THE FIGHT AGAINST WILDLIFE CRIME

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
04/01/2015 01:54 PM EDT
The INL Beat, February/March 2015
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
Fighting Wildlife Crime
Date: 03/31/2015

In recent years, INL has significantly increased its effort to combat wildlife crime, as the problem has worsened and transnational organized crime has become more intricately involved in the trade. Wildlife trafficking is a multi-billion dollar criminal activity that ranks near the top of the list of most lucrative forms of illicit trade, behind narcotics trafficking, money laundering, and counterfeiting. Trafficking of protected species fosters corruption, threatens the rule of law, and destabilizes communities that depend on wildlife for biodiversity and eco-tourism revenues. INL has increased its programming and partnered with a wide variety of stakeholders including governments, communities, law enforcers, civil society, and the private sector, pursuing a multifaceted approach that includes capacity building, and multilateral action.

This month senior INL officials participated in several outreach events to raise public awareness of the importance of combating wildlife crime. In celebration of World Wildlife Day on March 3, Assistant Secretary Brownfield participated in a high-level stakeholder dialogue at the Central Park Zoo hosted by multiple UN organizations and NGOs. The theme for this year’s celebration, “Let’s Get Serious about Wildlife Crime,” refers to the need for countries to designate wildlife trafficking as a “serious crime” and to recognize the security threats posed by the growing involvement of transnational organized crime. Later in the week, Ambassador Brownfield participated in a live Q&A session on the State Department’s flagship Facebook page to answer wildlife crime questions from the public, journalists, and NGOs. Reaching over 1 million people worldwide, the Facebook Q&A gave Ambassador Brownfield the opportunity to speak directly to the public and offer them a chance to help in the fight. On March 9, INL Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary Luis Arreaga joined private sector and civil society counterparts in a public panel discussion on international environmental crime issues at the Stimson Center in Washington.

In support of the interagency U.S. Implementation Plan that was released in February 2015, Congress has set aside $25 million for overseas law enforcement capacity building to counter wildlife trafficking, with work in four primary areas: 1) strengthening legislative frameworks; 2) enhancing investigative and law enforcement functions; 3) developing capacities to prosecute and adjudicate wildlife crimes and related corruption; and 4) supporting cross border law enforcement cooperation. Aligning with the Implementation Plan, INL has invested in tools and technology to better assist law enforcement efforts.

One of INL’s most important and exciting efforts to combat this threat is support for groundbreaking forensics analysis on ivory seizures. Together with the UN Office on Drugs and Crime and the World Bank, INL is supporting forensic DNA analysis by University of Washington scientists on major ivory seizures. This analysis compares DNA samples from major seizures against a database of existing DNA profiles of elephants across Africa, allowing researchers to identify the approximate geographic origin of individual ivory samples. The results show that the vast majority of large ivory seizures come from only a few poaching hotspots in Africa, far more limited than previously thought, providing a clearer picture of the trade routes in ivory trafficking. This information should greatly assist law enforcement in placing their limited resources in a focused area for a more targeted approach, helping to disrupt the criminal networks involved in ivory trafficking.

U.S. UN REPRESENTATIVE'S REMARKS ON THE AFRICAN UNION AND ADVANCING PEACE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT  
Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs 
New York, NY
December 16, 2014
AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President. I want to express the United States’ profound condolences to the victims of the horrific Taliban attack on a school in Pakistan. This gruesome attack deliberately targeted Pakistan's – indeed, all of our – most precious and sacred resource: our children. Cowardly and senseless violence like this only increases our resolve to fight terrorism and violent extremism.

Mr. Minister, thank you for being here and convening this important debate. We thank the Secretary-General and High Representative Buyoya for your briefings. Enhancing the partnership between the United Nations and the African Union is critical for advancing peace and security in Africa. From the Central African Republic, to Mali, to Somalia, every improvement in the important partnership between the United Nations and the African Union has very real impacts on regional stability and on security.

The African Union and its member states have demonstrated important leadership in responding to African conflicts through peacekeeping and preventive diplomacy to stop potential conflicts from becoming actual ones.

Peacekeeping, whether it is done by the United Nations or the African Union, or in some cases both, is only as strong as its troop and police contributors. Member states must be willing to contribute the needed troops and resources; and troop contributors must be willing to robustly carry out difficult mandates. We commend the African troop-contributing countries who have answered the call, again and again, to serve in peacekeeping operations and who have demonstrated a commitment to implement their mandates, including the protection of civilians.

While blue-helmeted United Nations peacekeeping is a critically important tool, it is not always the best tool to respond to a particular conflict. That is why so many of us have redoubled our efforts to support regional organizations’ capacity, including the African Union, to launch and support peace operations when they are needed and consistent with the Charter of the United Nations.

The Security Council has a unique role under the United Nations Charter but our decisions and actions should be taken in close consultation with all stakeholders, including member states, regional and sub-regional organizations, potential troop contributors, and decisions related to the deployment of UN or African Union peacekeeping missions must be made on a case-by-case basis, taking into account the unique circumstances of each particular situation. Enhancing the capacity of regional forces to respond is critical, but the ability of regional organizations to deploy peace operations must be seen as a complement to, of course, not a substitute for, the United Nations’ own ability to carry out robust peacekeeping operations.

Mr. President, we continue to be immensely grateful for Africa’s contributions to peacekeeping. In September of this year, Vice President Biden joined other leaders at a summit focused on generating new commitments to peacekeeping to ensure that the whole of the international community does more to share the burden.

We have made demonstrable progress in our cooperative efforts to deploy troops quickly to crisis areas when the need arises, but we are still too slow. Delay in our crisis response often means more unnecessary deaths. To be quicker and better, we must work more closely and collaboratively. That is why the United States is committed to improving the Security Council’s engagement with the African Union Peace and Security Council.

And in our effort to do better, to do more, and to do so more quickly, we should learn from the past. The recent transitions from African Union-led peacekeeping operations to United Nations-led operations in Mali and the Central African Republic demonstrate once again that the African Union is sometimes in a position to deploy troops to trouble spots much more quickly than others. Without the initial leadership of the AU and contributions of African, French, and other European troops in Mali and Central African Republic, far more civilians would have died over the past year in both countries.

This is why the United States has created the African Peacekeeping Rapid Response Partnership, which envisions a new investment of $110 million per year for 3-5 years to build the capacity of African forces to rapidly deploy peacekeepers in response to emerging conflict. Under this program, African partner nations will receive additional support and will commit to maintaining forces and equipment ready to rapidly deploy as part of UN or AU missions to respond to emerging crises.

The United States is also prepared to provide additional support, including training for headquarters staff and key enabler functions, such as engineers, to catalyze the AU’s efforts to establish its African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis, which is intended to facilitate the deployment of tactical battle groups of approximately 1,500 military personnel deployed by a lead nation or group of AU member states.

There has been some discussion today about the financing of peacekeeping operations. In order to be effective, peacekeeping operations must be accountable. And they must be accountable to the organization that has authorized and funded it. That is why we do not support assessing UN member states for the expenses of regional organizations. Such arrangements do not allow the United Nations to exercise critical and, indeed, essential oversight of complex operational undertakings.

However, it is also why we continue to champion and invest heavily in support for AU operations through voluntary contributions and bilateral assistance. Since 2009, the United States has committed to provide nearly $892 million to develop African peacekeeping capacity and strengthen African institutions.

Most recently, in 2013, the United States committed nearly $200 million toward training, equipping, sustaining, and airlifting African peacekeepers of the African-led International Support Mission in Mali. In the Central African Republic, we provided critical equipment and airlift to both the AU troops and French forces operating alongside them. And in Somalia, we have obligated more than $680 million to AMISOM on top of the more than $455 million in UN-assessed contributions for UNSOA that are attributable to the United States. Other partners such as the EU, through its African Peace Facility, have similarly provided very robust support, and we look for other partners doing the same.

In closing, I want to reiterate the depth of my government’s commitment to strengthening African responses to crises on the continent both bilaterally and through this Council.

Today, there are more than 67,000 African peacekeepers serving with the African Union and United Nations in Africa. Their contributions to peace cannot be overstated. They deserve more support from all of us to train, equip, and enable their deployment.

As President Obama said during our U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit held in August, “the United States is determined to be a partner in Africa’s success – a good partner, an equal partner, and a partner for the long term.”

I thank you, Mr. President.

U.S. REP. TO UN MAKES REMARKS ON VIOLENCE IN SOUTH SUDAN

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Samantha Power
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
New York, NY
December 15, 2014
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

On September 23, 2011, only months after South Sudan gained its independence and joined the United Nations, President Salva Kiir climbed the dais at the UN to address the General Assembly for the first time. He spoke of South Sudan’s commitment to political pluralism and “to fostering world peace and prosperity for the benefit of all humankind.” A year later, in his first speech before the UN General Assembly, then-Vice President Riek Machar reiterated that promise, and asked that South Sudan’s friends around the world continue supporting the country’s political and economic goals. The world stood with South Sudan from the outset. In 2011, the UN Security Council established the UN Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS) to help the young nation consolidate peace and security and to assist laying the groundwork for future development in the years following its independence.

