in an effort to try to achieve this. The fact that Chancellor Merkel and President Hollande are visiting Kyiv today underscores that together, the United States, France, Germany, and the rest of our international partners stand united with Ukraine in calling on Russia to take the steps that I just outlined, and to take those steps without delay. And that is exactly how this conflict can come to an end.
That is our choice. The Ukrainian people, President Poroshenko, the United States, European allies and friends, we are convinced that if diplomacy is given meaning beyond the piece of paper and the words that are on it, through the actions that follow to implement what those words lay out, there could be peace. So this is a critical moment for this region, for this country, and for the prospects of peace. It is really possible that this conflict could come to an end, but only starting with a ceasefire, moving the heavy equipment back, and beginning to deal with the real issues that we all know are on the table.
That is also the only way that Russia’s international isolation is going to be ended and eased, and it’s the only way that the Ukrainian people in all parts of this country will finally achieve the peace that they so deserve.
Let me just say that when I came here a year ago, I was deeply moved by my visit, deeply moved by the people that I met near the Maidan, as I visited the site where so many people were killed by snipers at that pivotal turning point in the struggle for freedom. It is really enormously impressive what the people of Ukraine have accomplished, broadly speaking, over the course of this year. They held an election under the most difficult circumstances, a peaceful transfer of power, the finding of a new government, a government that has worked hard in unity to try to end this conflict. And we hope that in the next days it may be possible, finally, to try to find a road ahead, and Mr. President, we’re grateful to you for your steadfast leadership and for the effort to reform things even in the middle of this conflict, which you have remained so committed to.
So we thank you for that, and I look forward to seeing you in Munich in a day or so. Thank you, sir.
Wednesday, December 24, 2014
5TH ANNIVERSARY OF NOBEL PRIZE LAUREATE LIU XIAOBO'S CONVICTION IN CHINA FOR INCITING SUBVERSION
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Fifth Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo's Conviction
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
December 24, 2014
Nobel Peace Prize laureate and writer Liu Xiaobo today spends the fifth anniversary of his conviction for “inciting subversion” in prison, serving out an 11-year sentence.
The United States remains deeply concerned that China continues to incarcerate Liu Xiaobo and hold his wife, Liu Xia, in extralegal house arrest.
Liu Xiaobo is a courageous and eloquent spokesperson recognized throughout the world for his long and non-violent advocacy for human rights and democracy in China.
We reiterate our call on China to release Liu Xiaobo and to remove all restrictions on Liu Xia.
We also urge China to release all individuals detained for peacefully expressing their views, including Ilham Tohti and his students, and Pu Zhiqiang, Gao Zhisheng, Yang Maodong, Gao Yu, and Xu Zhiyong.
In addition, we request that Chinese leaders guarantee them the protections and freedoms to which they are entitled under China's international human rights commitments.
I raise human rights concerns in each and every one of my conversations with President Xi and other Chinese leaders, because it is too important to stand in the way of China's emergence in the community of nations.
Fifth Anniversary of Liu Xiaobo's Conviction
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
December 24, 2014
Nobel Peace Prize laureate and writer Liu Xiaobo today spends the fifth anniversary of his conviction for “inciting subversion” in prison, serving out an 11-year sentence.
The United States remains deeply concerned that China continues to incarcerate Liu Xiaobo and hold his wife, Liu Xia, in extralegal house arrest.
Liu Xiaobo is a courageous and eloquent spokesperson recognized throughout the world for his long and non-violent advocacy for human rights and democracy in China.
We reiterate our call on China to release Liu Xiaobo and to remove all restrictions on Liu Xia.
We also urge China to release all individuals detained for peacefully expressing their views, including Ilham Tohti and his students, and Pu Zhiqiang, Gao Zhisheng, Yang Maodong, Gao Yu, and Xu Zhiyong.
In addition, we request that Chinese leaders guarantee them the protections and freedoms to which they are entitled under China's international human rights commitments.
I raise human rights concerns in each and every one of my conversations with President Xi and other Chinese leaders, because it is too important to stand in the way of China's emergence in the community of nations.
Saturday, September 6, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S STATEMENT ON ANNIVERSARY OF MURDER OF MUNIR SAID THALIB
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Tenth Anniversary of the Murder of Human Rights Activist Munir Said Thalib
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
September 6, 2014
Still today, justice has not been served. Full accountability for all those allegedly involved remains elusive. In 2004, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono recognized that the credible resolution of Munir’s murder case would be a key test of Indonesian democracy. That is still true today. We support all efforts to bring those who ordered Munir assassinated to account.
Munir was a voice of conscience and clarity. He inspired a generation of activists, scholars, and public servants who today are transforming Indonesia. So many today, including his widow Suciwati, serve his memory by carrying on his mission.
Today we join with the Indonesian people to commemorate the legacy of Munir Said Thalib, and we call for the protection of all who work for peace, democracy, and human rights around the world.
Monday, July 7, 2014
STATE DEPARTMENT PRESS STATEMENT ON AFGHAN ELECTIONS
Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DCFROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Press Statement
Jen Psaki
Department Spok
July 7, 2014
We note that the United Nations, invited by President Karzai and both candidates to facilitate the process, has proposed a series of additional audits of suspect ballots, and that other measures have been under discussion. As the Independent Election Commission (IEC) statement noted, four additional measures have been accepted by both camps. Those measures affect more than 7000 ballot boxes, and potentially more than 3 million ballots. It is essential that the IEC work with the Independent Electoral Complaints Commission and the United Nations to execute the UN proposed audits and to answer all the legitimate questions raised by the two campaigns and independent observers.
A full and thorough review of all reasonable allegations of irregularities is essential to ensure that the Afghan people have confidence in the integrity of the electoral process and that the new Afghan President is broadly accepted inside and outside Afghanistan. It is the two electoral Commissions’ responsibility to address all credible allegations of fraud. They must implement a thorough audit whether or not the two campaigns agree.
We call upon both campaigns and their supporters to cooperate with these audits and to refrain from provocative statements or actions. As the Commission made clear, these results are not final and neither candidate should claim victory on the basis of this announcement. It is especially important that both campaigns send agents to observe the audit process. We believe that UN recommended audit process, provided it begins immediately, can be completed in time to allow the inauguration of the next President to proceed as scheduled on August 2.
The United States does not support any individual candidate. We have long stated our support for a credible, transparent, and inclusive process that is broadly supported by the Afghan people and produces a president who can bring Afghanistan together and govern effectively. We call on all sides to work toward this goal and to avoid steps that undermine national unity. The continued support of the United States for Afghanistan requires that Afghanistan remains united and that the result of this election is deemed credible.
Saturday, June 14, 2014
WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT ON AFGHAN ELECTIONS
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Statement by the Press Secretary on Elections in Afghanistan
The United States congratulates the people of Afghanistan on the completion today of the second round of voting in their historic presidential elections. These elections are a significant step forward on Afghanistan’s democratic path, and the courage and resolve of the Afghan people to make their voices heard is a testament to the importance of these elections to securing Afghanistan’s future. We commend the voters, electoral bodies, and security forces for their commitment to the democratic process. The work of the electoral commissions in the weeks ahead will be particularly important.
We look forward to working with the next government chosen by the Afghan people. As the President said when he reaffirmed our continuing commitment to Afghanistan beyond 2014, while the future of Afghanistan must be decided by Afghans, the United States will support the Afghan people as they continue the hard work of building a democracy.
Monday, May 12, 2014
PRESIDENT OBAMA, PRESIDENT MUJICA OF URUGUAY MAKE REMARKS BEFORE MEETING
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE PRESIDENT
Remarks by President Obama and President Mujica of Uruguay Before Bilateral Meeting
Oval Office
11:06 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I want to welcome President Mujica and his delegation to the Oval Office. I have had the pleasure on several occasions of having discussions with President Mujica, and have been consistently impressed with the progress that Uruguay has been making under his presidency.
The United States and Uruguay has developed a strong relationship across a wide spectrum of issues. Our trade and commerce has expanded significantly. On the international front, we are very grateful that Uruguay is one of the largest contributors to U.N. peacekeeping in places like Haiti and Africa, and has been responsible for helping to facilitate peace in some very volatile regions.
President Mujica personally has extraordinary credibility when it comes to issues of democracy and human rights given his strong values and personal history, and is a leader on these issues throughout the hemisphere. And we share an interest in strengthening further the people-to-people bonds between our two countries, particularly around the issues of science, technology and education.
So this gives us an opportunity to find ways that we can further deepen this relationship. We both think that there’s room for additional work to expand trade and commerce between our countries. We want to see if we can expand exchanges, particularly for teachers and students. I want to hear from President Mujica additional ideas of how we can strengthen the broad trends of democratization and human rights in the hemisphere.
And we have a shared interest in social inclusion. Economically and socially, in both Uruguay and the United States, we have a potential great strength of a diverse population, and we want to exchange ideas about how we can make sure that our societies are open and benefiting all people and not just some.
So I very much appreciate the President’s visit, although I will say the first thing he said to me was that my hair has become much grayer since the last time he saw me. (Laughter.)
Welcome.
Welcome.
PRESIDENT MUJICA: (As interpreted.) Thank you. First let me recognize the American people and its institutions that are represented by you, Mr. President Obama.
We live in the south. We have a soul of the south. We belong to a continent where our mother tongue is more or less Spanish. And we live in a time where we need to learn English -- yes or yes. And you will have to become a bilingual country -- yes or yes. Because the strength of Latin women is admirable and they will fill this country with people who speak Spanish and Portuguese, too.
We have been looking toward everywhere, but towards ourselves a bit also. And from the humbleness of my little Uruguay, my people, who are there amongst an enormous area of fertile and much water, come here to seek out knowledge and research in all groups of the biological sciences, particularly in land that require local research, because the continent must produce much food for the world. And besides, this is the most advanced country in the world for biological sciences, but we don't want to merely send students out because they get married -- (laughter) -- and the American corporations pay more money, so we lose these qualified people. We have to bring teachers so then can come, but we need to make arrangements so that they can continue to contribute to Social Security here. Wisdom must be looked for there where it is.
And I must tell you that in Germany I asked the same thing from Mrs. Merkel, and with the efficiency that Germans have she set up a plan for 10,000 qualified retirees that are on call to spend some time and convey knowledge. And that I believe that in the long term that's worth much more than money, everything that is being asked for. We must fight to get our children in the new generation’s new capacities, new knowledge. And that is going to be the best way to spread freedom, independence, rights.
Mr. President, who is speaking is an old smoker. But in the world, per year, 8 million people are dying from smoking. And that is more than World War I, World War II. It’s murder. We are in an arduous fight -- very arduous -- and we must fight against very strong interests. Governments must not be involved in private litigation, but here we're fighting for life. And nobody must be distracted in this fight for life, because out of all values, the most important one is life itself.
Well, thank you. I'm wholeheartedly grateful. And I am getting old, and to be old means you don't want to leave home. I would like to be a little bit younger to see Mississippi, know the ranches -- in Los Angeles, the milk farms, other things. But please convey a hug -- I embrace all agriculturalists of this nation.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: All right. Thank you.
Thank you, everybody.
END
11:20 A.M. EDT
11:20 A.M. EDT
Monday, April 28, 2014
READOUT: NSA ADVISER RICE'S MEETING WITH MALAYSIAN OPPOSITION LEADERS
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
April 28, 2014
Readout of National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice's Meeting with Malaysian Opposition Leaders
Today, National Security Advisor Susan E. Rice met with three top leaders of the Malaysian political opposition to hear their views on the situation in Malaysia and their efforts to press for greater democracy, transparency, and reform. Ambassador Rice underscored that the President's historic visit to Malaysia has been an important opportunity to continue the transformation of the relationship between our two countries--but that even as we deepen our cooperation with the Malaysian government, we are looking to expand our engagement with all of Malaysia, including civil society, industry, students, and participants from across the political spectrum.
Ambassador Rice reiterated the President's message that countries that welcome the contributions, and uphold the human rights of all their citizens, regardless of their political affiliation, ethnicity, race or religion are ultimately more prosperous and more successful. She also shared the United States' view that it is critical for Malaysia to apply the rule of law fairly, transparently, and apolitically in order to promote confidence in Malaysia’s democracy and judiciary.
Ambassador Rice emphasized to Mr. Anwar that the United States has followed his case closely, and that the decision to prosecute him and the trial have raised a number of concerns regarding the rule of law and the independence of the courts.
Ambassador Rice told the opposition leaders that the United States will continue to raise our concerns about issues of political freedom, the basic universal rights of freedom of expression, freedom of association, and religious liberty--as well as the need to respect and protect the rights of all people, regardless of their ethnicity, gender, or sexual orientation.
Finally, Ambassador Rice conveyed deep condolences on the passing of democracy and civil rights activist Mr. Karpal Singh.
Participants:
Anwar Ibrahim (Mr. Anwar), Leader of the Opposition, chairman of the People’s Justice Party
Lim Guan Eng (Mr. Lim), Leader of the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and opposition Member of Parliament
Mustafa Ali (Mr. Mustafa), Secretary General of the Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (PAS) and opposition Member of Parliament
Pictures of the meeting can be found HERE and HERE
Wednesday, April 16, 2014
ASSOCIATE AG WEST WELCOMES 700 NEW CITIZENS
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Associate Attorney General Tony West Delivers Remarks at USCIS Naturalization Ceremony
~ Tuesday, April 15, 2014
By taking that oath, you are now, in about every way, on equal footing with your fellow citizens who were born in the United States. Except there’s one difference that you might say gives you the edge -- you had to pass that exam. You know what I’m talking about -- that naturalization exam, and some of those questions are not easy. So you get some extra bragging rights.
But you know that becoming an American citizen is more than signing a paper or even passing an exam. Being an American means that every day, you have the opportunity to embody the spirit of individual liberty and commitment to community that defines this country.
We are a nation not bound together by a shared race, or a single ethnicity, or a state-sanctioned religious faith.
The United States of America, our country, is bound together by a set of promises we make to ourselves and each other. Freedom. Equality. Democracy.
You see, the United States is more than a place on the map -- it’s an idea; the idea that you are free to control your own destiny, for yourselves and your family; the idea that you are part of something larger than yourselves; that you have a chapter to write in the great story of our nation; the idea that no matter where you came from, or who your ancestors are, how you worship or what you look like, you have a role in shaping our shared future.
This is what people mean when they talk about "the American Experience." And while it's not perfect, and sometimes reflects struggle and strife and sliding backward, it's an experience that is always unfolding, always reaching, always aspiring to become better. And everyday, the dream of America is made more real and more perfect by its citizens, which now includes each of you.
Each of you has an important responsibility in helping to make real the promise of America. That means staying informed and voicing your opinions; it means voting and serving on a jury if you’re called. It means becoming active in your communities and contributing your talents to help your neighborhoods, your towns, and your country. It means respecting different viewpoints and cultures, and educating your children to do the same. It means recognizing that through our diversity comes strength, and that those common aspirations that bind us together are stronger than those differences which separate us.
Even before you took the oath today, many of you were living these ideals. Each of you brings with you a unique set of talents that will enrich this country. You are students and soldiers; teachers and parents; artists and engineers. You own businesses, heal patients, construct buildings and raise families.
Some of you are new citizens like Corporal Jorge Luis Cuji Villacis , who came here from Ecuador when he was eleven years old, went to school, and then joined the U.S. Marine Corps because he wanted to make his family proud, serve this country, and become a better person.
Some of you have crossed the globe to get here, coming from countries like Afghanistan, South Africa, Brazil, Russia, India, China, Sri Lanka, and Japan.
Some of you have been our neighbors for generations, coming from Canada and Mexico.
And all of you represent the vast diversity that is America.
So wherever you come from, whatever your native tongue, familiar food or personal custom, I want you to know that today is a new beginning for you, for your families, and for America. We are proud of you; we are happy for you; and we welcome you as fellow citizens embarked on this bold experiment in a government of the people, by the people and for the people.
And just in case you forget this anniversary, today is April 15 -- usually the day Americans pay their taxes. So on this day in the years ahead, I hope you will smile as you remember this moment, the day you became an American citizen -- and then, of course, don’t forget to do your taxes.
Congratulations to you all, and thank you for allowing me the opportunity to share this incredible moment with you and your families.
Wednesday, March 19, 2014
WH PRESS SECRETARY STATEMENT ON TUNISIAN PRIME MINISTER'S VISIT
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Statement by the Press Secretary on the Visit of Prime Minister Jomaa of Tunisia
President Obama will host Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa of Tunisia at the White House on Friday, April 4. During the meeting, the President looks forward to discussing the commitment Tunisia’s leaders have made to advancing Tunisia’s democracy and how the United States can further support Tunisia’s historic transition. The leaders will discuss a broad range of bilateral and regional issues of mutual interest, including U.S. economic, political, and security assistance to support the Prime Minister’s reform agenda and Tunisia’s stability. Prime Minister Jomaa’s visit is a demonstration of the strong bonds of friendship between the American and Tunisian people, and America’s enduring commitment to Tunisia’s democratic transition.
Statement by the Press Secretary on the Visit of Prime Minister Jomaa of Tunisia
President Obama will host Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa of Tunisia at the White House on Friday, April 4. During the meeting, the President looks forward to discussing the commitment Tunisia’s leaders have made to advancing Tunisia’s democracy and how the United States can further support Tunisia’s historic transition. The leaders will discuss a broad range of bilateral and regional issues of mutual interest, including U.S. economic, political, and security assistance to support the Prime Minister’s reform agenda and Tunisia’s stability. Prime Minister Jomaa’s visit is a demonstration of the strong bonds of friendship between the American and Tunisian people, and America’s enduring commitment to Tunisia’s democratic transition.
Wednesday, March 12, 2014
U.S. CONGRATULATES PEOPLE OF MAURITIUS ON THEIR INDEPENDENCE DAY
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Statement on the Occasion of the Republic of Mauritius' National Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 11, 2014
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I congratulate all citizens of Mauritius as you celebrate the 46th year of your independence on March 12. The American people share your pride in the long-established democratic traditions that form the bedrock of our nations’ friendship. Mauritius has embraced the principles of democratic governance, economic reform, and social tolerance that serve as a model to others around the world. The United States appreciates Mauritius’ support for efforts to promote regional security and economic development. As you celebrate with family and friends, we wish the people of Mauritius continued peace and prosperity.
Statement on the Occasion of the Republic of Mauritius' National Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 11, 2014
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I congratulate all citizens of Mauritius as you celebrate the 46th year of your independence on March 12. The American people share your pride in the long-established democratic traditions that form the bedrock of our nations’ friendship. Mauritius has embraced the principles of democratic governance, economic reform, and social tolerance that serve as a model to others around the world. The United States appreciates Mauritius’ support for efforts to promote regional security and economic development. As you celebrate with family and friends, we wish the people of Mauritius continued peace and prosperity.
Tuesday, March 4, 2014
WHITE HOUSE FACT SHEET ON INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
FACT SHEET: International Support for Ukraine
President Obama has made clear that the United States will continue to support the Government of Ukraine, including economically. We have been working closely with international partners to develop an assistance package that will provide rapid financial and technical assistance to help Ukraine restore economic stability and conduct free, fair, and inclusive new elections that will allow the Ukrainian people to continue to make democratic choices about their future.
The new Ukrainian government has inherited an economy with enormous potential but that is currently financially fragile and uncompetitive. The Government of Ukraine has said publicly that it will work to meet these urgent challenges. As the government implements important reforms, the United States will work with its bilateral and multilateral partners to ensure that Ukraine has sufficient financing to restore financial stability and return to growth.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is already engaging to help stabilize the Ukrainian economy. We understand that an IMF mission is currently in Kyiv working with the Ukrainian government at their request. The IMF will be at the front lines of an international package for Ukraine and is positioned to support robust and market-oriented reforms needed to restore Ukraine to economic health, including via providing large-scale financing and technical support. At the same time, the United States is working alongside international partners and the Government of Ukraine to assemble a package of assistance to complement and support an IMF program.
As part of this international effort, the United States has developed a package of bilateral assistance focused on meeting Ukraine’s most pressing needs and helping Ukraine to enact the reforms needed to make its IMF program a success. We are working with Congress to approve the 2010 IMF quota legislation, which would support the IMF’s capacity to lend additional resources to Ukraine, while also helping to preserve continued U.S. leadership within this important institution. We are ready to work with Congress and the Government of Ukraine to provide U.S. loan guarantees and other financial and technical assistance to address Ukraine’s four most urgent needs:
- Critical assistance with economic reforms, including by cushioning their impact on vulnerable Ukrainians: The U.S. Administration is working with Congress and the Government of Ukraine to provide $1 billion in loan guarantees aimed at helping insulate vulnerable Ukrainians from the effects of reduced energy subsidies. At the same time, the United States is moving quickly to provide technical expertise to help the National Bank of Ukraine and the Ministry of Finance address their most pressing challenges. The United States is dispatching highly experienced technical advisors to help the Ukrainian financial authorities manage immediate market pressures. The United States will also provide expertise to help Ukraine implement critical energy sector reforms.
- Conducting free, fair, and inclusive elections: The United States will provide technical assistance to train election observers, help bring electoral processes in line with international standards, and promote robust participation by civil society organizations and a free and independent media.
- Combatting corruption and recovering stolen assets: The United States is preparing to help the government respond to the clear demands of the Ukrainian people for more robust safeguards against corruption and additional efforts to recover assets stolen from the people of Ukraine. The United States will support the government as it takes tangible steps to reduce corruption and increase transparency, including in areas such as e-government and public procurement. The United States is deploying an interagency team of experts to Kyiv this week to begin to work with their Ukrainian counterparts to identify assets that may have been stolen, identify their current location, and assist in returning those assets to Ukraine.
- Withstanding politically motivated trade actions by Russia, including in the area of energy: The United States is preparing to provide technical advice to the Ukrainian government on Ukraine’s WTO rights with respect to trade with Russia. At the same time the United States is ready to provide assistance and financing to help Ukrainian businesses find new export markets and adjust to trade pressures and to enhance energy efficiency, helping to reduce dependence on imported gas.
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS AT AMERICAN ISRAEL PUBLIC AFFAIRS COMMITTEE CONFERENCE
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee Conference
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Secretary of State
Washington Convention Center
Washington, DC
March 3, 2014
Norm, thank you. Thank you very, very much. Thank you all, 14,000 strong or more. (Applause.) Howard, Howard Friedman and Executive Director Howard Kohr, incoming president Bob Cohen, incoming chairman Michael Kassen, outgoing chairman Lee Rosenberg, and Ambassador Ron Dermer and Ambassador Dan Shapiro. I don’t know where our ambassadors are. Would they – somebody ought to applaud both of them here. (Applause.) There they are. Thanks for your own, Norman.
Let me tell you, it really is an enormous pleasure for me to be able to be here. It’s a privilege. And good to see so many friends, all 14,000 of you – a little frightening to see myself on about eight, nine, ten screens up here – (laughter). The last time I spoke to AIPAC, I joined your national summit in Napa Valley. I did it via satellite. And you were in the vineyards, I was overseas – a different kind of vineyard. So today, I think I’m getting the better end of the deal because I am here with you in person, and your wine selection is a lot more limited this time.
I have to tell you, I had the pleasure of speaking to AIPAC back in the 1990s, it was a great honor, and every time I come here, whether I get a chance to talk to a smaller group during the daytime sessions or otherwise, this is a remarkably inspiring gathering – people from every corner of the country coming together to demonstrate our deep support as Americans for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship. (Applause.)
And it is no exaggeration. It’s not just words to say that every single one of you brings here such a special passion to a cause that you so fiercely believe in. And let me tell you something unequivocally: After almost 30 years in the United States Senate, I can tell you that is precisely why AIPAC’s work is in the best traditions of American democracy, and I thank you for practicing it. (Applause.)
I want you to know that in my judgment, these democratic values are stamped in the DNA of both the United States and Israel. But we also share something much deeper than that. Like no other two countries on the planet, against the deepest odds, both America and Israel confidently, purposefully set out to be examples to the world. Think about it. From its earliest days, Israel has always said it’s not enough just to be one of many in a community of nations; Israel has strived since Isaiah’s time to serve as a light unto the nations. (Applause.) And that responsibility to be a light unto the nations sounds actually unbelievably similar to something that we as Americans know is part of who we are, too.
My grandfather ten times over – too hard to count in other terms – was a man by the name of John Winthrop. And he came to what was then the New World, and he came in search of freedom, freedom to worship as he wished. He was a minister. He and his congregants were outcasts, persecuted, heading into a rough and unforgiving land with no guarantee even of survival. And on his way here, he delivered a now fairly famous sermon at sea in which he called on his community to create a city upon a hill in their new home, America.
So whether you call it a city upon a hill or a light unto the nations, it actually means the same thing: being a model to the world. It means having a home that sets a standard, a standard of dignity and a standard of freedom. So the foundation of the friendship between the American people and the people of Israel was actually laid centuries before a single stone was set under the U.S. Capitol or under the Knesset. And looking around this room tonight, it is clear that our friendship has never been stronger. (Applause.)
And I’ll tell you why. Because today, as Israel faces serious challenges to her future, it is America that will stand firmly by her side. (Applause.) I will tell you that with the leadership of President Obama – and you can look it up, you can measure it; this is not an exaggeration, it’s a matter of fact – there has been a complete, unmatched commitment to Israel’s security. The record of this Administration in providing aid and assistance, consultation, weapons, help, standing up in various international fora, fighting, I am proud to tell you, is unrivaled. And the bottom line, pure and simple, has been making sure that Israel has the means to defend itself by itself and defending Israel’s right to be able to do so. That is what we’ve done. (Applause.)
Security. Security is fundamentally what President Obama is committed to. And so too is he committed to using the full force of our diplomacy to resolve the two great questions that most matter when it comes to ensuring the security of Israel: preventing a nuclear Iran and ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. (Applause.)
Now let me start with Iran because I know there are many questions. I know many people – there’s been a healthy debate about the approach. We welcome that. But let me sum up President Obama’s policy in 10 simple, clear words, unequivocal: We will not permit Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon, period. (Applause.) Now, I added an eleventh word just for punctuation. (Laughter.)
But I want you to understand there are no if, ands, or buts. This is not a political policy. This is a real foreign policy. And we mean every word of what we say. You have the word of the President of the United States that Iran will not get a nuclear weapon. Now, as we said at the outset, and I say it again today, our diplomacy is guided by a simple bottom line: No deal is better than a bad deal. (Applause.) And we absolutely will not accept a bad deal. We are committed to a deal that gets the job done. (Applause.)
Why? Because we get it, we understand it. As President Obama said in Jerusalem, no one can question why Israel looks at the Iranian program and sees an existential threat. We understand it. We understand it in our gut. And we also know something else. This is not some favor that we do for Israel. This is something that is also in the interest of the United States of America, and it’s in the interest of countries surrounding Israel. (Applause.) A nuclear bomb for Iran would also threaten the stability of the region, indeed the entire world. It would produce an arms race among the surrounding countries. There is no way the world is safer anywhere in the world with a nuclear weapon in Iran, and we are not going to let it happen, period, end of story. (Applause.)
Now, to do that, to achieve this all-important goal, important for America’s security and for Israel’s security, it is crucial that we seizes what might be the last best chance to be able to have diplomacy work, and maybe the last chance for quite some time. Because the reality is only strong diplomacy can fully and permanently achieve the goal. Those who say strike and hit need to go look at exactly what happens after you’ve done that, whether that permanently eliminates the program or opens up all kinds of other possibilities, including Iran leaving the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty, not even allowing IAEA inspectors in, not living under any international regimen. That’s a possibility. Only strong diplomacy can guarantee that a nuclear weapons program actually goes away for good instead of just going underground and becoming more dangerous. Only the exhaustion of diplomacy can justify more forceful options if you have to take them in the end.
So we say – President Obama and myself and others – we say let’s seize the diplomatic moment. And that’s what we are trying to do. And the truth is it is strong diplomacy that has actually made this moment possible. And we need to give it the space to work. We need to make sure that if this opportunity were to elude us, it is not because we are the ones that close the window.
Now, I understand the skepticism. I’ve been around this city for 29-plus years as a senator, became chairman of the foreign relations committee, worked with most of the members of your board and with AIPAC and others around the country, and proud to tell you that during that time I had a 100 percent voting record for Israel. (Applause.)
And I’m not coming here to stand up in front of you and tell you that I know that Iran is going to reach an agreement. I don’t know. I don’t know what they’ll do. I don’t know if they are able to make some of the tough decisions they’re going to have to make in the months ahead. But I know that if the United States is going to be able to look the world in the eye and say we have to do something, we have to have exhausted the possibilities available to us for that diplomatic peaceful resolution. Let me make it clear our approach is not Ronald Reagan’s and the Soviets –We’re not looking at this and saying trust, but verify. Our approach is a much more complex and dangerous world – it’s verify and verify. And that’s what we intend to do. (Applause.)