Despite the international community’s support for South Sudan’s independence, the nation’s political and military leaders have unleashed a conflict that has devastated the country. One year ago today, internal political fighting turned bloody on the streets of Juba in clashes between Dinka and Nuer soldiers. That event quickly metastasized into a broader ethnic and armed conflict, unleashing a wave of targeted attacks on civilians that has produced a political, economic and humanitarian crisis of colossal proportions and that threatens regional stability. In one year of violence, it’s estimated that tens of thousands of people have been killed. There are 1.9 million internally displaced people and nearly 500,000 refugees in neighboring countries. Civilians have been murdered as they sought shelter in churches and mosques, and have been forcibly recruited to fight in militias. The risk of a man-made famine once again hangs over the country.

The United States again condemns in the strongest possible terms the ongoing violence in South Sudan, and we remain deeply concerned by the government and opposition’s persistent failure to negotiate a peaceful resolution to the crisis. When the UN Security Council visited Juba in August of this year, I made very clear during our conversations with both leaders that the United States and the United Nations expected both sides to uphold their previous agreements to end hostilities and negotiate earnestly both peace and a transitional government framework.

The United States urges South Sudan’s leaders to engage more urgently and more seriously in the Inter-governmental Authority on Development-led peace talks in Addis Ababa. We stand ready to work with South Sudan’s leaders if they take concrete steps toward peace. We are equally prepared to work with the international community, including the UN Security Council, to hold political spoilers and human rights abusers accountable.

The United States reaffirms its support for UNMISS and urges those countries that have committed troops and equipment to the mission to deploy them quickly. UNMISS must operate at full strength, and it must protect civilians. With over 102,000 people seeking refuge at UNMISS facilities, we remind all parties that UN sites, facilities, personnel and all sheltering civilians must be protected, and that attacks on those facilities, the forces guarding them, and the civilians sheltering inside could constitute war crimes. We further stress that UN and other humanitarian agencies must have safe, unfettered access to those in need of assistance throughout the country.

The commitment of the United Sates to the people of South Sudan is unwavering. But all the good will and humanitarian assistance in the world are no substitute for the difficult compromises necessary to end man-made violence and begin the process of accountability and reconciliation needed to build a sustainable future. Today, the country is at a crossroads. Its political and military leaders must demonstrate courage and lead the nation out of this horrific, self-inflicted, and pointless cycle of violence. If they do not take the necessary steps for peace, they will own the responsibility for war and mass atrocity – just what they fought to erase when they secured independence for South Sudan.

U.S. REPRESENTATIVE MAKES REMARKS AT UN SECURITY COUNCIL MEETING ON UNMIK

FROM:   U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at the UN Security Council Meeting Debate on UNMIK
12/04/2014 05:45 PM EST

Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs 
New York, NY
December 4, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you Special Representative Zarif for your briefing. We welcome Prime Minister ThaÒ«i and Prime Minister VuÄiÄ to the Council and thank them for their statements.

Mr. President, the EU-facilitated Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue and implementation of the April 2013 agreement to normalize relations continue to be critical elements for building a strong, inclusive, and integrated democracy in Kosovo. We are eager to see high-level meetings resume and expeditious progress continue toward full implementation of the Brussels agreement, including the full functioning of all of Kosovo’s municipalities in accordance with Kosovo law.

In this regard, the United States welcomes recent progress by Kosovo political leaders to overcome the political impasse that has prevented the formation of a Kosovo government following the June elections. We call on Kosovo’s political party leaders to move lawfully and quickly to constitute the Assembly and form the government in a manner fully in line with Kosovo’s constitution, laws and rulings by its constitutional court. As the Secretary-General observed in his report, there are many pressing issues affecting the future of all people living in Kosovo, and there are opportunities to continue the historic process of normalization with Belgrade and reconcile with the past.

Sustaining momentum in the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue and full implementation of all agreements reached to date remain integral to the welfare of the people of Kosovo, to both Kosovo and Serbia’s progress on their respective paths toward European integration, and to a stable, peaceful, and prosperous region. To this end, we will continue to back the intensive engagement of the EU and the EU High Representative in advancing the Dialogue.

While progress at the political level has paused while awaiting Kosovo government formation, progress does continue to be made on the technical level, including important agreements on integrated border management, freedom of movement, energy, and reciprocal recognition of vehicle insurance that will allow citizens of both countries to travel easily across the borders. We welcome the cooperation between the international and local authorities that helped facilitate visits by Serb pilgrims to Kosovo for religious holidays in November.

The United States condemns those that seek to oppose the work of building inclusive democracy in Kosovo by committing acts of violence or intimidation, or sowing tension, mistrust and fear between the communities. Threats against returnees and their property, the deplorable acts of vandalism at DeÄani monastery on October 11th and 12th, and the incendiary rhetoric that surrounded the suspension of the soccer match in Belgrade between Serbia and Albania are all grounds for concern. These incidents demonstrate the need to intensify outreach, redouble efforts to promote dialogue and understanding, and further strengthen security where it is needed.

KFOR and EULEX continue to exercise indispensable roles, in cooperation with Kosovo authorities, in ensuring security and strengthening the rule of law throughout the country. Their work has also been instrumental in ensuring an environment conducive to advancing the implementation of the dialogue agreements between Kosovo and Serbia. KFOR support for security and its presence as a third responder in Mitrovica following the Serbia-Albania soccer game help prevent tensions from escalating into violence. EULEX personnel remain essential in mentoring and training Kosovo’s judicial and police personnel and their work continues to facilitate the identification and repatriation of remains from previous conflicts as we witnessed in September and in October. Colleagues have raised recent allegations against certain EULEX officials. These allegations should be the subject of a full and transparent investigation. Nonetheless, inflammatory language directed against EULEX and the lack of full cooperation in certain law enforcement matters are unacceptable. We continue to support EULEX's important rule of law mission in Kosovo.

Finally, Mr. President, the United States notes and welcomes Kosovo’s growing involvement in the regional cooperation fora, and commends the October 10 decision of the Multinational Advisory Group of RACVIAC Centre for Security Cooperation in South East Europe inviting Kosovo’s full participation in the organization. Increased dialogue among the countries of the region is vital to addressing shared concerns, such as the threat of foreign terrorist fighters. We call upon the countries in the region to work together to ensure effective preventative and response mechanisms are in place to counter extremist individuals and violent extremist ideas. In connection with these efforts, the United States commends the work of Kosovo and Serbia law enforcement agencies in response to the threat of foreign terrorist fighters. These are important lines of effort of the counter-ISIL coalition, of which we thank both Kosovo and Serbia for being members.

Thank you very much.

U.S. UNITED NATIONS REPRESENTATIVE POWERS MAKES REMARKS ON UN RESOLUTIONS CONDEMNING ISRAEL

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Samantha Power
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
New York, NY
November 25, 2014
AS DELIVERED

Like everyone in this assembly hall, we are deeply concerned about the volatile situation in the Middle East. The United States has made an enormous effort, especially over the last year and a half, to work with the parties in trying to pave the road towards achieving a negotiated final-status agreement allowing two states to live side-by-side in peace and security.

In this context, the United States remains profoundly troubled by the repetitive and disproportionate number of one-sided General Assembly resolutions condemning Israel – a total of 18 this year. This grossly one-sided approach damages the prospects for peace by undermining trust between parties and damaging the kind of international support critical to achieving peace. All parties to the conflict have direct responsibilities for ending it, and we are disappointed that UN Members continually single out Israel without acknowledging the responsibilities and difficult steps that must be taken on all sides. These unbalanced, one-sided resolutions set back our collective efforts to advance a peaceful resolution to the conflict in the Middle East, and they damage the institutional credibility of the United Nations.

Of these annual resolutions, which unfairly single out one country and consistently lack balance, three are particularly troubling to the United States: the “Division for Palestinian Rights of the Secretariat;” the “Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People;” and the “Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories.” These resolutions renew mandates for UN bodies established decades ago, wasting valuable resources and reinforcing the perception of systematic UN bias against Israel. All member states should evaluate the effectiveness of supporting and funding these bodies.

I do want to add that our continued opposition to the resolution on “Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and the Occupied Golan,” which will come up for a vote in this Assembly next month, should not be understood to mean that we support settlement activity. On the contrary, we reject in the strongest terms Israeli settlements in territories occupied in 1967. Settlements are illegitimate, and they damage Israel’s security and the hopes for peace.

Continued settlement activity is contrary to Israel’s stated goal of negotiating a permanent status agreement with the Palestinians and is inconsistent with Israel’s international commitments.

During the past year, we have been deeply concerned by Israel’s advancement of plans for thousands of additional housing units in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. We have made clear that such action only draws condemnation from the international community, poisons the atmosphere not only with the Palestinians but also with the very Arab governments with which the Israeli government says it wants to build relations, and undermines the prospect for a peaceful negotiated agreement with the Palestinians.