Now, there is very good reason for these sanctions to exist in the first place, and good reason that we have kept the architecture of these sanctions in place. And we continue to enforce it even as we negotiate a comprehensive agreement. In the last weeks, we have announced additional sanctions with respect to individuals who have been tempted to go around it or violate it. We have not changed one piece of the sanctions architecture. And yet we are able to negotiate. Our eyes, my friends, are wide open. This is not a process that is open-ended. This is not a process that is about trusting Tehran. This is about testing Tehran. And you can be sure that if Iran fails this test, America will not fail Israel. That, I promise. (Applause.)
Now, we have taken no options off the table, but so far there is no question but that tough sanctions and strong diplomacy are already making Israel and America safer. The first step agreement, the first step agreement – it’s not an interim agreement, it’s a first step agreement – and the agreement that’s in force today didn’t just halt the advance of the Iranian nuclear program for the first time in a decade; it’s actually rolled it back. And we all remember how Prime Minister Netanyahu highlighted Iran’s 20 percent enriched uranium in the 2012 speech at the United Nations. Well, today Iran is reducing its stockpile of 20 percent uranium. And without the agreement in force today, the opposite would have been in effect. The stockpile would have grown even more dangerous, and the amount of breakout time that they have would have grown smaller. Because of the agreement, Iran will soon have to take its entire stock of 20 percent enriched uranium down to zero. Zero. Zero. (Applause.) You don’t have to be a math major to know that Israel is safer when Iran has zero uranium enriched to 20 percent, and that’s what we’ve achieved.
The same independent inspectors who also tell us that Iran has halted its advances on the heavy water reactor known as the Arak reactor, without the agreement in force today, we could not have stopped them making progress on the Arak heavy water reactor, plutonium reactor. Iran has also stopped enriching all uranium above 5 percent, and it has given inspectors daily access to the facilities at Natanz and at Fordow. You know Fordow, you’ve heard about it, that underground facility that was a secret for so long. We’ve never had people in it. But because of this first step agreement, we now have people inside Fordow every single day telling us what is happening. (Applause.)
None of these things would have happened without forceful diplomacy by the United States and our international partners. But now, my friends, we have to finish the job. Like I tell my staff, there aren’t any exit polls in foreign policy. It’s results that count, final results. And that means we have to let forceful diplomacy keep working in order to put this test to Iran.
Now, right now we are carefully – and I mean carefully – negotiating a comprehensive agreement. We are consulting with our friends in Israel constantly. The minute Under Secretary Wendy Sherman finished her last set of meetings in Vienna the other day, she went immediately to Israel, briefed thoroughly on the talks, then went to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and continued to brief and briefed our European partners.
You might be asking: If no deal is better than a bad deal, what does the United States consider a good deal? Well, you have my word – and the President’s – that the United States will only sign an agreement that answers three critical questions the right way. First, will it make certain that Iran cannot obtain a nuclear weapon? Second, can it continuously assure the world that Iran’s program remains entirely peaceful as it claims? And third, will the agreement increase our visibility on the nuclear program and expand the breakout time so that if they were to try to go for a bomb, we know we will have time to act?
Those are the tests. Those are our standards for any comprehensive agreement. It’s that simple. And those objectives, if they’re not met, then there won’t be an agreement. (Applause.) Now make no mistake, make no mistake; we can’t resolve the answer to those questions. It’s up to Iran. It’s up to Iran to prove to the world that its program is peaceful, and the world will hold Iran accountable.
Now, if it turns out that Iran cannot address the world’s concerns, I guarantee you it will face more pressure, Iran will face more pressure, more and more isolation. And Congress will introduce more tough sanctions. And let me assure you – I know Eric Cantor is here, sitting here – I assure you it’ll take about two hours to get it through the House and the Senate and it won’t be delayed and the Congress will have to do nothing more than schedule the vote, because President Obama and I fully support those sanctions under those circumstances. (Applause.)
In the meantime, as I said earlier, we are enforcing every letter of the existing sanctions. I have personally instructed every State Department bureau and mission around the world to watch vigilantly for any signs of the sanctions being skirted. And to any country that wants to trade with Iran with these sanctions firmly in place, the United States will tell them exactly what I have told foreign leaders in no uncertain terms: Iran is not open for business until Iran is closed for nuclear bombs. (Applause.)
Now, strong diplomacy is also essential to another threat to Israel’s security: ending the conflict with the Palestinians, and in doing so, preserving the Jewish and democratic nature of the state of Israel. (Applause.) I’ve had some folks ask me why I’m so committed to these negotiations and why I’m so convinced that peace is actually possible. And they ask, “Why does John Kerry go to Israel so often?” I think I heard Steny Hoyer say he’d been there 13 times, Eric Cantor who’s been there 12 times. I’ve been there more times than that just in the last nine months. (Laughter.) And I’ve been in the Middle East more times than even that in the last months because I don’t always wind up going to Israel.
But apart from the question, I’m surprised because people ask, because apart from my affection for Israel which dates back to my first visit back in 1986, and it just strikes me that it’s the wrong question to ask, why do I go. This isn’t about me. This is about the dreams of Israelis and the dignity of Palestinians. It’s about reconciling two peoples who want at long last to live normal secure lives in the land that they have fought over for so long. It’s about answering King David’s timeless call that we seek peace and pursue it. It’s about fulfilling the fervent prayer for peace that Jews around the world recite to welcome Shabbat. It’s about parents from Tsefat to Eilat who want to raise their families in a region that accepts the nation-state of the Jewish people is here to stay. (Applause.)
Now, it’s not news to any Israeli to hear me say that they live in a difficult neighborhood. Israelis know that better than anyone. No one needs to explain the importance of peace and security to a mother who has just sent her daughter to the army or a son who is waiting for his father to come home from another mission. No one knows the stakes of success or failure better than those who will inherit them for generations to come. And I have seen all of these realities in so many different ways in my travels in Israel, from the rocket casings in Sderot to the shelter in Kiryat Shmona that I visited years ago where children had to hide from Katyusha rockets. I’ve seen it.
My friends, I also believe that we are at a point in history that requires the United States as Israel’s closest friend and the world’s preeminent power to do everything we can to help end this conflict once and for all. Now, that is why America – (applause) – that is why America helped bring the parties back to the table, where, let’s be honest, Israelis and Palestinians have difficult choices to make. And no one understands just how complex those choices are or how emotional they are better than the leaders who have to summon the courage in order to actually make them.
I have sat with Bibi Netanyahu for hours and hours and days and days. We have become good friends. (Applause.) I believe – in fact, he ought to be charging me rent. (Laughter.) I’ve seen up close and personally the grit and the guts of this man and his love of country. And I can tell you with absolute certainty and without question, Prime Minister Netanyahu has demonstrated his courage and his commitment in pursuit of peace with security. (Applause.) He knows that it is the only way for Israel to be a Jewish and democratic state; not a bi-national state. (Applause.)
As President Obama said publicly in the Oval Office today, and I quote him: “Prime Minister Netanyahu has approached these negotiations with a level of seriousness and commitment that reflects his leadership and the desire of the Israeli people for peace.”
Thus far, I will tell you also that President Abbas, and I know there are many doubters here – I’ve heard the arguments for 30-plus years, 40 years – that there’s no partner for peace, that Abbas won’t be there, that – both sides, by the way, say the same thing about each other. That’s one of the difficulties we have to try get through here. A very small needle to try to thread in terms of the trust deficit. Thus far, President Abbas, I will tell you, has demonstrated he wants to be a partner for peace. He’s committed to trying to end the conflict in all of its claims, but he obviously has a point of view about what’s fair and how he can do that. Let’s be candid. I know that some of you doubt that. But as Israeli security officials will attest, President Abbas has been genuinely committed against violence, and his own security forces have worked closely with Israel in order to prevent violence against Israeli citizens.
I’ve also spent many hours with President Abbas, and I believe that he clearly understands both the tremendous benefits of peace and the great costs of failure. He understands that in terms of his own people, his own grandchildren, the country he hopes to be able to lead, and in terms of the history that beleaguers all. He knows the Palestinian people will never experience the self determination that they seek in a state of their own without ending the conflict in a solution that delivers two states for two peoples. (Applause.)
And so does Prime Minister Netanyahu. When Bibi looks me in the eye and says, “I can’t accept a deal with Palestinians that doesn’t make the people of Israel safer,” we agree 100 percent. (Applause.) But I argue that there is a distinction between a unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon or from Gaza where nothing is resolved, and a phased withdrawal that is negotiated where everything is at least in an agreement resolved.
Now, I learned about Israel’s security on many different trips over there, but one stands out. I was – I’d been a pilot since I was in college and I was on a trip over there. I was having a luncheon at Ovda Airbase with the Israel Air Force. And the colonel who was in charge was – had flown. He was an ace from the Six-Day War. And we were having lunch at the time at Ovda and I had been badgering them to maybe let me go up and fly. And they disappeared at lunch and finally he comes back and he says, “Senator, I hope you don’t eat too much. We’re going flying.” I said, “Wow, great. This is what I’ve wanted.” And we went out, the two of us, drove out to this jet, and he trusted me. We put on our helmets, got in the jet, and he says, “The moment we’re off the ground, it’s your airplane.”
So literally, we took off, I take the stick, we go up, we’re flying around. Next thing I know in my ear he says, “Senator, you better turn faster. You’re going over Egypt.” (Laughter.) So I turned very fast and then I asked him if I could do some aerobatics over the Negev. And I turned upside down and did a big loop and I was coming down, I was looking upside-down, and I said to myself, “This is perfect.” I could see all of the Sinai. I could see Aqaba. I could see Jordan. I see all of Israel below me, each side to each side. Said, “This is the perfect way to see the Middle East upside-down and backwards.” I understand it. (Applause.)
The real point of this story is just to tell you that I can’t tell you the imprint on me, being up there and tiny – almost turning. You had barely space to turn. You get the sense of a missile from here, or a rocket from there, or the threat of war. You understand it’s impossible to ignore just how narrow those borders are, how vulnerable Israel can be, and why Israel’s security is our first priority. We understand that. (Applause.)
That is why, my friends, President Obama sent a four-star general, John Allen, one of the most respected minds in United States military to do something we’ve never done in all the history of administrations negotiating for Israel’s and Palestinians’ future and that is to work with Israelis and Jordanians and Palestinians to make the Jordan River border as strong as the strongest borders on Earth. That’s what makes this effort different from anything we’ve ever done before. With the combination of the best military experience America can offer and the best ideas in the Pentagon and the best technology that we could deliver, we believe we can deliver to Israel security that Israel needs in order to make peace, and President Obama is committed to doing that.
Now we have no illusions. We saw what happened after Israel withdrew unilaterally from Gaza and Lebanon. We all learned lessons from that, I hope. That’s why a negotiated agreement is so important. That’s why the security arrangements that we are helping to design will need to be operationally proven. We’re not doing this on a whim and a prayer. We will never let the West Bank turn into another Gaza. (Applause.)
My friends, we understand that Israel has to be strong in order to make peace. But we also understand that peace will make Israel stronger. Any peace agreement must also guarantee Israel’s identity as a Jewish homeland. (Applause.) As Ehud Barak said on this stage last year, a two-state solution is the only way for Israel to stay true to its founding principles – to remain both Jewish and democratic. At last year’s AIPAC conference, he said statehood is not a favor for the Palestinians, and let me reaffirm: He is right; it is not.
Israel also needs peace in order to create greater prosperity. All of you here know the great economic benefits of peace. All of you have already seen what Israel has already been able to build with the forces of the region that raid against it. Just imagine what it will be able to build as a result of peace with Palestinian neighbors. I’ve had the foreign minister of one of the surrounding countries – a very wealthy country and a very smart foreign minister say to me if we make peace – this is under the Arab Peace Initiative and the Arab Follow-on Committee that is following everything we’re doing very closely and supporting it – and they said if we make peace, Israel will trade more in this community within a few years than it trades with Europe today. That’s what we have available to us. (Applause.) And I believe that we need to stand together with a single voice to reject any of the arbitrary unwarranted boycotts of Israel. For more than 30 years, I have staunchly, loudly, unapologetically opposed boycotts of Israel – (applause) – and I will continue to oppose those boycotts of Israel. That will never change. (Applause.)
Every time that Israel is subjected to attacks on its legitimacy, whether at the United Nations or from any nation, the United States will use every tool we have to defeat those efforts and we will stand with Israel. (Applause.)
Finally, peace demands that Israel fulfill its destiny not just as a nation but also as a neighbor. And that begins with the Palestinians, and it extends to the entire Arab League whose Arab Peace Initiative can open the door to peace and normalized relations with 20 additional Arab countries and a total of 55 Muslim countries. The upheaval in the Middle East has shown us all that Arabs and Israelis share some of the very same security concerns. Without the Palestinian conflict to divide them, these common interests can grow into real relationships and transform Israel’s standing in the region. And I just invite you – I promise you these conversations take place. I’ve had them throughout the Gulf region, throughout the Middle East, where increasingly those countries begin to see the possibilities of mutual security interests coming together for all of them against an Iran, against terrorism, against religious extremism. This is a commonality that is a new thread in the region, and I believe it brings the potential of new possibilities.
It is also important to remember that ending the conflict means ending the incitement. President Abbas has called incitement a germ that must be removed. And he has sought our help in order to try to deal with the problem. And I can tell you that with any final agreement it will also include a larger endeavor in order to help people on both sides move beyond a painful past and promote a culture of peace and tolerance.
After all these years, my friends, it is really no mystery what the end-game really looks like. I think you know that in your hearts. We understand what the end-game is. I know what peace looks like. When I talk to Prime Minister Netanyahu and others, I think everybody shares this because this is not new. After Camp David and Oslo and Wye and Annapolis and Taba and all of these efforts, what the end-game should look like is straightforward: security arrangements that leave Israelis more secure, not less; mutual recognition of the nation-state of the Jewish people and the nation-state of the Palestinian people; an end to the conflict and to all claims; a just and agreed solution for Palestinian refugees, one that does not diminish the Jewish character of the state of Israel; and a resolution that finally allows Jerusalem to live up to its name as the City of Peace. (Applause.)
It will take hard work. I’m not pretending any of the answers – these are all narrative issues. They’re tough issues. They complicated. But there is a vision of peace, and it takes tough choices on both sides, especially over the coming days. I guarantee you that America, that President Obama and this Administration will be there every day of the week, every step of the way. And we will stand with Israel’s leaders today and with the leaders of the future. And we will ensure that our light shines not just throughout the nations, but throughout the generations.