Both sides took unhelpful steps that undercut the most recent round of final status negotiations. The scale and timing of Israel’s settlement activities contributed significantly to the erosion of trust between the parties.

The United States is in full agreement about the urgent need to resolve the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, based on the two-state solution and an agreement that establishes a viable, independent, and contiguous state of Palestine, once and for all. We’ve invested a tremendous amount of effort and resources in pursuit of this shared goal, and we firmly believe that the parties need to resolve the conflict through direct negotiations. If the parties are willing and ready to take that step, we stand ready to support them and to continue our efforts to advance the cause of peace.

In closing, while the United States unequivocally rejects Israeli settlements in territories occupied in 1967, they do not justify the repetitive, disproportionate, and one-sided General Assembly resolutions condemning Israel, which do not advance our collective efforts to advance a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY'S STATEMENT REGARDING CHLORINE USE IN SYRIA

 FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

OPCW Report and Ongoing Concerns with Chemical Weapons Use in Syria

Press Statement

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Washington, DC

September 21, 2014

The OPCW’s Fact-Finding Mission investigating chlorine use in Syria recently released a second interim report that concludes with a high degree of confidence that chlorine was used as a weapon “systematically and repeatedly” in attacks on three villages in northern Syria earlier this year. The report cites witness accounts indicating helicopters were used in the attacks—a capability the opposition lacks. This strongly points to Syrian regime culpability.

The OPCW report raises serious questions about the Syrian regime’s compliance with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and UN Security Council Resolution 2118 as well as its willingness to continue using chemical weapons to kill or injure the people of Syria.

The OPCW Fact-Finding Mission also referenced a spate of reports about additional attacks in late August, “with accounts of the incidents bearing a strong resemblance to those that are now confirmed as having been chlorine attacks.” This finding, coupled with deep concerns regarding the accuracy and completeness of Syria’s declaration to the OPCW, raises especially troubling concerns that continued chemical attacks on the Syrian people by the regime could occur. The United States is gravely concerned about the findings in this report, which point to a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. The Assad regime must know that it will be held to account for such use in the international community.

U.S. UNITED NATIONS REPRESENTATIVE'S REMARKS TO SECURITY COUNCIL ON UKRAINE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at a Security Council Briefing on Ukraine

Samantha Power

U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 

New York, NY

September 19, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Under-Secretary-General Feltman, for your informative briefing. Thank you, Ministers Timmermans, Bishop, and Asselborn for being here and signaling the importance of this issue with your presence.

First, on behalf of the United States, let me once again convey our condolences to the loved ones of the victims of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17. We do not presume to grasp the depth of your grief. But we mourn the lives of those you lost.

We convene today for an update on the investigation into a crime that abruptly ended too many lives. The purpose of the investigation is to determine the truth about what brought down that plane.

Now, for any investigation to be credible, we all agree that it must be thorough, impartial, and professional. Ukraine and the whole international community turned to the Dutch Safety Board because we believed it was more than capable of meeting these standards.

The Board’s preliminary findings reflect its independence and its expertise. Those findings, submitted to the Security Council on September 9th, include the following:

- First, the aircraft was brought down by, “a large number of high-energy objects that penetrated the aircraft from the outside.”

- Second, there were no engine warnings, aircraft system warnings, or distress messages detected.

- Third, the damage to the aircraft is, “not consistent with any known failure mode of the aircraft, its engines, or systems.”

- And fourth, the only planes identified in the report that were in the vicinity of Flight MH 17 were commercial aircraft.

Based on those preliminary findings, one can rule out that Flight MH 17 was brought down by a bomb on board. It was not. Russian claims that the flight was brought down by a Ukrainian fighter jet are also not supported by evidence in the report. Moreover, ground photography is consistent with the expected damage from a surface-to-air missile, but does not correspond with the damage that short-range, air-to-air missile from a smaller warhead would produce. These facts are important because they contradict the fiction that has been propagated by Russia.

The Dutch Safety Board’s findings are consistent, however, with evidence gathered by a group of countries, including the United States, pointing to the fact that Flight MH 17 was shot down by a surface-to-air missile fired from territory controlled by Russian-backed separatists.

Russia called for today’s meetings under the pretense of being briefed on the status of the investigation. The representative of the Russian Federation today has appealed for what he calls a “objective and transparent investigation.”

But in its intervention today, Russia made clear its real intention is not to learn about the investigation, but to discredit it. Russia is seeking to play the role of forensic aviation investigator but cannot do so in an impartial and objective manner.

Russian-backed separatists denied access to the crash site for days after Flight 17 was downed. Russian-backed separatists then restricted access after initially letting outside officials in.

This is not consistent with an objective and transparent investigation.

The representative of the Russian Federation today complained about the timeliness of the voice recordings being processed. Yet telephone conversations intercepted by the Ukrainian government indicate that the commander of a pro-Russian separatist unit told local state emergency service employees that Moscow wanted to find the black boxes; and he enlisted the support of these local officials to help recover the boxes.

This is not consistent with the desire to ensure the sanctity of the recordings that, today, the Russian representative professes a desire to protect.

The Russian representative says that the report does not contain “convincing information.” In order to be convinced of facts, one must acknowledge them. In order to be convinced of truth, one must allow it to be surfaced. One can be convinced if one confronts the facts as they are established and proven, not as one may wish they were.

It’s time to allow facts, however inconvenient, to be uncovered. And it is time to stop all attempts to undermine the credibility of a thorough, impartial, and independent investigation that the international community has no reason to doubt.

Russia does not have the track record to play the credible investigator here. Russia has repeatedly misled this Council, its own people, and the world about its support for illegal armed groups and its own military incursions into Ukraine. Just read the transcripts of the previous 24 Security Council sessions on Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in Crimea, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to Crimea. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in eastern Ukraine, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to eastern Ukraine.

The Dutch Safety Board that has been delegated the authority by Ukraine, in line with ICAO standards, to investigate this crash. If Russia has evidence that it believes can help identify who shot down Flight MH 17, it has a responsibility to share that information with the independent investigators.

Too many lives have been lost and this conflict has gone on for too long. It is time for Russia to bring its intervention to an end. That is why we fully support the ceasefire and agreement signed in Minsk, which aims to de-escalate the conflict that has taken approximately 3,000 lives. We fully support a negotiated political solution to this crisis, as we have asserted since Russia’s incitements created the conflict. We welcome reports that Russia is decreasing its troop levels in eastern Ukraine – even if Russia continues to deny that its troops were there in the first place. And we welcome Russia’s recent statements expressing support for the ceasefire.

However, we cannot lose sight of the fact that the crisis in eastern Ukraine, just like the occupation and annexation of Crimea before it, was manufactured by Moscow. And no country should support carving off pieces of sovereign Ukraine and handing them to the aggressors. The territorial integrity of Ukraine is non-negotiable.

Ukraine has demonstrated remarkably good faith in meeting its commitments. This week – notwithstanding the aggression against the state by the separatists and by Russian forces – Ukraine’s parliament passed legislation granting certain districts in eastern Ukraine special status that includes greater self-governance, economic control, and Russian language rights.

Now it is Russia’s turn. Russia must immediately withdraw all of its forces and equipment from Ukraine, including Crimea, and cease all forms of support and training for separatist groups. Russia and the separatists it backs must release all of their hostages and prisoners. Russia must finally close its borders to the flow of soldiers, separatists, tanks, artillery, and other machinery of war, and it must grant Ukraine control over its own border. Russia and the groups it backs must create an environment that allows the OSCE to fulfill its monitoring and verification mandate.

There is one very important imperative we must remember, which brings us back to why we convened today: truth. Two hundred and ninety-eight innocent people were killed on July 17th. The international community has identified an independent investigative body to uncover the truth about what happened to Flight MH 17. Today, we join the chorus of member states in reiterating our full support for the Dutch Safety Board’s investigation and we reject Russia’s efforts to disparage it or hinder its progress. The next step is the pursuit of justice. And when those responsible for this horrific crime are eventually identified, they will be punished.

Thank you.

U.S. CONDEMNS ATTACKS ON UN MISSION IN MALI

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Attack on MINUSMA

Press Statement

Jen Psaki

Department Spokesperson

Washington, DC

September 19, 2014

The United States strongly condemns yet another deadly attack against the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission (MINUSMA) yesterday in Mali which killed five Chadian peacekeepers and wounded three others. This is the third such attack this month alone. These continued attacks on UN peacekeepers must stop.

We express our condolences to the families of the peacekeepers killed and to the Government of Chad, and wish those wounded a full recovery. We call on all parties to cease hostilities and fully engage in the national peace and reconciliation process.

We reiterate our full support of MINUSMA and our commitment to Mali’s national reconciliation efforts including achieving a durable and comprehensive peace agreement through ongoing talks in Algiers.

U.S. STAKEOUT REMARKS AFTER UN SECURITY COUNCIL CONSULTATIONS ON MIDDLE EAST

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at a Stakeout Following Security Council Consultations on the Middle East

09/16/2014 05:03 PM EDT

AS DELIVERED

Hi everyone. I just want to briefly summarize this morning’s consultations. Robert Serry, the Special Coordinator for Middle East Peace, briefed the Council on the UN’s work to support the ceasefire in Gaza, as well as the UN’s work in Syria. Our discussion also covered Iraq, and Council members raised a number of questions on all these matters.

On Gaza, Council members discussed the ceasefire, which continues to hold, as well as ongoing humanitarian aid delivery and reconstruction efforts through a newly agreed mechanism.

On Syria, Council members expressed broad support for Special Envoy de Mistura and his mission. Council members continue to believe that the only solution to the conflict is a political one.

In my national capacity, let me quickly discuss a few points regarding the situation in Gaza and Iraq. Let me actually, just – these remarks – anyway, I’m sure in our questions we’ll discuss Gaza, but my remarks are going to center on Iraq.

Over the last month, we’ve all seen the international community increasingly cooperate with Iraqi forces, including Iraqi security forces and Kurdish forces, on a range of counter-terrorist and humanitarian actions – from blocking ISIL’s advance on Erbil to breaking the siege of the Yezidis on Mount Sinjar. Next Wednesday, President Obama will lead a Council session designed to address the specific challenge of foreign terrorist fighters as they impact the conflict in Syria, in Iraq, and in several other conflicts across the globe.

Let me conclude with a comment on the High-Level Ministerial on Iraq scheduled for 2:00 p.m. this Friday, September 19th. Secretary Kerry will chair the session and Special Representative for Iraq Nickolay Mladenov will travel from Baghdad to brief the Council.

The session will be held in debate format so that non-Council members whose interests are especially affected by the Iraq situation, as well as countries making significant security, economic, or humanitarian contributions to assist Iraq, will be able to speak under rule 37. We expect more than 40 countries to participate, many at the ministerial level. It will provide an opportunity for these countries to unite in support of the newly formed government in Iraq led by Prime Minister Abadi and the Iraqi people as they work with the international community in their fight against ISIL and cope with the humanitarian crisis resulting from the conflict with ISIL.

Thank you. And with that, I’m happy to take a few questions.

Reporter: Ambassador, on Syria, do you think the UN Security Council has to authorize a resolution for any use of force if there is a coalition to be interested in any kind of intervention?

Ambassador Power: Let me say a few things. First, I addressed this issue yesterday – the very, very same question. President Obama has made very clear that ISIL represents a threat to U.S. core national security interests, to U.S. personnel, to U.S. facilities, and to U.S. citizens, as we’ve seen. With respect to international law, the specific basis will depend on the particular facts and the particular circumstances of any military action, but we believe that we have a basis for action.

In terms of the Security Council’s role, again, you’re seeing – you will see the Security Council active on a very important ISIL-related issue on Friday, when Secretary Kerry convenes the Council in support of the Iraqi government and in support of the anti-ISIL effort. It’s certainly premature for me to speculate on what the Council might do on other matters.

Reporter: (inaudible) Mr. Serry?

Ambassador Power: Mr. Serry did not raise issues related to authorities.

Reporter: Ambassador, what are some of the legal bases for action, specifically on –

Ambassador Power: Again, I’m not – as I said very clearly, it depends on the particular facts and circumstances of any action. We’re talking now about a hypothetical action that hasn’t been taken up to this point. In the event that action is taken, believe me, we will have plenty of time to engage on that. But please, if you have another question –

Reporter: May I ask on Gaza?

Ambassador Power: Of course.

Reporter: Can you tell us a little bit on, give us your assessment on, the progress made on the Gaza resolution that has been on the Council’s plate for many weeks?

Ambassador Power: I don’t have an update of the kind that you’re seeking. I think we continue to believe that a resolution could play a positive role in, you know, enhancing the durability of a ceasefire, but we are still in consultations. It is a topic that came up over the course of the briefing, but I don’t have an update for you on the likely outcome of consultations.

Reporter: Ambassador, you mentioned yesterday how unusual it is for the Council to address a public health crisis like Ebola. Now that you’ve circulated a draft resolution to the Council and you’re holding the meeting on Thursday, have any Council members raised any concerns that this maybe isn’t in the purview of the Council and shouldn’t be addressed by the Council?

Ambassador Power: I would say the response, not only to the emergency session, not only to the draft resolution that, as you say, we’ve just circulated, but also to CDC’s leadership, to the briefing we had yesterday at the U.S. mission – where more than 115 permanent representatives and deputy permanent representatives attended – so the response has been overwhelmingly positive. I do want to underscore your point that this is an extremely unusual occurrence for an infectious disease outbreak to come before the Council. I think one of the things that has ensured that this effort has received such broad-based support is the outspoken leadership on the part of Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Nigeria. I think they have made it very clear to Council members how urgent they think this session is, how important it is to work in parallel in the General Assembly and in the Security Council, and how severe the threat to national security for each of these countries is, to regional security, and to broader international peace and security. So we’ve had, again, overwhelming support up to this point, but again the negotiations on the resolution are ongoing.

Reporter: Ambassador, Madame President – in your national capacity, next week the General Assembly. Without mentioning all of these different meetings, what can you tell an average public citizen about – is there an opportunity for the U.S. on all of these fronts or is it just too hectic, or as they have described it as “diplomatic speed-dating,” to make any dent in this wide variety of crises? And please don’t use the words “next week” if possible in your answer, thank you.

Ambassador Power: Don’t use the words…

Reporter: “Next week.”

Ambassador Power: I see. (Laughter)

Reporter: You’re print, but –

Ambassador Power: My print heritage. Okay. Two of the issues that are most on peoples’ mind right now in the United States and all around the world are ISIL and the monstrous threat that they pose, really, to any civilian whose path they cross, and Ebola, which is unfolding and spreading at a scope that demands an urgent and much more substantial response than the international community has mobilized so far. Both of those efforts require broad coalitions, require transnational solutions, require cooperation among countries near and far, require burden sharing – again, a division of labor. Both of these threats, I think, illustrate the founding purpose of the United Nations and the purpose of bringing the heads of state of the United Nations together every season, which is: how do we pool our resources to cooperate, not only to deal with common threats, but to deal with threats that we simply – no single nation can deal with alone? So, I think the timing of the General Assembly session this year is especially good, certainly for the United States, as we are attempting to spearhead coalition-building, really, in both areas. And we have high expectations on the basis of the last several weeks that you will see countries stepping up to an extent they haven’t up to this point.

Thank you.

U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL'S REMARKS AT UN SECURITY COUNCIL ON MINUSTAH

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at the Security Council Debate on MINUSTAH

AS DELIVERED 

Thank you, Special Representative Honoré, for your briefing and for your leadership. And thank you to all the dedicated women and men who are serving in MINUSTAH, who are working with you to build a more secure and stable Haiti.

The troop and police contributors to Haiti, many of whom we have heard from – several of whom we will soon hear from – have made a world of difference in the lives of the Haitian people. The whole international community is grateful.

When the Council met to discuss Haiti in March, there was cautious optimism that the signature of the El Rancho Accord and the dialogue mediated by the Episcopal Conference would help break the country’s political stalemate, and lead to long-overdue elections. So it is deeply disappointing, as other Council members have pointed out, that five months later, so little progress has been made toward that goal. Haiti still doesn’t even have an electoral law, leading the country’s provisional electoral council to declare recently that Haiti will not be able to hold elections on October 26, 2014, the date the government had set.

Many of Haiti’s elected leaders have worked tirelessly to seek a political compromise and have offered meaningful concessions toward that end, including with regard to the composition of the electoral council and the cabinet. But a group of six senators seems intent on holding elections hostage to partisan concerns, even going so far as to prevent a debate on the electoral law. Legislators in a democracy have a responsibility to defend their constituents’ rights. But when elected officials take advantage of democracy’s checks and balances to cynically block debate and elections altogether, they stand in the way of addressing citizens’ real needs.

And the needs of Haiti’s citizens, as we all know, are real – very, very real. Massive progress has been made to find homes for the one and a half million people displaced by the 2010 earthquake, but 70,000 people are still displaced. And much work remains to be done to provide for citizens’ basic needs – like electricity, quality schools, and access to doctors. Haitians expect their government to provide for these needs, and are understandably frustrated when they are not met.

So our message to all of Haiti’s politicians is clear: come together to pass an electoral law, and hold free, fair, and inclusive elections in respect of constitutional deadlines. Every UN member state should join that call and we are heartened that so many have done so.

Despite the political deadlock in Haiti, there has been encouraging progress on other fronts. We welcome the ongoing expansion and professionalization of the Haitian National Police. Police have shown an increased capacity to maintain public order while respecting people’s rights. We also recognize MINUSTAH’s efforts to strengthen Haiti’s justice sector, such as seeking to improve the capacity of judges and prosecutors, and increasing access to legal aid. Haiti’s prison system needs urgent fixing. Haiti’s prisons, which have a capacity of around 6,000 people, currently house over 10,000. And nearly 80 percent are awaiting trial.