Leaders like a fellow named Guy – I’ll leave his last name out – but he’s a young Israeli who took part in an exchange program with the State Department, sponsors that brings Israelis and Palestinians together to talk about their histories and their hopes. Guy’s grandparents fled Europe. He was born and raised in Jerusalem. He served in the IDF. And he worked as an entrepreneur in Israel’s booming tech industry. And this is what he said in that program: We respect our past, but we don’t want to live it. We are young enough to dream, to believe that change is possible, and that fear can be defeated.
I think Guy is right. Change is possible. Fear can be defeated. But those are choices we have to make now.
My friends, a few months ago I landed in Tel Aviv and it was the 18th anniversary of Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination. I went straight to Kikar Rabin, and I stood with the late-prime minister’s daughter, Dalia, at the site of her father’s murder. And we stood just steps away from where the great general, in the last moments of his life, sang the famous lyrics of Shir LaShalom: Don’t whisper a prayer; sing a song of peace in a loud voice. Don’t say the day will come; bring that day. (Applause.) That is our mission. All of us, in whatever capacity that we can, but just as important our mission is also to raise our voices for peace, and we also need to listen. We have to listen to those who first gave voice to our values, voices that still echo thousands of years later.
He almost – I think it was the first time I went to Israel. I spent a week there and went all over the country and like many first-time visitors, I climbed Masada. I climbed it with a guide – some of you may know him or heard of him, a fellow by the name of Yadin Roman. Yadin, the publisher of Eretz Israel. And our group debated Josephus Flavius’s account of what happened on the top of that mountain, the account of what happened 2,000 years before we were there.
Then Yadin, after we’d had this long debate, made us all vote to determine did it happen as he recounted or was it different. And we all voted unanimously it did happen the way he recounted. He told us to then walk to the edge of the precipice which we did, and to look out across the chasm and to shout, to shout across the ancestral home of the Jewish people. And as we stood where every new Israeli soldier begins his or her service, by swearing an oath to honor that history and secure the future, Yadin instructed us to shout, all at the same time, “Am Yisrael chai.” We shouted. (Applause.) And then I have to tell you, echoing across the chasm in the most eerie and unbelievably unforgettable way were these haunting echoes of “Am Yisrael chai, Am Yisrael chai, chai, chai.” I’ll never forget hearing the echo of those words bouncing off that mountain. It was literally like we were hearing the voices of the souls of those who had perished sacrificing their lives for Israel a thousand years ago. And we were affirming those words, the state of Israel lives. The people of Israel live.
We have to listen to those voices. Those long ago who encouraged us to build a city on a hill to be a light unto the nations, an example to the world, to ensure Israel’s survival. And we have to listen to the voices of young people whose futures depend on the choices that we, the leaders of today, make. It’s for their future that we will give new strength to the U.S.-Israel partnership as AIPAC does like no other organization in our country. It’s for their future that we will come together giving greater voice to the timeless oath and we will remember forever those words and be driven by them: “Am Yisrael chai” will be said generations upon generations into the future because of the work you do and the work we will do together.
Thank you all very much. Honored to be with you. (Applause.)
Let me tell you, it really is an enormous pleasure for me to be able to be here. It’s a privilege. And good to see so many friends, all 14,000 of you – a little frightening to see myself on about eight, nine, ten screens up here – (laughter). The last time I spoke to AIPAC, I joined your national summit in Napa Valley. I did it via satellite. And you were in the vineyards, I was overseas – a different kind of vineyard. So today, I think I’m getting the better end of the deal because I am here with you in person, and your wine selection is a lot more limited this time.
I have to tell you, I had the pleasure of speaking to AIPAC back in the 1990s, it was a great honor, and every time I come here, whether I get a chance to talk to a smaller group during the daytime sessions or otherwise, this is a remarkably inspiring gathering – people from every corner of the country coming together to demonstrate our deep support as Americans for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship. (Applause.)
And it is no exaggeration. It’s not just words to say that every single one of you brings here such a special passion to a cause that you so fiercely believe in. And let me tell you something unequivocally: After almost 30 years in the United States Senate, I can tell you that is precisely why AIPAC’s work is in the best traditions of American democracy, and I thank you for practicing it. (Applause.)
I want you to know that in my judgment, these democratic values are stamped in the DNA of both the United States and Israel. But we also share something much deeper than that. Like no other two countries on the planet, against the deepest odds, both America and Israel confidently, purposefully set out to be examples to the world. Think about it. From its earliest days, Israel has always said it’s not enough just to be one of many in a community of nations; Israel has strived since Isaiah’s time to serve as a light unto the nations. (Applause.) And that responsibility to be a light unto the nations sounds actually unbelievably similar to something that we as Americans know is part of who we are, too.
My grandfather ten times over – too hard to count in other terms – was a man by the name of John Winthrop. And he came to what was then the New World, and he came in search of freedom, freedom to worship as he wished. He was a minister. He and his congregants were outcasts, persecuted, heading into a rough and unforgiving land with no guarantee even of survival. And on his way here, he delivered a now fairly famous sermon at sea in which he called on his community to create a city upon a hill in their new home, America.
So whether you call it a city upon a hill or a light unto the nations, it actually means the same thing: being a model to the world. It means having a home that sets a standard, a standard of dignity and a standard of freedom. So the foundation of the friendship between the American people and the people of Israel was actually laid centuries before a single stone was set under the U.S. Capitol or under the Knesset. And looking around this room tonight, it is clear that our friendship has never been stronger. (Applause.)
And I’ll tell you why. Because today, as Israel faces serious challenges to her future, it is America that will stand firmly by her side. (Applause.) I will tell you that with the leadership of President Obama – and you can look it up, you can measure it; this is not an exaggeration, it’s a matter of fact – there has been a complete, unmatched commitment to Israel’s security. The record of this Administration in providing aid and assistance, consultation, weapons, help, standing up in various international fora, fighting, I am proud to tell you, is unrivaled. And the bottom line, pure and simple, has been making sure that Israel has the means to defend itself by itself and defending Israel’s right to be able to do so. That is what we’ve done. (Applause.)
Security. Security is fundamentally what President Obama is committed to. And so too is he committed to using the full force of our diplomacy to resolve the two great questions that most matter when it comes to ensuring the security of Israel: preventing a nuclear Iran and ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. (Applause.)
Now let me start with Iran because I know there are many questions. I know many people – there’s been a healthy debate about the approach. We welcome that. But let me sum up President Obama’s policy in 10 simple, clear words, unequivocal: We will not permit Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon, period. (Applause.) Now, I added an eleventh word just for punctuation. (Laughter.)
But I want you to understand there are no if, ands, or buts. This is not a political policy. This is a real foreign policy. And we mean every word of what we say. You have the word of the President of the United States that Iran will not get a nuclear weapon. Now, as we said at the outset, and I say it again today, our diplomacy is guided by a simple bottom line: No deal is better than a bad deal. (Applause.) And we absolutely will not accept a bad deal. We are committed to a deal that gets the job done. (Applause.)
Why? Because we get it, we understand it. As President Obama said in Jerusalem, no one can question why Israel looks at the Iranian program and sees an existential threat. We understand it. We understand it in our gut. And we also know something else. This is not some favor that we do for Israel. This is something that is also in the interest of the United States of America, and it’s in the interest of countries surrounding Israel. (Applause.) A nuclear bomb for Iran would also threaten the stability of the region, indeed the entire world. It would produce an arms race among the surrounding countries. There is no way the world is safer anywhere in the world with a nuclear weapon in Iran, and we are not going to let it happen, period, end of story. (Applause.)
Now, to do that, to achieve this all-important goal, important for America’s security and for Israel’s security, it is crucial that we seizes what might be the last best chance to be able to have diplomacy work, and maybe the last chance for quite some time. Because the reality is only strong diplomacy can fully and permanently achieve the goal. Those who say strike and hit need to go look at exactly what happens after you’ve done that, whether that permanently eliminates the program or opens up all kinds of other possibilities, including Iran leaving the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty, not even allowing IAEA inspectors in, not living under any international regimen. That’s a possibility. Only strong diplomacy can guarantee that a nuclear weapons program actually goes away for good instead of just going underground and becoming more dangerous. Only the exhaustion of diplomacy can justify more forceful options if you have to take them in the end.
So we say – President Obama and myself and others – we say let’s seize the diplomatic moment. And that’s what we are trying to do. And the truth is it is strong diplomacy that has actually made this moment possible. And we need to give it the space to work. We need to make sure that if this opportunity were to elude us, it is not because we are the ones that close the window.
Now, I understand the skepticism. I’ve been around this city for 29-plus years as a senator, became chairman of the foreign relations committee, worked with most of the members of your board and with AIPAC and others around the country, and proud to tell you that during that time I had a 100 percent voting record for Israel. (Applause.)
And I’m not coming here to stand up in front of you and tell you that I know that Iran is going to reach an agreement. I don’t know. I don’t know what they’ll do. I don’t know if they are able to make some of the tough decisions they’re going to have to make in the months ahead. But I know that if the United States is going to be able to look the world in the eye and say we have to do something, we have to have exhausted the possibilities available to us for that diplomatic peaceful resolution. Let me make it clear our approach is not Ronald Reagan’s and the Soviets –We’re not looking at this and saying trust, but verify. Our approach is a much more complex and dangerous world – it’s verify and verify. And that’s what we intend to do. (Applause.)
Now, there is very good reason for these sanctions to exist in the first place, and good reason that we have kept the architecture of these sanctions in place. And we continue to enforce it even as we negotiate a comprehensive agreement. In the last weeks, we have announced additional sanctions with respect to individuals who have been tempted to go around it or violate it. We have not changed one piece of the sanctions architecture. And yet we are able to negotiate. Our eyes, my friends, are wide open. This is not a process that is open-ended. This is not a process that is about trusting Tehran. This is about testing Tehran. And you can be sure that if Iran fails this test, America will not fail Israel. That, I promise. (Applause.)
Now, we have taken no options off the table, but so far there is no question but that tough sanctions and strong diplomacy are already making Israel and America safer. The first step agreement, the first step agreement – it’s not an interim agreement, it’s a first step agreement – and the agreement that’s in force today didn’t just halt the advance of the Iranian nuclear program for the first time in a decade; it’s actually rolled it back. And we all remember how Prime Minister Netanyahu highlighted Iran’s 20 percent enriched uranium in the 2012 speech at the United Nations. Well, today Iran is reducing its stockpile of 20 percent uranium. And without the agreement in force today, the opposite would have been in effect. The stockpile would have grown even more dangerous, and the amount of breakout time that they have would have grown smaller. Because of the agreement, Iran will soon have to take its entire stock of 20 percent enriched uranium down to zero. Zero. Zero. (Applause.) You don’t have to be a math major to know that Israel is safer when Iran has zero uranium enriched to 20 percent, and that’s what we’ve achieved.
The same independent inspectors who also tell us that Iran has halted its advances on the heavy water reactor known as the Arak reactor, without the agreement in force today, we could not have stopped them making progress on the Arak heavy water reactor, plutonium reactor. Iran has also stopped enriching all uranium above 5 percent, and it has given inspectors daily access to the facilities at Natanz and at Fordow. You know Fordow, you’ve heard about it, that underground facility that was a secret for so long. We’ve never had people in it. But because of this first step agreement, we now have people inside Fordow every single day telling us what is happening. (Applause.)
None of these things would have happened without forceful diplomacy by the United States and our international partners. But now, my friends, we have to finish the job. Like I tell my staff, there aren’t any exit polls in foreign policy. It’s results that count, final results. And that means we have to let forceful diplomacy keep working in order to put this test to Iran.
Now, right now we are carefully – and I mean carefully – negotiating a comprehensive agreement. We are consulting with our friends in Israel constantly. The minute Under Secretary Wendy Sherman finished her last set of meetings in Vienna the other day, she went immediately to Israel, briefed thoroughly on the talks, then went to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and continued to brief and briefed our European partners.
You might be asking: If no deal is better than a bad deal, what does the United States consider a good deal? Well, you have my word – and the President’s – that the United States will only sign an agreement that answers three critical questions the right way. First, will it make certain that Iran cannot obtain a nuclear weapon? Second, can it continuously assure the world that Iran’s program remains entirely peaceful as it claims? And third, will the agreement increase our visibility on the nuclear program and expand the breakout time so that if they were to try to go for a bomb, we know we will have time to act?
Those are the tests. Those are our standards for any comprehensive agreement. It’s that simple. And those objectives, if they’re not met, then there won’t be an agreement. (Applause.) Now make no mistake, make no mistake; we can’t resolve the answer to those questions. It’s up to Iran. It’s up to Iran to prove to the world that its program is peaceful, and the world will hold Iran accountable.
Now, if it turns out that Iran cannot address the world’s concerns, I guarantee you it will face more pressure, Iran will face more pressure, more and more isolation. And Congress will introduce more tough sanctions. And let me assure you – I know Eric Cantor is here, sitting here – I assure you it’ll take about two hours to get it through the House and the Senate and it won’t be delayed and the Congress will have to do nothing more than schedule the vote, because President Obama and I fully support those sanctions under those circumstances. (Applause.)
In the meantime, as I said earlier, we are enforcing every letter of the existing sanctions. I have personally instructed every State Department bureau and mission around the world to watch vigilantly for any signs of the sanctions being skirted. And to any country that wants to trade with Iran with these sanctions firmly in place, the United States will tell them exactly what I have told foreign leaders in no uncertain terms: Iran is not open for business until Iran is closed for nuclear bombs. (Applause.)
Now, strong diplomacy is also essential to another threat to Israel’s security: ending the conflict with the Palestinians, and in doing so, preserving the Jewish and democratic nature of the state of Israel. (Applause.) I’ve had some folks ask me why I’m so committed to these negotiations and why I’m so convinced that peace is actually possible. And they ask, “Why does John Kerry go to Israel so often?” I think I heard Steny Hoyer say he’d been there 13 times, Eric Cantor who’s been there 12 times. I’ve been there more times than that just in the last nine months. (Laughter.) And I’ve been in the Middle East more times than even that in the last months because I don’t always wind up going to Israel.
But apart from the question, I’m surprised because people ask, because apart from my affection for Israel which dates back to my first visit back in 1986, and it just strikes me that it’s the wrong question to ask, why do I go. This isn’t about me. This is about the dreams of Israelis and the dignity of Palestinians. It’s about reconciling two peoples who want at long last to live normal secure lives in the land that they have fought over for so long. It’s about answering King David’s timeless call that we seek peace and pursue it. It’s about fulfilling the fervent prayer for peace that Jews around the world recite to welcome Shabbat. It’s about parents from Tsefat to Eilat who want to raise their families in a region that accepts the nation-state of the Jewish people is here to stay. (Applause.)