Let us be clear: our work in Haiti is not finished. But just because significant development and political challenges persist does not make MINUSTAH the solution to all of them, nor does it mean that the mission should be kept just as it is. We have to right-size MINUSTAH to fit Haiti’s evolving needs. We agree with our colleagues that decisions about the size and configuration of the force should be conditions-based. And like our friends in the region who have given so much to Haiti’s recovery, we are a neighbor of Haiti’s and we have a deep and demonstrated interest in Haiti’s security and the growth and success of its democracy. The United States agrees with the Secretary General’s determination – based on a thorough review – that conditions support further consolidating MINUSTAH’s military component in the upcoming mandate. We agree with the Special Representative that support from MINUSTAH’s robust police component to Haiti’s National Police is still critically necessary. And a smaller military component must stand ready to assist – on short notice – anywhere that unrest overwhelms the combined capacity of Haitian and UN police. With continued, robust MINUSTAH support, we look to Haiti’s government to assume greater responsibility for security, including for elections.

We are committed to discussing with partners how MINUSTAH should be adjusted. We believe that the Secretariat, the SRSG, and the Force Commander have taken the facts on the ground into account, and they have concluded that conditions support the adjusted force levels recommended by the Secretary-General.

In conclusion, Haiti has real needs. It has been through so much and it faces tremendous challenges. We as an international community continue to experiment and to learn and to adjust around the most effective ways to help the Haitian people address those very real needs. We will continue to do so as Haiti continues to move along the path to self-sufficiency. Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY MAKES REMARKS IN ANKARA, TURKEY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Press Availability in Ankara, Turkey

Remarks

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Ankara, Turkey

September 12, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you for being patient. I appreciate it very, very much. And good evening to all.

I’m very pleased to be back here in Turkey, where I have had a series of productive meetings through the course of the day with President Erdogan and Prime Minister Davutoglu and my new counterpart, Foreign Minister Cavusoglu, who I’ve actually gotten to know pretty well in a frequency of meetings in the last week or so beginning with the Wales summit, and then we met in Jeddah at the coalition meeting yesterday and then again today.

The importance of coming here to Turkey to follow up on the meeting yesterday should be obvious to all because we confront very significant challenges in Iraq and Syria, and obviously the border of Turkey, the numbers of refugees coming into Turkey and Turkey’s role is very, very critical. We share a partnership with Turkey that is essential, and Turkey plays a key role in bolstering security and stability in the entire region, and together we literally work to pursue those goals every single day.

There are few countries, also, that have felt the ripple effect of the crises in Syria and Iraq as much as Turkey has. Since 2011 Turkey has opened its doors to roughly 1.3 million Syrian refugees, and more recently they’ve had a huge influx of Iraqi refugees who are fleeing ISIL.

The United States and indeed the entire international community are very grateful for Turkey’s generosity in providing shelter and care, food, to these refugees. We’re committed to helping to provide relief for the millions of people who have lost their homes, their health, their dignity, in the Syrian conflict. And we have contributed very significant amounts of humanitarian assistance, and today I am proud to announce that we are going to contribute even more to the 2.9 billion that we have already contributed to the United States – to the UN since the conflict started. And today we’re announcing an additional $500 million, about 50 million of which will come here to Turkey in order to assist Turkey in providing the humanitarian assistance that I described.

Today’s announcement marks the single largest tranche of funding that we have contributed to date, and the reason for this is that this is the largest humanitarian crisis in recent history. But even with this initial assistance from the United States, the humanitarian response to the Syrian crisis remains largely underfunded. And with the international community preparing to meet in New York to convene for the annual United Nations General Assembly meetings, and with the Syrian donors conference in Kuwait on the horizon in October, we hope very, very much that other nations will follow our lead and contribute even more to improving what is unquestionably one of the worst humanitarian disasters in history.

In the meetings that we had today we also discussed the U.S. commitment to protecting Turkey’s security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. We agreed that today ISIL is one of the greatest threats to Turkey’s security and the security of the entire region and beyond. I have reiterated the United States commitment to working with the broadest coalition of international partners possible to eliminate the ISIL threat once and for all.

So let me be very clear about the U.S.-Turkey relationship in this coalition. Turkey and the United States will stand together against any challenges in the region, including all terrorism. Within the coalition there are many ways that Turkey can help in this effort, and we will continue our conversations with our military and other experts spending time to define the specific role that Turkey will play.

In the meantime, I’m very happy to make an announcement: that the United States has asked one of our most respected and experienced military experts, General John Allen, to join the State Department to serve as Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. In this role, General Allen will help build and sustain the coalition so it can operate across multiple lines of effort in order to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL. General Allen is a patriot and a remarkable leader. He is a Marine and by “is,” I mean “is,” because as a Navy man I have to admit that retired or not once a Marine, always a Marine. His extraordinary career in the military speaks for itself. Whether as the top commander of NATO’s ISAF forces in Afghanistan during a critical period from 2011-2013, or as a deputy commander in Anbar during the Sunni awakening, or as a thinker, scholar, and teacher at the U.S. Naval Academy. And he has done significant public service out of uniform since he returned to civilian life. His commitment to country and to service has really been enduring.

Most recently we worked together very closely in designing new approaches to meet the long-term security needs of the state of Israel, and I could not be more pleased than to have General Allen coming on board now fulltime at the State Department. He’ll be joined by a terrific team, including Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Brett McGurk who is here with us now, who will serve as General Allen’s deputy senior envoy with the rank of ambassador. Not only has Brett been back and forth to Baghdad and Erbil almost every single month this past year, but he has also spent a number of years over the past decade posted in Iraq as a top advisor to three different ambassadors. And he has been a partner to even more. He’s one of our most – our foremost experts really on Iraq, and he will be integral to this effort’s success. And both General Allen and Ambassador McGurk will work very closely with Assistant Secretary of State Anne Patterson, who is not just a three-time ambassador and an ambassador of recent time to both Pakistan and to Egypt, but also one of our nation’s top diplomats deeply respected in the region, and she will continue to lead our diplomacy throughout the Middle East.

So we have a superb team in place to lead our work in the coalition to take on ISIL and to help the innocent people of Iraq and Syria and elsewhere to be able to rebuild their lives. And we will continue to consult closely with our partners In the days and weeks ahead, including in the very near term at the UN General Assembly later this month where Foreign Minister Cavusoglu and I will co-chair the fifth ministerial meeting of the Global Counterterrorism Fund and one of the biggest contributors to the ISIL threat happens to be the steady flow of foreign fighters making their way into Iraq and Syria in order to fight alongside ISIL. These people who are deciding to make that choice to go there and fight are men and women who regrettably carry passports from countries all over the world, which entitles them therefore to travel without a visa.

So a primary focus of that taskforce meeting in New York at UNGA will be on building the political and the financial support throughout the international community in order to track, stop, and prevent foreign fighters from joining ISIL.

Let me close by again thanking the Government of Turkey for their ongoing partnership, not only on Syria and Iraq but also on the other areas that we discussed today. We had a very broad discussion about the region, including some of the frozen conflicts and other challenges that we face, and particularly about Libya, with an agreement that we will all meet again in New York at the United Nations General Assembly with a broader group of people in order to focus on the Libya situation.

We look forward to continuing our work with Turkey and with others in order to promote peace, security, and stability in this region, as well as around the world. And we particularly look forward to the efforts in the days ahead to define and finalize the steps that each country will take in concert with others in order to degrade and ultimately defeat ISIL.

I’d be happy to take a few questions.

MS. PSAKI: The first question is from Barbara Plett of BBC.

QUESTION: Thanks. Mr. Kerry, could you tell us what specific commitments Turkey has made as part of its role in the coalition? And in particular, could you clarify the status of the Incirlik base? Will the Americans be allowed to use the base to launch military operations in this campaign or have the Turks said no, you can’t?

And then a completely different question to round this up. We have reports on American networks that the Foley family was pressured by the U.S. Government, including the State Department, not to pay ransom. Is that true?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me deal, first of all, with the question of not just Turkey but any country at this point. It is entirely premature and frankly inappropriate at this point in time to start laying out one country by one country what individual nations are going to do. We are, as I said, continuing the conversation because this needs to be coordinated and there needs to be clear definition and a lot of details are being worked out by the experts in each of the sectors where they need to be worked out – that includes financial, closing off routes of finance, which involves treasury departments and finance ministers of various countries. The intel community obviously has a component in this, the Department of Defense has a component in it, the State Department, in terms of diplomacy and communications, and all of that is being coordinated. That’s precisely why I announced General John Allen today and Ambassador Brett McGurk, who will assume their roles immediately to help coordinate that.

At the appropriate time, every role will be laid out in detail, but I can tell you that the full range of activities that are necessary, that President Obama articulated in his speech are being addressed and all of the participants are defining the ways in which they’re going to contribute to this effort to degrade and defeat ISIL.

Let me just say that I am really taken aback – surprised, I guess, is the word, by this comment with respect to the Foley family. And I can tell you that I am totally unaware and would not condone anybody that I know of within the State Department making such statements. So I don’t know about it. But I will tell you this: Diane Foley and John Foley are extraordinary people. They’re an extraordinary family. And she did an amazing job on behalf of her family to try to do everything possible, leaving no stone unturned in order to try to bring Jim back safely. I worked previously in the effort to help Jim get freed when he was previously taken hostage. And everybody is heartbroken that we were not able to do it.