Now, it’s not news to any Israeli to hear me say that they live in a difficult neighborhood. Israelis know that better than anyone. No one needs to explain the importance of peace and security to a mother who has just sent her daughter to the army or a son who is waiting for his father to come home from another mission. No one knows the stakes of success or failure better than those who will inherit them for generations to come. And I have seen all of these realities in so many different ways in my travels in Israel, from the rocket casings in Sderot to the shelter in Kiryat Shmona that I visited years ago where children had to hide from Katyusha rockets. I’ve seen it.
My friends, I also believe that we are at a point in history that requires the United States as Israel’s closest friend and the world’s preeminent power to do everything we can to help end this conflict once and for all. Now, that is why America – (applause) – that is why America helped bring the parties back to the table, where, let’s be honest, Israelis and Palestinians have difficult choices to make. And no one understands just how complex those choices are or how emotional they are better than the leaders who have to summon the courage in order to actually make them.
I have sat with Bibi Netanyahu for hours and hours and days and days. We have become good friends. (Applause.) I believe – in fact, he ought to be charging me rent. (Laughter.) I’ve seen up close and personally the grit and the guts of this man and his love of country. And I can tell you with absolute certainty and without question, Prime Minister Netanyahu has demonstrated his courage and his commitment in pursuit of peace with security. (Applause.) He knows that it is the only way for Israel to be a Jewish and democratic state; not a bi-national state. (Applause.)
As President Obama said publicly in the Oval Office today, and I quote him: “Prime Minister Netanyahu has approached these negotiations with a level of seriousness and commitment that reflects his leadership and the desire of the Israeli people for peace.”
Thus far, I will tell you also that President Abbas, and I know there are many doubters here – I’ve heard the arguments for 30-plus years, 40 years – that there’s no partner for peace, that Abbas won’t be there, that – both sides, by the way, say the same thing about each other. That’s one of the difficulties we have to try get through here. A very small needle to try to thread in terms of the trust deficit. Thus far, President Abbas, I will tell you, has demonstrated he wants to be a partner for peace. He’s committed to trying to end the conflict in all of its claims, but he obviously has a point of view about what’s fair and how he can do that. Let’s be candid. I know that some of you doubt that. But as Israeli security officials will attest, President Abbas has been genuinely committed against violence, and his own security forces have worked closely with Israel in order to prevent violence against Israeli citizens.
I’ve also spent many hours with President Abbas, and I believe that he clearly understands both the tremendous benefits of peace and the great costs of failure. He understands that in terms of his own people, his own grandchildren, the country he hopes to be able to lead, and in terms of the history that beleaguers all. He knows the Palestinian people will never experience the self determination that they seek in a state of their own without ending the conflict in a solution that delivers two states for two peoples. (Applause.)
And so does Prime Minister Netanyahu. When Bibi looks me in the eye and says, “I can’t accept a deal with Palestinians that doesn’t make the people of Israel safer,” we agree 100 percent. (Applause.) But I argue that there is a distinction between a unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon or from Gaza where nothing is resolved, and a phased withdrawal that is negotiated where everything is at least in an agreement resolved.
Now, I learned about Israel’s security on many different trips over there, but one stands out. I was – I’d been a pilot since I was in college and I was on a trip over there. I was having a luncheon at Ovda Airbase with the Israel Air Force. And the colonel who was in charge was – had flown. He was an ace from the Six-Day War. And we were having lunch at the time at Ovda and I had been badgering them to maybe let me go up and fly. And they disappeared at lunch and finally he comes back and he says, “Senator, I hope you don’t eat too much. We’re going flying.” I said, “Wow, great. This is what I’ve wanted.” And we went out, the two of us, drove out to this jet, and he trusted me. We put on our helmets, got in the jet, and he says, “The moment we’re off the ground, it’s your airplane.”
So literally, we took off, I take the stick, we go up, we’re flying around. Next thing I know in my ear he says, “Senator, you better turn faster. You’re going over Egypt.” (Laughter.) So I turned very fast and then I asked him if I could do some aerobatics over the Negev. And I turned upside down and did a big loop and I was coming down, I was looking upside-down, and I said to myself, “This is perfect.” I could see all of the Sinai. I could see Aqaba. I could see Jordan. I see all of Israel below me, each side to each side. Said, “This is the perfect way to see the Middle East upside-down and backwards.” I understand it. (Applause.)
The real point of this story is just to tell you that I can’t tell you the imprint on me, being up there and tiny – almost turning. You had barely space to turn. You get the sense of a missile from here, or a rocket from there, or the threat of war. You understand it’s impossible to ignore just how narrow those borders are, how vulnerable Israel can be, and why Israel’s security is our first priority. We understand that. (Applause.)
That is why, my friends, President Obama sent a four-star general, John Allen, one of the most respected minds in United States military to do something we’ve never done in all the history of administrations negotiating for Israel’s and Palestinians’ future and that is to work with Israelis and Jordanians and Palestinians to make the Jordan River border as strong as the strongest borders on Earth. That’s what makes this effort different from anything we’ve ever done before. With the combination of the best military experience America can offer and the best ideas in the Pentagon and the best technology that we could deliver, we believe we can deliver to Israel security that Israel needs in order to make peace, and President Obama is committed to doing that.
Now we have no illusions. We saw what happened after Israel withdrew unilaterally from Gaza and Lebanon. We all learned lessons from that, I hope. That’s why a negotiated agreement is so important. That’s why the security arrangements that we are helping to design will need to be operationally proven. We’re not doing this on a whim and a prayer. We will never let the West Bank turn into another Gaza. (Applause.)
My friends, we understand that Israel has to be strong in order to make peace. But we also understand that peace will make Israel stronger. Any peace agreement must also guarantee Israel’s identity as a Jewish homeland. (Applause.) As Ehud Barak said on this stage last year, a two-state solution is the only way for Israel to stay true to its founding principles – to remain both Jewish and democratic. At last year’s AIPAC conference, he said statehood is not a favor for the Palestinians, and let me reaffirm: He is right; it is not.
Israel also needs peace in order to create greater prosperity. All of you here know the great economic benefits of peace. All of you have already seen what Israel has already been able to build with the forces of the region that raid against it. Just imagine what it will be able to build as a result of peace with Palestinian neighbors. I’ve had the foreign minister of one of the surrounding countries – a very wealthy country and a very smart foreign minister say to me if we make peace – this is under the Arab Peace Initiative and the Arab Follow-on Committee that is following everything we’re doing very closely and supporting it – and they said if we make peace, Israel will trade more in this community within a few years than it trades with Europe today. That’s what we have available to us. (Applause.) And I believe that we need to stand together with a single voice to reject any of the arbitrary unwarranted boycotts of Israel. For more than 30 years, I have staunchly, loudly, unapologetically opposed boycotts of Israel – (applause) – and I will continue to oppose those boycotts of Israel. That will never change. (Applause.)
Every time that Israel is subjected to attacks on its legitimacy, whether at the United Nations or from any nation, the United States will use every tool we have to defeat those efforts and we will stand with Israel. (Applause.)
Finally, peace demands that Israel fulfill its destiny not just as a nation but also as a neighbor. And that begins with the Palestinians, and it extends to the entire Arab League whose Arab Peace Initiative can open the door to peace and normalized relations with 20 additional Arab countries and a total of 55 Muslim countries. The upheaval in the Middle East has shown us all that Arabs and Israelis share some of the very same security concerns. Without the Palestinian conflict to divide them, these common interests can grow into real relationships and transform Israel’s standing in the region. And I just invite you – I promise you these conversations take place. I’ve had them throughout the Gulf region, throughout the Middle East, where increasingly those countries begin to see the possibilities of mutual security interests coming together for all of them against an Iran, against terrorism, against religious extremism. This is a commonality that is a new thread in the region, and I believe it brings the potential of new possibilities.
It is also important to remember that ending the conflict means ending the incitement. President Abbas has called incitement a germ that must be removed. And he has sought our help in order to try to deal with the problem. And I can tell you that with any final agreement it will also include a larger endeavor in order to help people on both sides move beyond a painful past and promote a culture of peace and tolerance.
After all these years, my friends, it is really no mystery what the end-game really looks like. I think you know that in your hearts. We understand what the end-game is. I know what peace looks like. When I talk to Prime Minister Netanyahu and others, I think everybody shares this because this is not new. After Camp David and Oslo and Wye and Annapolis and Taba and all of these efforts, what the end-game should look like is straightforward: security arrangements that leave Israelis more secure, not less; mutual recognition of the nation-state of the Jewish people and the nation-state of the Palestinian people; an end to the conflict and to all claims; a just and agreed solution for Palestinian refugees, one that does not diminish the Jewish character of the state of Israel; and a resolution that finally allows Jerusalem to live up to its name as the City of Peace. (Applause.)
It will take hard work. I’m not pretending any of the answers – these are all narrative issues. They’re tough issues. They complicated. But there is a vision of peace, and it takes tough choices on both sides, especially over the coming days. I guarantee you that America, that President Obama and this Administration will be there every day of the week, every step of the way. And we will stand with Israel’s leaders today and with the leaders of the future. And we will ensure that our light shines not just throughout the nations, but throughout the generations.
Leaders like a fellow named Guy – I’ll leave his last name out – but he’s a young Israeli who took part in an exchange program with the State Department, sponsors that brings Israelis and Palestinians together to talk about their histories and their hopes. Guy’s grandparents fled Europe. He was born and raised in Jerusalem. He served in the IDF. And he worked as an entrepreneur in Israel’s booming tech industry. And this is what he said in that program: We respect our past, but we don’t want to live it. We are young enough to dream, to believe that change is possible, and that fear can be defeated.
I think Guy is right. Change is possible. Fear can be defeated. But those are choices we have to make now.
My friends, a few months ago I landed in Tel Aviv and it was the 18th anniversary of Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination. I went straight to Kikar Rabin, and I stood with the late-prime minister’s daughter, Dalia, at the site of her father’s murder. And we stood just steps away from where the great general, in the last moments of his life, sang the famous lyrics of Shir LaShalom: Don’t whisper a prayer; sing a song of peace in a loud voice. Don’t say the day will come; bring that day. (Applause.) That is our mission. All of us, in whatever capacity that we can, but just as important our mission is also to raise our voices for peace, and we also need to listen. We have to listen to those who first gave voice to our values, voices that still echo thousands of years later.
He almost – I think it was the first time I went to Israel. I spent a week there and went all over the country and like many first-time visitors, I climbed Masada. I climbed it with a guide – some of you may know him or heard of him, a fellow by the name of Yadin Roman. Yadin, the publisher of Eretz Israel. And our group debated Josephus Flavius’s account of what happened on the top of that mountain, the account of what happened 2,000 years before we were there.
Then Yadin, after we’d had this long debate, made us all vote to determine did it happen as he recounted or was it different. And we all voted unanimously it did happen the way he recounted. He told us to then walk to the edge of the precipice which we did, and to look out across the chasm and to shout, to shout across the ancestral home of the Jewish people. And as we stood where every new Israeli soldier begins his or her service, by swearing an oath to honor that history and secure the future, Yadin instructed us to shout, all at the same time, “Am Yisrael chai.” We shouted. (Applause.) And then I have to tell you, echoing across the chasm in the most eerie and unbelievably unforgettable way were these haunting echoes of “Am Yisrael chai, Am Yisrael chai, chai, chai.” I’ll never forget hearing the echo of those words bouncing off that mountain. It was literally like we were hearing the voices of the souls of those who had perished sacrificing their lives for Israel a thousand years ago. And we were affirming those words, the state of Israel lives. The people of Israel live.
We have to listen to those voices. Those long ago who encouraged us to build a city on a hill to be a light unto the nations, an example to the world, to ensure Israel’s survival. And we have to listen to the voices of young people whose futures depend on the choices that we, the leaders of today, make. It’s for their future that we will give new strength to the U.S.-Israel partnership as AIPAC does like no other organization in our country. It’s for their future that we will come together giving greater voice to the timeless oath and we will remember forever those words and be driven by them: “Am Yisrael chai” will be said generations upon generations into the future because of the work you do and the work we will do together.
Thank you all very much. Honored to be with you. (Applause.)
Saturday, January 25, 2014
U.S. SENDS BEST WISHES TO PEOPLE OF INDIA ON THEIR REPUBLIC DAY
FROM: STATE DEPARTMENT
India Republic Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
January 25, 2014
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to send best wishes to the people of the Republic of India as you celebrate Republic Day on January 26.
The real magic of India lies as much in its promising future as it does in its rich heritage. I'll never forget my first visit to India nearly 20 years ago on a United States Senate Congressional trade delegation. The dynamism I saw then continues today. India is a country on the move.
Beneath all the changes – and what really binds our nations and our peoples together –is our shared commitment to a strong and vibrant democratic heritage. India’s transition to democratic independence and emergence on the world stage was one of the great success stories of the 20th century. Today, it is an inspiration for so many young democracies.
When I spoke with External Affairs Minister Khurshid in Montreaux this past week, we agreed that both our peoples benefit when the world’s largest and oldest democracies work closely together. External Affairs Minister Khurshid and I affirmed that we are eager to move forward with our high-level dialogues and exchanges soon, and that our countries remain firmly committed to the indispensable U.S.-India partnership.
On this special day, I offer our congratulations to the Indian people and warmest wishes for continued prosperity and peace.
India Republic Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
January 25, 2014
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to send best wishes to the people of the Republic of India as you celebrate Republic Day on January 26.
The real magic of India lies as much in its promising future as it does in its rich heritage. I'll never forget my first visit to India nearly 20 years ago on a United States Senate Congressional trade delegation. The dynamism I saw then continues today. India is a country on the move.
Beneath all the changes – and what really binds our nations and our peoples together –is our shared commitment to a strong and vibrant democratic heritage. India’s transition to democratic independence and emergence on the world stage was one of the great success stories of the 20th century. Today, it is an inspiration for so many young democracies.
When I spoke with External Affairs Minister Khurshid in Montreaux this past week, we agreed that both our peoples benefit when the world’s largest and oldest democracies work closely together. External Affairs Minister Khurshid and I affirmed that we are eager to move forward with our high-level dialogues and exchanges soon, and that our countries remain firmly committed to the indispensable U.S.-India partnership.
On this special day, I offer our congratulations to the Indian people and warmest wishes for continued prosperity and peace.