I and others in the government worked as hard as we know how to reach out to country after country – dozens of countries were talked to in an effort to try to create some avenue of success. And as everybody knows, President Obama ordered a risky but very important and necessary effort to try to rescue these hostages. I sat through that mission, watching every moment of it, waiting for word of a rescue and holding our breath because our people were on the ground performing very difficult tasks.

Tragically, obviously, we were not successful in finding them. So my heart goes out to the family. I know how difficult this is, and all I can say to you is I know of no one who issued such a construction. I have no knowledge of it.

MS. PSAKI: All right. The next question will be from Nicolas Revise from AFP.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. I’d like to ask you about ISIL in Iraq and Syria. Who is on board with the United States among its European partners, not only for military action in Iraq but also for possible strikes in Syria? We have conflicting report of statements already from the British about what they are willing to do in Syria, and we have not very clear position from the French saying that they are ready to, if needed, to strike in Iraq but not in Syria. So what kind of military assistance can you expect from your European allies, or are you going to continue to take action alone?

And related to the – if I may, to the upcoming conference in Paris, there is no consensus yet on Iran’s presence. Is the U.S. going to accept to have Iran at the table to continue your diplomatic conversation, or is the U.S. opposing to Iran’s presence in Paris? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, again, let me repeat what I said earlier with respect to any announcements about countries. I think France has publicly made clear its willingness to take action in Iraq, as you said, and to use force. And there are other countries that are currently making up their minds, making decisions. But as I said a moment ago with respect to Turkey and other countries, it’s just not appropriate to start laying out, as we are in the process of talking to all these countries, which country is doing what. Next week I’ll be testifying before Congress and we’ll have more of the reports back in as others are talking to various countries and we’ll have a better sense of where we stand on that.

I will tell you this: More than 40 countries had already offered assistance of one kind or another before I left Washington. And those are the – that’s the work that we had done in the previous days in communicating with a host of countries around the world. I think Australia has made it clear that it’s prepared to do things, Canada’s prepared to do things, other countries. But we will lay out what country is doing what, who’s doing what within the coalition, when we have the work done that we just hired General John Allen and Brett McGurk to do. And we will continue to coordinate effectively over the course of the next days.

I have been very, very pleased by the meetings that we’ve had. I read a report today suggesting somehow that there was less than a full-throated measure of support from the Arab nations that were there yesterday. I just don’t agree with that. Last night, I sat for two and a half hours with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, and we could not have heard a more fulsome commitment to doing anything that is necessary going forward. Similarly, I have heard that and you heard it yesterday and reiterated by other countries who signed the communique in the course of yesterday. And there are others who will continue to sign up over the course of the next days.

So I’m comfortable that this will be a broad-based coalition with Arab nations, European nations, the United States, others contributing to every single different facet of what President Obama laid out as a strategy and fully embracing the need to degrade and destroy ISIL.

MS. PSAKI: Thanks, everyone.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) with respect to Iran?

SECRETARY KERRY: No one has called me and asked me with respect to the presence of Iran, but I think under the circumstances, at this moment in time, it would not be right for any number of reasons. It would not be appropriate, given the many other issues that are on the table with respect to their engagement in Syria and elsewhere. But – so that would be my answer, but I haven’t been asked with respect – and I don’t know specifically where that stands in terms of the French invitations.

QUESTION: Would you mind if I did a quick follow-up on that? I know it’s against the rules, but --

MS. PSAKI: You just did an entire interview yesterday. I think we can --

QUESTION: Well, I mean, I’m sorry, but this has been an issue with Iran that has gone on with many of these types of conferences. I mean, I understand that they – that you have problems with their behavior, but don’t you think engaging them is part of --

SECRETARY KERRY: We are engaged with Iran. We’re engaged in a very deep, serious conversation about their nuclear program with high hopes that it will be possible to change the relationship through an agreement that would meet the international standards that have been set at the United Nations and the questions that have been raised not just at the UN, but by the International Atomic Energy Association[1]. So it’s not the United States; it’s the world that is asking serious questions about Iran’s nuclear program.

Now, Iran has been deeply involved with its forces on the ground in Syria. IRGC forces are on the ground. So there would have to be much greater clarity and understanding of exactly what the purpose was and what the meaning was of any kind of presence, which is the only thing that stands in the way, as well as they’re a state sponsor of terror in various places.

So these are serious issues, and that’s why they need to be approached in a proper way, not a conference like this at this moment, but through a process which we are entirely prepared over a period of time to engage in, or we wouldn’t be engaged in the negotiations that we’re engaged in today.

MS. PSAKI: Okay. Thanks, everyone.

QUESTION: Would you boycott if they were invited?

STAFF: Thank you.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.

SECRETARY KERRY: I’m not going to answer hypotheticals.

QUESTION: Do you oppose them just --

STAFF: Thanks, everybody. Thank you very much.

MS. PSAKI: Okay. Thank you.

QUESTION: -- being in this conference or the coalition as a whole. Are you opposed to them being – just being in this conference or in the coalition?

SECRETARY KERRY: There’s no issue with the coalition. That’s not even been raised.


[1] International Atomic Energy Agency

SECRETARY KERRY MAKES REMARKS WITH IGAD LEADERS

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks With IGAD Leaders After Their Meeting

Remarks

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

August 5, 2014

---

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. It’s my pleasure to be here with the IGAD leaders: the presidents of Kenya, of Uganda, and Djibouti; and the prime minister of Ethiopia, who is the chair of this effort. And we just met with respect to the situation in South Sudan, and there is a unanimous agreement that this war must end and must end now. These leaders will go back to their region and meet in Addis Ababa very, very soon, where they will decide on specific actions that they are prepared to take in unanimous fashion with their countries in an effort to guarantee that the war comes to an end. They are prepared to issue a final ultimatum to the parties to come to the table, and in addition to that, the United Nations Security Council will be visiting – the entire Security Council – next week to make it clear there is no other alternative except to proceed with the plan of these leaders that they have put on the table.
The United States is fully supportive of that effort, and we will do everything in our power to make a difference. There’s a threat of starvation for 50,000 children, there’s a continued threat to life, there is a tribal series of attacks on both sides taking place that is simply unacceptable. And I wanted to thank the leaders for their leadership. We applaud their initiative to find an African solution and to take the leadership, and we’re particularly encouraged by that.
I was just asked if it’s all right with everybody if the prime minister wants to say a few things as the chair.

PRIME MINISTER DESALEGN: Secretary Kerry, thank you very much for letting me speaking with IGAD leaders. We in the IGAD region and leaders have agreed that the war has to stop and stop very, very quickly. And the region has come a long way in sorting out the problem, and to solve this problem we will stand together. And in this regard, we have come to the end now. The violation of the ceasefire has taken place by Riek Machar.

And so the region has put the comprehensive solution to the government of transitional national unity, which is going to be established in South Sudan. And both parties has to agree to this proposal of the region. And I think if the parties do not agree on the proposal that the region has put in place after studying (inaudible) circumstances in South Sudan, then the region is going to take strong action, as we have put in the IGAD summit – punitive action that has to be taken immediately after convening the meeting of IGAD heads of state and government in Addis Ababa very soon after this summit.

So the region has come to the climax and the human catastrophe has to stop. In this regard, we are ready to propose our proposal, and if they agree, then your ambassador will come to South Sudan. If not, then the region is going to take strong action.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. Thank you very much. Thank you all.

SECRETARY KERRY'S PRESS STATEMENT ON WORLD REFUGEE DAY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Commemorating World Refugee Day

Press Statement

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Washington, DC

June 20, 2014

---

World Refugee Day is more than a moment marked on a calendar. It is a time to honor the strength and resilience of refugees around the world and renew our determination to support them as they rebuild their lives and communities. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees now counts the number of refugees, asylum-seekers, and internally displaced persons at 51 million. That number is staggering by any measure. It represents children, women, and men from Syria, South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and now Iraq, who face death, destruction, and dislocation. For them, daily survival is a gamble.

The dreams refugees harbor have special meaning for Americans. Even before our land was a nation, America was a haven for those seeking freedom from persecution, hunger, oppression and war. Today, refugees continue to look to America for relief and opportunity. These refugees, many of whom arrive having lost everything, become some of the most resilient, entrepreneurial, and devoted citizens we have.

When I visited the UN’s Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan last year, I saw firsthand the value and importance of our work. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians – many women and children – live there in suspended animation, waiting for the opportunity to rebuild their lives. I met with some of the camp’s many residents. Their needs were simple: food, shelter, stability. But most of all, they want to live their lives with the dignity and respect that all people deserve.

That’s why I’m proud that the United States is the largest donor to humanitarian relief worldwide. Our humanitarian assistance has saved lives and eased suffering for 4.7 million people inside Syria and more than 2.8 million refugees in neighboring countries. We have also recently announced nearly $300 million in additional humanitarian assistance to help the people affected by the conflict in South Sudan. Beyond just dollars and programs, our efforts are assisting millions who have fled conflict and persecution in the Central African Republic, Burma, Afghanistan, and many other places around the world.

World Refugee Day is more than a moment marked on a calendar. It is a time to honor the strength and resilience of refugees around the world and renew our determination to support them as they rebuild their lives and communities. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees now counts the number of refugees, asylum-seekers, and internally displaced persons at 51 million. That number is staggering by any measure. It represents children, women, and men from Syria, South Sudan, the Central African Republic, and now Iraq, who face death, destruction, and dislocation. For them, daily survival is a gamble.

The dreams refugees harbor have special meaning for Americans. Even before our land was a nation, America was a haven for those seeking freedom from persecution, hunger, oppression and war. Today, refugees continue to look to America for relief and opportunity. These refugees, many of whom arrive having lost everything, become some of the most resilient, entrepreneurial, and devoted citizens we have.

When I visited the UN’s Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan last year, I saw firsthand the value and importance of our work. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians – many women and children – live there in suspended animation, waiting for the opportunity to rebuild their lives. I met with some of the camp’s many residents. Their needs were simple: food, shelter, stability. But most of all, they want to live their lives with the dignity and respect that all people deserve.

That’s why I’m proud that the United States is the largest donor to humanitarian relief worldwide. Our humanitarian assistance has saved lives and eased suffering for 4.7 million people inside Syria and more than 2.8 million refugees in neighboring countries. We have also recently announced nearly $300 million in additional humanitarian assistance to help the people affected by the conflict in South Sudan. Beyond just dollars and programs, our efforts are assisting millions who have fled conflict and persecution in the Central African Republic, Burma, Afghanistan, and many other places around the world.

I’m especially proud that the United States welcomes the most refugees to our shores every year. Nearly 70,000 refugees from 65 nations found a new home in in the United States last year. We expect to admit just as many in 2014.

The losses refugees suffer, the journeys they make, and the commitment they put into rebuilding their lives are remarkable. Today of all days, we salute their courage and resilience. We pay tribute to the generosity of countries that give them refuge. And we applaud the compassion of communities and organizations the world over that lend a helping hand.

I’m especially proud that the United States welcomes the most refugees to our shores every year. Nearly 70,000 refugees from 65 nations found a new home in in the United States last year. We expect to admit just as many in 2014.

The losses refugees suffer, the journeys they make, and the commitment they put into rebuilding their lives are remarkable. Today of all days, we salute their courage and resilience. We pay tribute to the generosity of countries that give them refuge. And we applaud the compassion of communities and organizations the world over that lend a helping hand.

WHITE HOUSE STATEMENT REGARDING ATROCITIES IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

May 13, 2014

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

Statement by the Press Secretary on the Central African Republic

In late 2012, armed groups began a rebellion that sparked a period of devastating instability, lawlessness, and anarchy in the Central African Republic (CAR) that led to the overthrow of its government in early 2013.  Escalating violence and human rights abuses set the stage for the eruption of sectarian conflict by December 2013.  Communities that have lived together peacefully for generations are being torn apart along sectarian lines.  More than 2.5 million of the country’s 4.6 million people need humanitarian assistance.  Approximately one million people have been displaced.  Growing attacks perpetrated by both Muslim and Christian militias have brought CAR to a crisis of disastrous proportions.   

That is why today President Obama issued a new Executive Order declaring a national emergency and authorizing the imposition of sanctions to deal with the threat posed by the situation in the CAR.  The Executive Order also imposes sanctions on five individuals – sending a powerful message that impunity will not be tolerated and that those who threaten the stability of the CAR will face consequences.  Today's actions follows the UN Security Council's unanimous vote in January to establish a sanctions regime against those responsible for instability and atrocities in the CAR, and the listing of three individuals by the UN Security Council CAR Sanctions Committee on May 9.

The United States continues to work with the international community, regional partners, and CAR’s transitional authorities to help set the country on a path toward recovery.  We strongly support the African Union, French, and European Union forces who have been working to reestablish security for the people of the CAR, and the UN peacekeepers who will continue their heroic work.  We stand with the courageous individuals who continue to call for peace and reconciliation.  We will continue to provide support to the Transitional Government as it works to restore governance and pave the way for a return to an elected government, and to deliver humanitarian assistance to those affected by the conflict.  We urge all parties to end the violence, to ensure justice and accountability for perpetrators of human rights abuses, and to work together to forge a brighter and more prosperous future for all Central Africans.

SECRETARY KERRY, ITALIAN FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI MAKE REMARKS AFTER MEETING

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks With Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini After Their Meeting

Remarks

John Kerry
Secretary of State

Treaty Room

Washington, DC

May 13, 2014

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SECRETARY KERRY: Good afternoon, everybody, I guess almost good evening. Federica,benvenuta a Washington. We’re happy to have you here. I’m very delighted to welcome Foreign Minister Mogherini to Washington. We met in Rome about two months ago, I think it was, and in the best Italian-American tradition, we bonded over food as well as good discussions.

At the time, we were co-hosting an event that I might mention here which we consider important, which is support for the USA Pavilion at the Milan Expo 2015, which is focused on the challenge of feeding the planet, of food security and energy for life. And we believe it’s important to participate in this. We look forward to it. And I think when we consider the huge numbers of young people growing the populations of countries throughout the world, but particularly in Africa, South Central Asia, and elsewhere, the challenge of food security is critical, and we’re very grateful to Italy for hosting this affair and for highlighting the importance of this challenge.

I think everybody here knows, and if they don’t, I will restate it clearly – Italy is one of the United States’ most important allies. We, I think, can safely say that our alliance has never been stronger than it is at this moment. And today, we spoke about some of the most difficult challenges that we face at this moment of time – from Ukraine to Syria to Libya, and always the challenge of Iran and the nuclear program, and the potential of peace – still a concern for peace in the Middle East.

May 25^th, we believe, we are convinced, is a real opportunity for the people of Ukraine to express their will through the ballot box. And Ukraine’s future absolutely should not be determined at the barrel of a gun. We all stand together, united for the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine, and we don’t believe that ballots that are marked in Moscow or referenda directed from there should decide Ukraine’s future.

We deplore today’s violence and senseless killings, and the separatists who are very busy spreading fear and violence in Donetsk and Luhansk really need to answer the real call of the people of Ukraine, which is under the banner of “Let us vote.” And that vote, the real vote, will take place in the election on May 25^th.

The other key step in the path to heal the tensions politically are the Ukrainian-led, OSCE-supported national dialogue and the roundtables that are to take place across Ukraine. These will focus on decentralization and constitutional reform. And the United States very strongly supports this process. We’re in constant touch with the OSCE itself, with Foreign Minister Steinmeier and others, and with Foreign Minister Lavrov of Russia, in efforts to try to encourage this process to take hold as fully as possible, as fast as possible. And we also welcome the OSCE’s appointment of a veteran diplomat, Walter Ischinger, Ambassador Ischinger, in order to serve as a mediator in that process.

So let me be clear: We expect to see, want to see, and will work to achieve real de-escalation, disarmament, evacuation of occupied buildings in exchange for amnesty and dialogue. And that is what is called for in the Geneva statement of the 17^th last month, and also the OSCE roadmap. We hope that the OSCE will support the Government of Ukraine in facilitating these steps as rapidly as possible.

Finally, I want to welcome the news that our friends in the European Union have applied additional sanctions on Russia – Russians, Russian individuals and Russian companies involved in the occupation of Crimea. The EU has made it clear that should the May 25^th elections be disrupted in Ukraine, then there will be additional sanctions. So Russia, we would say – and we don’t say this punitively, but Russia really does face a choice, and the choice is to allow the people of Ukraine to determine their own future without interference from outside and with efforts by all of us to try to assist in de-escalating the tension, removing people from buildings, pulling back security forces, counterterrorism initiatives – all of those things – in order to give the people of Ukraine the ability to breathe through the democratic process.
We also want to be clear: There are still threats to a Europe whole, free and at peace. And because of that, our commitment to Article 5 of the NATO Charter remains ironclad. NATO territory is inviolable, and we will defend every piece of it. That’s why we are deploying United States military assets to the region and that’s why the United States is encouraging our allies both to contribute to the reassurance effort that is currently underway as well as to meet their NATO commitments with respect to defense spending and planning.

The foreign minister and I also discussed briefly the efforts to eliminate serious chemical weapons. We greatly appreciate Italy’s assistance in eliminating the Syrian chemical weapons, including offering the port of Gioia Tauro for loading the materials onto the vessel Cape Bay – Cape Ray. And I want to emphasize this really underscores Italy’s very strong commitment to this initiative, to help us destroy these weapons in the most secure and safe environment possible.

I might underscore, we are currently slightly over 92 percent – 92 percent – of all of the chemical weapons of Syria declared being removed. There are still challenges with respect to some knowledge about undeclared, but at the moment we need to insist that the Syrian regime fully comply with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and the UN Security Council Resolution 2118. And we will remain vigilant until this is achieved.