Sunday, January 19, 2014
COMMENTS ON EGYPT'S CONSTITUTIONAL REFERENDUM
FROM: STATE DEPARTMENT
Egypt's Constitutional Referendum
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
January 17, 2014
Egypt's turbulent experiment in participatory democracy the last three years has reminded us all that it's not one vote that determines a democracy, it's all the steps that follow. It's a challenging transition that demands compromise, vigilance, and constant tending. The draft Egyptian constitution passed a public referendum this week, but it's what comes next that will shape Egypt’s political, economic and social framework for generations.
As Egypt’s transition proceeds, the United States urges the interim Egyptian government to fully implement those rights and freedoms that are guaranteed in the new constitution for the benefit of the Egyptian people, and to take steps towards reconciliation.
The brave Egyptians who stood vigil in Tahrir Square did not risk their lives in a revolution to see its historic potential squandered in the transition. They've weathered ups and downs, disappointment and setbacks in the years that followed, and they're still searching for the promise of that revolution. They still know that the path forward to an inclusive, tolerant, and civilian-led democracy will require Egypt’s political leaders to make difficult compromises and seek a broad consensus on many divisive issues.
Democracy is more than any one referendum or election. It is about equal rights and protections under the law for all Egyptians, regardless of their gender, faith, ethnicity, or political affiliation.
We have consistently expressed our serious concern about the limits on freedom of peaceful assembly and expression in Egypt, including leading up to the referendum, just as we expressed our concerns about the dangerous path Egypt's elected government had chosen in the year that lead to 2013's turbulence. The United States again urges all sides to condemn and prevent violence and to move towards an inclusive political process based on the rule of law and respect for the fundamental freedoms of all Egyptians.
As we have said from the beginning, we strongly believe that permitting international observers to monitor and report freely on electoral events is important in building confidence in Egypt’s political transition.
The preliminary assessments of Democracy International and the Carter Center underscore the challenges ahead, including Egypt’s polarized political environment, the absence of a fully inclusive process in drafting and debating the constitution ahead of the referendum, arrests of those campaigning against the constitution, and procedural violations during the referendum, such as campaigning in proximity to and inside polling stations and lack of ballot secrecy.
We strongly encourage the interim Egyptian government to take these concerns into account as preparations are made for presidential and parliamentary elections.
The work that began in Tahrir Square must not end there. The interim government has committed repeatedly to a transition process that expands democratic rights and leads to a civilian-led, inclusive government through free and fair elections. Now is the time to make that commitment a reality and to ensure respect for the universal human rights of all Egyptians.
Egypt's Constitutional Referendum
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
January 17, 2014
Egypt's turbulent experiment in participatory democracy the last three years has reminded us all that it's not one vote that determines a democracy, it's all the steps that follow. It's a challenging transition that demands compromise, vigilance, and constant tending. The draft Egyptian constitution passed a public referendum this week, but it's what comes next that will shape Egypt’s political, economic and social framework for generations.
As Egypt’s transition proceeds, the United States urges the interim Egyptian government to fully implement those rights and freedoms that are guaranteed in the new constitution for the benefit of the Egyptian people, and to take steps towards reconciliation.
The brave Egyptians who stood vigil in Tahrir Square did not risk their lives in a revolution to see its historic potential squandered in the transition. They've weathered ups and downs, disappointment and setbacks in the years that followed, and they're still searching for the promise of that revolution. They still know that the path forward to an inclusive, tolerant, and civilian-led democracy will require Egypt’s political leaders to make difficult compromises and seek a broad consensus on many divisive issues.
Democracy is more than any one referendum or election. It is about equal rights and protections under the law for all Egyptians, regardless of their gender, faith, ethnicity, or political affiliation.
We have consistently expressed our serious concern about the limits on freedom of peaceful assembly and expression in Egypt, including leading up to the referendum, just as we expressed our concerns about the dangerous path Egypt's elected government had chosen in the year that lead to 2013's turbulence. The United States again urges all sides to condemn and prevent violence and to move towards an inclusive political process based on the rule of law and respect for the fundamental freedoms of all Egyptians.
As we have said from the beginning, we strongly believe that permitting international observers to monitor and report freely on electoral events is important in building confidence in Egypt’s political transition.
The preliminary assessments of Democracy International and the Carter Center underscore the challenges ahead, including Egypt’s polarized political environment, the absence of a fully inclusive process in drafting and debating the constitution ahead of the referendum, arrests of those campaigning against the constitution, and procedural violations during the referendum, such as campaigning in proximity to and inside polling stations and lack of ballot secrecy.
We strongly encourage the interim Egyptian government to take these concerns into account as preparations are made for presidential and parliamentary elections.
The work that began in Tahrir Square must not end there. The interim government has committed repeatedly to a transition process that expands democratic rights and leads to a civilian-led, inclusive government through free and fair elections. Now is the time to make that commitment a reality and to ensure respect for the universal human rights of all Egyptians.
Monday, December 9, 2013
U.S. TO PROVIDE MILITARY AIRLIFT SUPPORT IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
FROM: U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT FRENCH REQUEST
U.S. Responds to French Request for Airlift Support
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Dec. 9, 2013 – In response to a request from France, the U.S. military will provide airlift support to enable African forces to deploy promptly to prevent the further spread of sectarian violence in the Central African Republic, Assistant Pentagon Press Secretary Carl Woog said in a statement released today.
Woog’s statement reads as follows:
Last evening in Kabul, Secretary Hagel spoke with French Minister of Defense Yves Le Drian about the security situation in the Central African Republic (CAR), where, under the authority of a UN Security Council Resolution, French forces are assisting the African Union-led international support mission to provide humanitarian assistance and establish an environment that supports a political transition to a democratically elected government.
Minister Le Drian requested limited assistance from the United States military to support this international effort. In the near term, France has requested airlift support to enable African forces to deploy promptly to prevent the further spread of sectarian violence in the Central African Republic.
In response to this request, Secretary Hagel has directed U.S. AFRICOM to begin transporting forces from Burundi to the Central African Republic, in coordination with France.
The United States is joining the international community in this effort because of our belief that immediate action is required to avert a humanitarian and human rights catastrophe in the Central African Republic, and because of our interest in peace and security in the region. We continue to work to identify additional resources that might be available to help address further requests for assistance to support the international community’s efforts in CAR.
U.S. Responds to French Request for Airlift Support
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Dec. 9, 2013 – In response to a request from France, the U.S. military will provide airlift support to enable African forces to deploy promptly to prevent the further spread of sectarian violence in the Central African Republic, Assistant Pentagon Press Secretary Carl Woog said in a statement released today.
Woog’s statement reads as follows:
Last evening in Kabul, Secretary Hagel spoke with French Minister of Defense Yves Le Drian about the security situation in the Central African Republic (CAR), where, under the authority of a UN Security Council Resolution, French forces are assisting the African Union-led international support mission to provide humanitarian assistance and establish an environment that supports a political transition to a democratically elected government.
Minister Le Drian requested limited assistance from the United States military to support this international effort. In the near term, France has requested airlift support to enable African forces to deploy promptly to prevent the further spread of sectarian violence in the Central African Republic.
In response to this request, Secretary Hagel has directed U.S. AFRICOM to begin transporting forces from Burundi to the Central African Republic, in coordination with France.
The United States is joining the international community in this effort because of our belief that immediate action is required to avert a humanitarian and human rights catastrophe in the Central African Republic, and because of our interest in peace and security in the region. We continue to work to identify additional resources that might be available to help address further requests for assistance to support the international community’s efforts in CAR.
Tuesday, November 26, 2013
SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY'S STATEMENT ON MALI LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Mali Legislative Elections
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
November 25, 2013
Mali has taken an important step forward by holding the first round of legislative elections. These elections speak volumes about the resilience of Mali’s democratic tradition and the progress it has made over the past two years.
The United States applauds the Government of Mali for the technical improvements to the voting process it has implemented since the presidential elections in July and August.
We call on Mali’s new government to build on these efforts in preparing for an anticipated second round of legislative elections on December 15, and we encourage the Malian people’s peaceful and active participation in those polls.
This is one step in the process of restoring Mali’s representative and tolerant political order. Mali’s new government must address the country’s most pressing challenges, including national reconciliation and security sector reform to ensure strong security institutions under civilian control and oversight.
The United States stands with the Malian people, President Keita, and the new legislature as they tackle these challenges.
Mali Legislative Elections
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
November 25, 2013
Mali has taken an important step forward by holding the first round of legislative elections. These elections speak volumes about the resilience of Mali’s democratic tradition and the progress it has made over the past two years.
The United States applauds the Government of Mali for the technical improvements to the voting process it has implemented since the presidential elections in July and August.
We call on Mali’s new government to build on these efforts in preparing for an anticipated second round of legislative elections on December 15, and we encourage the Malian people’s peaceful and active participation in those polls.
This is one step in the process of restoring Mali’s representative and tolerant political order. Mali’s new government must address the country’s most pressing challenges, including national reconciliation and security sector reform to ensure strong security institutions under civilian control and oversight.
The United States stands with the Malian people, President Keita, and the new legislature as they tackle these challenges.
Sunday, November 3, 2013
SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY MAKES REMARKS WITH EGYPTIAN FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With Egyptian Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy
Press Availability
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Cairo, Egypt
November 3, 2013
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) Good evening, Mr. Secretary. In the beginning, I would like to extend my thanks and welcome to you here in Egypt, especially at a time when the Middle East is witnessing very sensitive developments and when there is a need for international harmony and communications. With regards to the U.S.-Egyptian relations, we believe that they are very important to Egypt and we would like to further enhance this relationship in the interest of both countries based on the priorities of each country.
This afternoon, Mr. Secretary, you’re due to meet with President Adly Mansour and General Sisi. And for our part here at the Foreign Ministry, we held very constructive, frank, and detailed discussion of various issues, and we also discussed how to move things forward in the interest of both countries. And I affirmed to the Secretary Egypt’s desire to have good and positive relationship with the United States based on our own priorities.
Now I will give you, Mr. Secretary, the chance to speak, and after that we will be taking questions from the press.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Well, Minister Fahmy, thank you very, very much. Thank you for your welcome back here in Egypt in Cairo. It’s a pleasure for me to be back here. You and I have talked frequently on the telephone and we know each other – and in New York – and we’ve worked hard to try to make sure that the positions of both of our countries and the interests of our countries are clear and that we try to work through what have obviously been some difficult challenges.
I have come here at this moment of challenge on behalf of President Obama really to speak about the future of the Middle East and the future of the relationship between the United States and Egypt, which is a very important relationship. I wanted to first express to the Egyptian people as clearly and as forcefully as I can, in no uncertain terms, the United States is a friend of the people of Egypt, of the country of Egypt, and we are a partner to your country.
The United States wants Egypt to succeed and we want to contribute to your success. Egypt’s political and economic success is important, of course, not only for Egyptians, but it’s important for the region, for the United States, and the international community. As I told Minister Fahmy in our meeting this morning, Egypt is a vital partner to America in this region. As a home – as the home to a quarter of the Arab world, Egypt plays a crucial role in the political, cultural, and the economic leadership of the Middle East and of North Africa.
So let’s be clear: What happens here is profoundly important to the region and it is in the interest of the United States. I’ve been here many times, and we have assisted in some economic issues, and each time I have come here I have said that we support the people of Egypt and we want the people of Egypt and Egypt as a nation, with all of its amazing history, to be able to continue to lead in the region and in the world.
It is no secret that this has been a difficult time and these have been a turbulent couple of years. But the Egyptian people have shown the world how strong they are. They have really demonstrated a significant resolve as they work to see their transition to meet their aspirations as they’ve tried to make that work. We know full well – and President Obama is completely committed to the idea – that the path forward is ultimately in the hands of the Egyptian people, and we are confident that they will overcome the challenges that are facing them.
As President Obama has said, we are committed to work with and we will continue our cooperation with the interim government. We have much to work on, and the Minister and I this morning discussed very candidly the issues and the challenges that we face together, but we think that there is agreement on many of these things even as we need to keep faith with the roadmap and the path ahead to continue the march to democracy. And we look forward to working together, to cooperating to meet those challenges in the road ahead.
One thing I can’t stress strongly enough, and that is the link between Egypt’s progress in its democratic transition and its overall economic success. History has demonstrated again and again that democracy is more stable, more viable, more prosperous than any alternative. And clearly, the future for young people and old people alike in Egypt will be defined by the combination of stability and economic growth that flows quickly in this country and in the region.
One thing is certain, that domestic and foreign investors alike seek the predictability that stability provides, and in a democracy, government institutions play an important role in implementing the reforms that encourage economic growth. With stability comes tourism and investment, and with both come jobs for the Egyptian people. The United States believes that the U.S. and Egypt partnership is going to be strongest when Egypt is represented by an inclusive, democratically elected, civilian government based on the rule of law, fundamental freedoms, and an open and competitive economy.
And in our meeting today, I welcomed Minister Fahmy’s restatement of the interim government’s commitment to the roadmap that will move Egypt forward on an inclusive path to democracy and to economic stability. We also talked about the importance of how it is in everyone’s interest that Egypt see a transition, live a transition, that results in a constitution that protects the rights of all Egyptians, including freedom of expression and assembly, the ability to participate in civil society, as well as in religious freedom.
Nothing will help bring the people of Egypt together more or provide more economic stability or provide more confidence in the future than an Egypt that is participating in a democratically elected government that is brought about through inclusive, free, and fair elections. And we will support the interim government and the Egyptian people in that end.
Minister Fahmy and I agreed on the need to ensure that Egyptians are afforded due process with fair and transparent trials, civilians tried in a civilian court. And we discussed the need for all violence to end. All acts of terror in Egypt must come to an end – all acts – for Egyptians to be able to exercise restraint and the need for accountability for those acts of violence.
I mentioned to the Minister that, obviously, part of the roadmap and part of the process of strengthening Egypt’s linkages to the rest of the world will be measured in the way in which the people of Egypt are sustained in their ability to have the right to assemble, the right to express themselves. But even as they do that, we also agreed no one should be allowed to practice violence with impunity.
And so we – I want to say very, very clearly the United States condemns all acts of violence. We have condemned the acts of violence against churches, against worshipers, and we also condemn the acts of violence on security forces in the Sinai, and we condemn the acts of violence in the streets of any community in Egypt, and particularly attacks on police and on those elements of authority in the state.
Finally, let me say that we also discussed very briefly – I want you to know we did not spend a lot of time on it – and that was the question of the recent decisions regarding U.S. assistance. Both Minister Fahmy and I agreed that the U.S.-Egypt relationship should not be defined by assistance. There are much bigger issues that matter to us, that concern us, that define the relationship.
But I want to make it clear that the United States will continue to provide support that directly benefits the Egyptian people in health, in scholarships, and private-sector development, and we are continuing assistance to help secure Egypt’s borders, to work with the military, to work on counterterrorism and proliferation, and to ensure the security in the Sinai. And I reaffirmed to the Minister that the United States will work very closely with Egypt in the months ahead and with our own Congress on our bilateral assistance.
President Mansour wrote to President Obama some time ago suggesting a strategic dialogue between our countries, and I am pleased on behalf of President Obama to say to you today that we accept that invitation. We believe it is important, and we will enter into that discussion of a strategic dialogue. Egypt has been a leader in this region for longer than the United States has existed, and we believe now it has an opportunity to be an example of how a democracy can evolve out of the wishes of the people and how it can thrive in the Middle East and beyond.
So Mr. Minister, I close by saying to you that we very much look forward to working with you and the interim government. We thank you for your courtesy in helping arrange this visit, and we look forward to helping this transition to an economically vibrant democracy that the Egyptian people want and deserve. And we look forward to being part of that journey with you.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) I would like to thank Mr. Secretary for his statement, which reflects the depth of the dialogue that took place between us and that also included the situation in Syria. It also addressed the bilateral relationship in a very positive manner, and this was a great opportunity for us to state and explain the Egyptian position and vision for the future of the democratic transition, and also the aspirations of the Egyptian people towards democracy. Egypt has witnessed two revolutions in less than two and a half months, but the people and the government are very committed to moving forward.
And now we’ll take two questions from the audience.
Madam Suzy (inaudible).
QUESTION: This is a question from Suzy el Geneidy, Al Ahram Al Arabi magazine, and my question – first question to Minister Kerry: Mr. Kerry, thank you for your words about Egypt and Egyptian people, but a lot of Egyptians see the U.S. position as negative, unfortunately. They say that the U.S. is trying to pressure and punish Egypt going to the path to democracy because of the continued holding the delivery of some aids, continue holding the delivery of some aids to Egypt. Don’t you think this will affect not only the public – the official relations, but also the public relations on the (inaudible)?
And the second point is concerning the peace process. Do you think there will be positive results from the negotiations, especially that Israel is continuing settlement policy?
And my question to our Minister, please: How do you view the Egyptian-American relations now, and what do you expect from this (inaudible)? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me just answer it by saying to you that, of course, we understood that the decision with respect to some aid, which has been held back for a period of time, we knew that in some places, obviously, that wouldn’t be well received. But it’s not a punishment. It’s a reflection of a policy in the United States under our law. We have a law passed by the United States Congress regarding how certain events unfold with respect to the change of a government in a country, and we’re bound by that.
President Obama has actually worked very, very hard to be able to make certain that we’re not disrupting the relationship with Egypt. That’s why I just said that the President is continuing any assistance that goes directly to the Egyptian people to help the Egyptian people with education, with healthcare, with building and in certain things that have an impact directly on the people. And we have worked for years to invest in Egypt and to help in Egypt.
I believe the government – the interim government has made very important statements about the roadmap and now is engaged in a constitutional assembly and a very important debate about what shape the constitution of Egypt will take in the future. That debate is important in and of itself. It’s a reflection of the democracy and of the democratic process. And in December, hopefully, as that constitutional assembly reports, the interim government will continue as they have promised us they are going to do – not for us, but for the Egyptian people. They have made this promise that they intend to continue to move down that road. We believe that is the foundation of the continued cooperation between our countries, which, as I said, is a very important relationship for all of us.
So I know there have been some communications and some questions. Let me make it clear here today: President Obama and the American people support the people of Egypt. We believe this is a vital relationship. I am here today at the instructions of President Obama in order to specifically say to the people of Egypt: We support you in this tremendous transformation that you are undergoing. We know it’s difficult. We want to help. We’re prepared to do so. And the way it will unfold is the democracy is rekindled in its strength; and as the people of Egypt make their choices in the future, I am confident the United States of America will be able to stand with you and do even more.
So this aid issue is a very small issue between us, and the Government of Egypt, I think, has handled it very thoughtfully and sensitively. Our hope is that we can make the progress we need on democracy, the rights of people, the protections of people, the ability of the country to have its civil society strengthened and restored, and then we will march together hand in hand into the future with Egypt playing the vital role that it has traditionally played in this region.
With respect to the peace process, I remain hopeful, and we will make every effort in the United States to move the process forward in a fair-mannered way, in a balanced way that reflects the complexity of these issues. There is no doubt – and I have said this to the Prime Minister of Israel – that the settlements have disturbed people’s perceptions of whether or not people are serious and we’re moving in the right direction. And I know there have been tensions at the Haram al-Sharif, and I know that doesn’t sit well in the community.
The Prime Minister, to his credit – the Prime Minister of Israel is working to try to make sure that the rules and the understandings are applied in the appropriate way, and we all need to try to give this negotiation the space that it needs for the leaders to be able to make some very difficult decisions.
What I commit to you is the United States, President Obama are very committed to this effort. I’m going to Israel. I’ll be meeting with the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the Palestinian Authority. While I am there, I will meet also with King Abdullah of Jordan, and we will try to move the process forward.
And I am hopeful that in the next months we can make progress, and I ask people everywhere to keep their minds open, to speak the language of peace, not hatred, not war, not continued division, but the possibilities of what peace can bring to everybody. And I will be visiting with His Majesty King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia tomorrow. He has made one of the most significant contributions to this effort through the Arab Peace Initiative. The Arab League will be meeting here, I think, tonight. They have made very, very significant statements in the last months. So I believe there is an ability to move forward, but we have to remain calm and dedicated and committed to a quiet process by which difficult decisions can be discussed.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) The response to the question – and I will be very brief – I have mentioned a few days ago that the U.S.-Egyptian relations are witnessing some tension, but today in my close discussion with the Secretary, and also what Secretary Kerry has mentioned here today, I believe that the U.S. support for Egypt and the roadmap are all very positive indications, and we all seek to resume this relationship in a positive manner. And also what you mentioned about a launch of the strategic dialogue with – between the two countries is very, very helpful.
We have a question here from an American journalist.
QUESTION: Kim Ghattas from the BBC. Mr. Kerry, a question for you first.
SECRETARY KERRY: Can you pull up –
QUESTION: In July, in Pakistan –
SECRETARY KERRY: Pull the mike up.
QUESTION: In July, in Pakistan, you said that Egypt’s generals were restoring democracy. Much has happened since then. I understand there is a roadmap at the moment, but are you still of that view? Is it really this clear-cut?
And the second question: You’re embarking on a regional tour starting here in Egypt, which will take you to Saudi Arabia and other countries in the region at a time when your allies – Egypt and Saudi Arabia – are pushing back against your influence. Does the U.S. still have anything to say about what is going on in the region?
And for Minister Fahmy, you have spoken about a roadmap towards democracy indeed, but in the meantime, there seems to be a lot of cheering in Egypt for the army’s actions. Is that something that you, as a civilian leader, believe is the right way forward for Egypt? Are you being inclusive enough of all of Egypt’s different communities?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to – do you want a translation on that or not?
INTERPRETER: I’ll be very brief.
SECRETARY KERRY: I mean, I don’t know if you’re (inaudible). Okay, we can go ahead.
With respect to Pakistan, the comment that I made in Pakistan was really me describing what the state of mind and the intent of the generals were at that time and what they had said they were intending to do. And thus far, there are indications that that is what they are intending to do. The roadmap is being carried out to the best of our perception. There are questions we have here and there about one thing or another, but Foreign Minister Fahmy has reemphasized to me again and again that they have every intent and they are determined to fulfill that particular decision and that track.
And as I said, the constitutional assembly is up and working, a robust debate is taking place. We will have to wait to see what product comes out. Clearly, they are listening. There was a demonstration law that was floated some few days ago, and when there was a public push-back against it, the government listened and the government responded. And now heading into December, there will be the setting of dates for elections, both parliamentary elections as well as for a presidential election. So all of that is, in fact, moving down the roadmap in the direction that everybody has been hoping for and concerned about. So the answer is: The proof will be in the pudding, as the old saying goes, as we go forward in the next days.
But Minister Fahmy mentioned to me something about good faith in relationships when we were talking, and I think it’s important for all of us, until proven otherwise, to accept that this is the track Egypt is on and to work to help it to be able to achieve that. Now, I happen to have a believe shared, needless to say, with President Obama and others that all of Egypt’s future will be defined not only by the way the roadmap is implemented and the way the constitution is formed, what is in it, but by the economic choices and the economic opportunities that are created over these next weeks and months. Because if the people of Egypt don’t begin to see the economy take hold and improve, it will be hard for any government to provide for the kinds of improvements that people are looking for in the quality of their lives. And I think the government fully understands that, and they’re working very, very hard to implement new programs and policies to move in that direction.
So we will continue to work with the interim government, as I’ve said. As long as they are continuing to move down (inaudible), I have no doubt about our ability to improve this relationship and to continue to work to restore the full measure of the relationship that has existed previously.
Now with respect to the question you asked – does the United States have anything to say, are there some differences – look, we can have a difference on a policy, on the tactics of the policy. For instance, there are some countries in the region that wanted the United States to do one thing with respect to Syria, and we have done something else. Those differences on an individual tactic on a policy do not create a difference on the fundamental goal of the policy. We all share the same goal that we have discussed; that is, the salvation of the state of Syria and a transition government put in place under Geneva 1 that can give the people of Syria the opportunity to choose their future. And we also believe that Assad, by virtue of his loss of moral authority, cannot be part of that because of the difficulties of his ever representing all of the people of Syria. It’s just a – and nobody can answer how you could actually end the war as long as Assad is there.
So there may be some differences on a tactic here and there, but let me be crystal clear. The United States of America is deeply engaged in the Middle East peace process, and we are essential to the ability of that peace process to be able to be resolved for a number of different reasons. The United States is deeply involved in supporting the defensive capacity and – of many countries in the region, and the United States – the President made it clear in his speech at UNGA – will be there for the defense of our friends and our allies. We will be there for Saudi Arabia, for the Emirates, for the Qataris, for the Jordanians, for the Egyptians and others. We will not allow those countries to be attacked from outside. We will stand with them. So we have a major defensive relationship in the region.
In addition, the United States is the principal interlocutor with respect to the efforts to try to hold the group together in terms of the sanctions and the approach to Iran. And the United States is deeply engaged with the P5+1, in the guarantees that Iran will not get a nuclear weapon. That is a promise by the President of the United States.
So almost everywhere where you look in the region, the United States has a critical role to play, is playing a critical role, is helping nations to be able to defend themselves. The United States is deeply involved in helping the Lebanese army, their armed forces be able to have sufficient support, and we are deeply engaged in the humanitarian effort. The United States is the largest single donor to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, and the United States was a leader, obviously, in working with Russia to try to remove chemical weapons from Syria.
So the question, frankly, I think is without any foundation whatsoever in basis of fact with respect to what is actually happening in our relationships in the region and the efforts that we make with all of the countries in the region.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: In response to the question I was asked – and I will answer in English to save time – the Egyptian military responded twice in two and half years to the call of the people to change their president because they wanted to participate in determining their own future. So it’s quite natural that the people will be cheering for the military for the support they’ve had. And I would add to that that as the security situation goes up and down, needless to say, they look towards the security forces, be that the police or the military, to respond to that.
But let’s not misunderstand this or misinterpret this. The Egyptian people are aspiring for a democratic system with a civilian government, which will be – which will function according to the norms of a global democracy irrespective of the fact that we may have some cultural variations here and there in terms of our traditions. The norms of democracy will be respected, and it will be a civilian government. That’s why we had two revolutions in two and a half years.
Thank you very much. I’m sorry we have to run.
QUESTION: (Off-mike.)
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: I’m sorry. We have to run. The President is waiting, and I have to – thank you.
Remarks With Egyptian Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy
Press Availability
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Cairo, Egypt
November 3, 2013
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) Good evening, Mr. Secretary. In the beginning, I would like to extend my thanks and welcome to you here in Egypt, especially at a time when the Middle East is witnessing very sensitive developments and when there is a need for international harmony and communications. With regards to the U.S.-Egyptian relations, we believe that they are very important to Egypt and we would like to further enhance this relationship in the interest of both countries based on the priorities of each country.
This afternoon, Mr. Secretary, you’re due to meet with President Adly Mansour and General Sisi. And for our part here at the Foreign Ministry, we held very constructive, frank, and detailed discussion of various issues, and we also discussed how to move things forward in the interest of both countries. And I affirmed to the Secretary Egypt’s desire to have good and positive relationship with the United States based on our own priorities.
Now I will give you, Mr. Secretary, the chance to speak, and after that we will be taking questions from the press.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Well, Minister Fahmy, thank you very, very much. Thank you for your welcome back here in Egypt in Cairo. It’s a pleasure for me to be back here. You and I have talked frequently on the telephone and we know each other – and in New York – and we’ve worked hard to try to make sure that the positions of both of our countries and the interests of our countries are clear and that we try to work through what have obviously been some difficult challenges.
I have come here at this moment of challenge on behalf of President Obama really to speak about the future of the Middle East and the future of the relationship between the United States and Egypt, which is a very important relationship. I wanted to first express to the Egyptian people as clearly and as forcefully as I can, in no uncertain terms, the United States is a friend of the people of Egypt, of the country of Egypt, and we are a partner to your country.
The United States wants Egypt to succeed and we want to contribute to your success. Egypt’s political and economic success is important, of course, not only for Egyptians, but it’s important for the region, for the United States, and the international community. As I told Minister Fahmy in our meeting this morning, Egypt is a vital partner to America in this region. As a home – as the home to a quarter of the Arab world, Egypt plays a crucial role in the political, cultural, and the economic leadership of the Middle East and of North Africa.
So let’s be clear: What happens here is profoundly important to the region and it is in the interest of the United States. I’ve been here many times, and we have assisted in some economic issues, and each time I have come here I have said that we support the people of Egypt and we want the people of Egypt and Egypt as a nation, with all of its amazing history, to be able to continue to lead in the region and in the world.
It is no secret that this has been a difficult time and these have been a turbulent couple of years. But the Egyptian people have shown the world how strong they are. They have really demonstrated a significant resolve as they work to see their transition to meet their aspirations as they’ve tried to make that work. We know full well – and President Obama is completely committed to the idea – that the path forward is ultimately in the hands of the Egyptian people, and we are confident that they will overcome the challenges that are facing them.
As President Obama has said, we are committed to work with and we will continue our cooperation with the interim government. We have much to work on, and the Minister and I this morning discussed very candidly the issues and the challenges that we face together, but we think that there is agreement on many of these things even as we need to keep faith with the roadmap and the path ahead to continue the march to democracy. And we look forward to working together, to cooperating to meet those challenges in the road ahead.
One thing I can’t stress strongly enough, and that is the link between Egypt’s progress in its democratic transition and its overall economic success. History has demonstrated again and again that democracy is more stable, more viable, more prosperous than any alternative. And clearly, the future for young people and old people alike in Egypt will be defined by the combination of stability and economic growth that flows quickly in this country and in the region.
One thing is certain, that domestic and foreign investors alike seek the predictability that stability provides, and in a democracy, government institutions play an important role in implementing the reforms that encourage economic growth. With stability comes tourism and investment, and with both come jobs for the Egyptian people. The United States believes that the U.S. and Egypt partnership is going to be strongest when Egypt is represented by an inclusive, democratically elected, civilian government based on the rule of law, fundamental freedoms, and an open and competitive economy.
And in our meeting today, I welcomed Minister Fahmy’s restatement of the interim government’s commitment to the roadmap that will move Egypt forward on an inclusive path to democracy and to economic stability. We also talked about the importance of how it is in everyone’s interest that Egypt see a transition, live a transition, that results in a constitution that protects the rights of all Egyptians, including freedom of expression and assembly, the ability to participate in civil society, as well as in religious freedom.
Nothing will help bring the people of Egypt together more or provide more economic stability or provide more confidence in the future than an Egypt that is participating in a democratically elected government that is brought about through inclusive, free, and fair elections. And we will support the interim government and the Egyptian people in that end.
Minister Fahmy and I agreed on the need to ensure that Egyptians are afforded due process with fair and transparent trials, civilians tried in a civilian court. And we discussed the need for all violence to end. All acts of terror in Egypt must come to an end – all acts – for Egyptians to be able to exercise restraint and the need for accountability for those acts of violence.
I mentioned to the Minister that, obviously, part of the roadmap and part of the process of strengthening Egypt’s linkages to the rest of the world will be measured in the way in which the people of Egypt are sustained in their ability to have the right to assemble, the right to express themselves. But even as they do that, we also agreed no one should be allowed to practice violence with impunity.
And so we – I want to say very, very clearly the United States condemns all acts of violence. We have condemned the acts of violence against churches, against worshipers, and we also condemn the acts of violence on security forces in the Sinai, and we condemn the acts of violence in the streets of any community in Egypt, and particularly attacks on police and on those elements of authority in the state.
Finally, let me say that we also discussed very briefly – I want you to know we did not spend a lot of time on it – and that was the question of the recent decisions regarding U.S. assistance. Both Minister Fahmy and I agreed that the U.S.-Egypt relationship should not be defined by assistance. There are much bigger issues that matter to us, that concern us, that define the relationship.
But I want to make it clear that the United States will continue to provide support that directly benefits the Egyptian people in health, in scholarships, and private-sector development, and we are continuing assistance to help secure Egypt’s borders, to work with the military, to work on counterterrorism and proliferation, and to ensure the security in the Sinai. And I reaffirmed to the Minister that the United States will work very closely with Egypt in the months ahead and with our own Congress on our bilateral assistance.
President Mansour wrote to President Obama some time ago suggesting a strategic dialogue between our countries, and I am pleased on behalf of President Obama to say to you today that we accept that invitation. We believe it is important, and we will enter into that discussion of a strategic dialogue. Egypt has been a leader in this region for longer than the United States has existed, and we believe now it has an opportunity to be an example of how a democracy can evolve out of the wishes of the people and how it can thrive in the Middle East and beyond.
So Mr. Minister, I close by saying to you that we very much look forward to working with you and the interim government. We thank you for your courtesy in helping arrange this visit, and we look forward to helping this transition to an economically vibrant democracy that the Egyptian people want and deserve. And we look forward to being part of that journey with you.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) I would like to thank Mr. Secretary for his statement, which reflects the depth of the dialogue that took place between us and that also included the situation in Syria. It also addressed the bilateral relationship in a very positive manner, and this was a great opportunity for us to state and explain the Egyptian position and vision for the future of the democratic transition, and also the aspirations of the Egyptian people towards democracy. Egypt has witnessed two revolutions in less than two and a half months, but the people and the government are very committed to moving forward.
And now we’ll take two questions from the audience.
Madam Suzy (inaudible).
QUESTION: This is a question from Suzy el Geneidy, Al Ahram Al Arabi magazine, and my question – first question to Minister Kerry: Mr. Kerry, thank you for your words about Egypt and Egyptian people, but a lot of Egyptians see the U.S. position as negative, unfortunately. They say that the U.S. is trying to pressure and punish Egypt going to the path to democracy because of the continued holding the delivery of some aids, continue holding the delivery of some aids to Egypt. Don’t you think this will affect not only the public – the official relations, but also the public relations on the (inaudible)?
And the second point is concerning the peace process. Do you think there will be positive results from the negotiations, especially that Israel is continuing settlement policy?
And my question to our Minister, please: How do you view the Egyptian-American relations now, and what do you expect from this (inaudible)? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me just answer it by saying to you that, of course, we understood that the decision with respect to some aid, which has been held back for a period of time, we knew that in some places, obviously, that wouldn’t be well received. But it’s not a punishment. It’s a reflection of a policy in the United States under our law. We have a law passed by the United States Congress regarding how certain events unfold with respect to the change of a government in a country, and we’re bound by that.
President Obama has actually worked very, very hard to be able to make certain that we’re not disrupting the relationship with Egypt. That’s why I just said that the President is continuing any assistance that goes directly to the Egyptian people to help the Egyptian people with education, with healthcare, with building and in certain things that have an impact directly on the people. And we have worked for years to invest in Egypt and to help in Egypt.
I believe the government – the interim government has made very important statements about the roadmap and now is engaged in a constitutional assembly and a very important debate about what shape the constitution of Egypt will take in the future. That debate is important in and of itself. It’s a reflection of the democracy and of the democratic process. And in December, hopefully, as that constitutional assembly reports, the interim government will continue as they have promised us they are going to do – not for us, but for the Egyptian people. They have made this promise that they intend to continue to move down that road. We believe that is the foundation of the continued cooperation between our countries, which, as I said, is a very important relationship for all of us.
So I know there have been some communications and some questions. Let me make it clear here today: President Obama and the American people support the people of Egypt. We believe this is a vital relationship. I am here today at the instructions of President Obama in order to specifically say to the people of Egypt: We support you in this tremendous transformation that you are undergoing. We know it’s difficult. We want to help. We’re prepared to do so. And the way it will unfold is the democracy is rekindled in its strength; and as the people of Egypt make their choices in the future, I am confident the United States of America will be able to stand with you and do even more.
So this aid issue is a very small issue between us, and the Government of Egypt, I think, has handled it very thoughtfully and sensitively. Our hope is that we can make the progress we need on democracy, the rights of people, the protections of people, the ability of the country to have its civil society strengthened and restored, and then we will march together hand in hand into the future with Egypt playing the vital role that it has traditionally played in this region.
With respect to the peace process, I remain hopeful, and we will make every effort in the United States to move the process forward in a fair-mannered way, in a balanced way that reflects the complexity of these issues. There is no doubt – and I have said this to the Prime Minister of Israel – that the settlements have disturbed people’s perceptions of whether or not people are serious and we’re moving in the right direction. And I know there have been tensions at the Haram al-Sharif, and I know that doesn’t sit well in the community.
The Prime Minister, to his credit – the Prime Minister of Israel is working to try to make sure that the rules and the understandings are applied in the appropriate way, and we all need to try to give this negotiation the space that it needs for the leaders to be able to make some very difficult decisions.
What I commit to you is the United States, President Obama are very committed to this effort. I’m going to Israel. I’ll be meeting with the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the Palestinian Authority. While I am there, I will meet also with King Abdullah of Jordan, and we will try to move the process forward.
And I am hopeful that in the next months we can make progress, and I ask people everywhere to keep their minds open, to speak the language of peace, not hatred, not war, not continued division, but the possibilities of what peace can bring to everybody. And I will be visiting with His Majesty King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia tomorrow. He has made one of the most significant contributions to this effort through the Arab Peace Initiative. The Arab League will be meeting here, I think, tonight. They have made very, very significant statements in the last months. So I believe there is an ability to move forward, but we have to remain calm and dedicated and committed to a quiet process by which difficult decisions can be discussed.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: (Via interpreter) The response to the question – and I will be very brief – I have mentioned a few days ago that the U.S.-Egyptian relations are witnessing some tension, but today in my close discussion with the Secretary, and also what Secretary Kerry has mentioned here today, I believe that the U.S. support for Egypt and the roadmap are all very positive indications, and we all seek to resume this relationship in a positive manner. And also what you mentioned about a launch of the strategic dialogue with – between the two countries is very, very helpful.
We have a question here from an American journalist.
QUESTION: Kim Ghattas from the BBC. Mr. Kerry, a question for you first.
SECRETARY KERRY: Can you pull up –
QUESTION: In July, in Pakistan –
SECRETARY KERRY: Pull the mike up.
QUESTION: In July, in Pakistan, you said that Egypt’s generals were restoring democracy. Much has happened since then. I understand there is a roadmap at the moment, but are you still of that view? Is it really this clear-cut?
And the second question: You’re embarking on a regional tour starting here in Egypt, which will take you to Saudi Arabia and other countries in the region at a time when your allies – Egypt and Saudi Arabia – are pushing back against your influence. Does the U.S. still have anything to say about what is going on in the region?
And for Minister Fahmy, you have spoken about a roadmap towards democracy indeed, but in the meantime, there seems to be a lot of cheering in Egypt for the army’s actions. Is that something that you, as a civilian leader, believe is the right way forward for Egypt? Are you being inclusive enough of all of Egypt’s different communities?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to – do you want a translation on that or not?
INTERPRETER: I’ll be very brief.
SECRETARY KERRY: I mean, I don’t know if you’re (inaudible). Okay, we can go ahead.
With respect to Pakistan, the comment that I made in Pakistan was really me describing what the state of mind and the intent of the generals were at that time and what they had said they were intending to do. And thus far, there are indications that that is what they are intending to do. The roadmap is being carried out to the best of our perception. There are questions we have here and there about one thing or another, but Foreign Minister Fahmy has reemphasized to me again and again that they have every intent and they are determined to fulfill that particular decision and that track.
And as I said, the constitutional assembly is up and working, a robust debate is taking place. We will have to wait to see what product comes out. Clearly, they are listening. There was a demonstration law that was floated some few days ago, and when there was a public push-back against it, the government listened and the government responded. And now heading into December, there will be the setting of dates for elections, both parliamentary elections as well as for a presidential election. So all of that is, in fact, moving down the roadmap in the direction that everybody has been hoping for and concerned about. So the answer is: The proof will be in the pudding, as the old saying goes, as we go forward in the next days.
But Minister Fahmy mentioned to me something about good faith in relationships when we were talking, and I think it’s important for all of us, until proven otherwise, to accept that this is the track Egypt is on and to work to help it to be able to achieve that. Now, I happen to have a believe shared, needless to say, with President Obama and others that all of Egypt’s future will be defined not only by the way the roadmap is implemented and the way the constitution is formed, what is in it, but by the economic choices and the economic opportunities that are created over these next weeks and months. Because if the people of Egypt don’t begin to see the economy take hold and improve, it will be hard for any government to provide for the kinds of improvements that people are looking for in the quality of their lives. And I think the government fully understands that, and they’re working very, very hard to implement new programs and policies to move in that direction.
So we will continue to work with the interim government, as I’ve said. As long as they are continuing to move down (inaudible), I have no doubt about our ability to improve this relationship and to continue to work to restore the full measure of the relationship that has existed previously.
Now with respect to the question you asked – does the United States have anything to say, are there some differences – look, we can have a difference on a policy, on the tactics of the policy. For instance, there are some countries in the region that wanted the United States to do one thing with respect to Syria, and we have done something else. Those differences on an individual tactic on a policy do not create a difference on the fundamental goal of the policy. We all share the same goal that we have discussed; that is, the salvation of the state of Syria and a transition government put in place under Geneva 1 that can give the people of Syria the opportunity to choose their future. And we also believe that Assad, by virtue of his loss of moral authority, cannot be part of that because of the difficulties of his ever representing all of the people of Syria. It’s just a – and nobody can answer how you could actually end the war as long as Assad is there.
So there may be some differences on a tactic here and there, but let me be crystal clear. The United States of America is deeply engaged in the Middle East peace process, and we are essential to the ability of that peace process to be able to be resolved for a number of different reasons. The United States is deeply involved in supporting the defensive capacity and – of many countries in the region, and the United States – the President made it clear in his speech at UNGA – will be there for the defense of our friends and our allies. We will be there for Saudi Arabia, for the Emirates, for the Qataris, for the Jordanians, for the Egyptians and others. We will not allow those countries to be attacked from outside. We will stand with them. So we have a major defensive relationship in the region.
In addition, the United States is the principal interlocutor with respect to the efforts to try to hold the group together in terms of the sanctions and the approach to Iran. And the United States is deeply engaged with the P5+1, in the guarantees that Iran will not get a nuclear weapon. That is a promise by the President of the United States.
So almost everywhere where you look in the region, the United States has a critical role to play, is playing a critical role, is helping nations to be able to defend themselves. The United States is deeply involved in helping the Lebanese army, their armed forces be able to have sufficient support, and we are deeply engaged in the humanitarian effort. The United States is the largest single donor to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, and the United States was a leader, obviously, in working with Russia to try to remove chemical weapons from Syria.
So the question, frankly, I think is without any foundation whatsoever in basis of fact with respect to what is actually happening in our relationships in the region and the efforts that we make with all of the countries in the region.
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: In response to the question I was asked – and I will answer in English to save time – the Egyptian military responded twice in two and half years to the call of the people to change their president because they wanted to participate in determining their own future. So it’s quite natural that the people will be cheering for the military for the support they’ve had. And I would add to that that as the security situation goes up and down, needless to say, they look towards the security forces, be that the police or the military, to respond to that.
But let’s not misunderstand this or misinterpret this. The Egyptian people are aspiring for a democratic system with a civilian government, which will be – which will function according to the norms of a global democracy irrespective of the fact that we may have some cultural variations here and there in terms of our traditions. The norms of democracy will be respected, and it will be a civilian government. That’s why we had two revolutions in two and a half years.
Thank you very much. I’m sorry we have to run.
QUESTION: (Off-mike.)
FOREIGN MINISTER FAHMY: I’m sorry. We have to run. The President is waiting, and I have to – thank you.
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