The last issue we discussed was the issue of Libya. I again thank Italy for hosting the donor conference in March, the ministerial conference that we held on Libya. The United States and Italy are very committed to the transitional process that needs to take hold even more in Libya, and we will continue to support the Libyan Government as it works overtime to be able to provide a democratic process and to deliver both good governance and security to the people of Libya.

So, Federica, thank you for taking time to be with us today. I know you have to fly back to join all of us at the meeting in London, and then fly back again, so we appreciate enormously your efforts to be here today. And more especially, we appreciate the good work we’re doing together. Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, John. Thank you for welcoming me here in my first official visit abroad – and that was not by chance. That was a clear sign of showing how strong our – how good, how excellent our relation is, both bilaterally and in the international organizations we are in together. Actually, you visited Rome, I think, twice in the last couple of months. We were extremely happy to have you in the conference on Libya in the beginning of March, as we were extremely happy to host you during the visit of President Obama last month in Rome. I felt it was the most natural thing to do to pay my first visit in Washington to show how strong and excellent our work together is in all fields.

Let me start by saying that I have been flying here directly from Brussels, where yesterday we had the foreign council on – whose main concern was Ukraine; how important it is that we speak with one voice, and we act in the same way. I want to thank you because I have experienced in this first month of my mandate good – extremely good coordination whenever it comes to facing a difficult situation.

I think that part of the important response that we’ve given to the crisis in Ukraine has been in – speaking with one voice, both in Europe, across the Atlantic, in the G7, in the UN. And I think that has to stay our first priority, to speak with one voice when it comes to dealing with the crisis in Ukraine.

At the council yesterday in Brussels, we decided exactly on the same line as you described – a mix of instruments for making sure that a solution to the crisis is found in the most effective and quick way. First priority is to stop the violence on the ground, to de-escalate, as was stated in the Geneva agreement of the 17^th, and as we should make sure that it is implemented on the ground.

We all agree and we’ve always all agreed on the fact that there is no military solution to the crisis that is extremely concerning for all of us. And the political answer to this crisis is a mix of creating the conditions for internal and external dialogue, the national dialogue that is going to start tomorrow, and that the leadership of the Ukrainian Government with the full support of the U.S.A., with the full support of the European Union, and following your words also on the United States and the international community, and on the other side, sanctions that always say it’s a way putting political pressure to get the result, which is a political solution to the crisis.
But now the first objective for us is decreasing tensions, stopping the violence, making the elections of the 25^th happen, and making them a success, and at the same time, supporting the Ukrainian Government to follow up the process of additional reforms in the inclusive way in which they have committed to do.

As you said, we discussed also all the other crises that are open around us. Ukraine is extremely important, especially for us Europeans, but I know also for you how deep the concern is. Still, it should not shadow other crises that are extremely dramatic around us. Starting from Syria, three years of war, the need for re-launching a way of finding a political stop to the conflict, finding ways of giving humanitarian assistance, because there are people dying, children dying, and fleeing from the country. The surrounding countries that are by miracle sustaining this conflict – I think of Lebanon – and the process of dismantling the chemical arsenal that we are – happy is not the appropriate word, I guess, to describe that, but probably proud to contribute to by offering the Port of Gioia Tauro for the – for this operation. And again, it’s extremely important that at least this path is at least partially a successful one.

As you said, we discussed Libya, shared the concern for a situation that in terms of security on the ground, in terms of control of the territory and of the borders of the country, is extremely worrying and unstable. The way is trying to support the internal democratic dynamics, political dynamics in the country, so that they manage to get to forming a government able to deal with the control of the country and of the territory itself. For us, it’s a priority, and I know that we have you and all the international community at our side in trying to find the most useful way on that.
Thank you again for your commitment to Expo. We appreciate it very much, and we are willing to host you next year, but for sure before that in Milan for Expo 2015. It’s a great occasion for us to underline how much we can do together to fight one of the most dramatic elements of our time. On one side over-nutrition; on the other side, people dying, for hunger. There’s a contradiction there that we have to face and try to solve, and Expo is going to be a great chance for the international community to face this problem together and try to solve it and to move it forward.

So thank you very much.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Thank you very much, Federica. We appreciate it very, very much. And let me – we are honored that you selected to come here first. We really appreciate that. And it is a sign of the special relationship and the way we work together, so I’m very grateful. We all are.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, but it’s natural. That’s natural.

MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Roz Jordan of Al-Jazeera.

QUESTION: Thank you, Madam Minister. Welcome to Washington. And Mr. Secretary, three brief questions. First, regarding Syria: As we all know, Lakhdar Brahimi has stepped aside as the special envoy for Syria. He is the second person to fail in this job after Kofi Annan. Can a third special envoy succeed where he and Annan have failed? The SNC, for its part, is adamant that a political calculation cannot be brought about unless its armed component does receive weapons from the West, and it says it will be making that request when all of you gather in London on Thursday. Will the U.S. support the SNC’s request? Does the U.S. believe that the SNC is mistaken in this regard?

Regarding Nigeria, the U.S. coordination team led by the State Department is now on the ground; surveillance planes are in the air. Does the U.S. have a better sense of where these kidnapped girls and their kidnappers are? Will the Nigerian army have the capability of rescuing them, if indeed they are located via intelligence and surveillance methods? And is the U.S. prepared to offer its own troops to assist the Nigerian army? Is Abuja willing to have that sort of assistance?

And finally, the Saudi Government has invited the Iranian foreign minister, Mr. Zarif, to Riyadh for meetings. Does the U.S. welcome this? Is this the first sign of a rapprochement? Did the U.S. have anything to do with this invitation extended by the Saudi foreign minister? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: I think there were about 9 or 10 questions there. (Laughter.)

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: All yours. (Laughter.) I’m not kidding.

QUESTION: She already spoke on Syria.

SECRETARY KERRY: First of all, Mr. Brahimi did not fail. It’s a great mistake here to place on a peacemaking effort the notion that the failure of an envoy or a special envoy, or the inability to be able to reach agreement is the fault of the envoy. It’s not. It’s the fault of a party – Assad – who will not negotiate, who absolutely refused to negotiate at every single session.
Now, when this was announced in – I think it was March, April of a year ago, when I went to Moscow and Sergei Lavrov joined in the announcement with President Putin’s support, it was because at that point in time, there was a sense that there was a need to negotiate. And the Russians supported that negotiation with the belief that that was the only way to settle this.
Regrettably in the intervening months after that, as everybody knows, there was a growth in the number of extremist groups who were trying to remove Assad, and then an increasing fight between the extremists and the moderate opposition. So whether it was Ahrar al-Sham or al-Nusra or al-Qaida or the Iraqi State Levant and so forth, those groups began to detract, and frankly that detracted from the effort. In addition to that, the intervening time also saw Hezbollah, a terrorist organization, cross international lines to go in and actively fight on the ground, in addition to which there are IRGC forces – Iranian forces – on the ground in Syria.
So the dynamics shifted on the ground between the time of the announcement and Mr. Brahimi’s efforts, and I applaud his efforts. He patiently and diligently worked to give the parties an opportunity to be able to negotiate in good faith in pursuance of the Geneva agreement, which was to have a transition government that could move to a peaceful resolution. The opposition showed up; the opposition did a better job than the regime of making its case. And the opposition consistently tried to adhere to the rules of talking about the future with respect to a transition.

The Assad regime never did. And so this represents a continuation of the stubborn clinging to power of a man who is willing to drop barrel bombs on his people, to gas them, to shell artillery on innocent civilians, to starve people in their homes, and somehow claim a right to be able to run a country. I don’t think the civilized world is going to stand for that, and so there will be a continuation of an effort to put pressure on Mr. Assad.

President Obama is continuing to support the moderate opposition. He has increased the support to the moderate opposition, as have others, with a belief that we need to get to a negotiation at some point in time. And when the parties are ready to negotiate, then a mediator will have a chance to be able to help them do so, and everyone can succeed by giving the people of Syria an opportunity to reclaim their future.

With respect to Nigeria, our people are on the ground. We are proud to be contributing to the effort in order to help find these young women. And as everybody knows, there was recent evidence demonstrating that at least a certain group of them were together and in one place at a certain period of time. We don’t know exactly when. What I can guarantee you is that we will make every effort possible in order to help free those young women, and we are there helping to do that now. I’m not going to discuss what mechanism or methodology may or may not be used in order to do so, except to say that we are committed to this effort together with, I think, decent, civilized people all around the world who think this is a barbaric, horrendous act against the conscience of people everywhere. And so the President has all options with respect to the future. We’re dealing with the government of another country. That’s always got its diplomatic requirements.

With respect to the Saudi invite, no, the United States did not have anything to do with this invitation, but we’re delighted to see our good friends, the Saudis, engaged in diplomacy that may or may not be able to add to any number of different possibilities in the region. They have a longstanding difficulty in that relationship, but it is completely in keeping with their prerogatives to be able to reach out and engage. And we encourage it, we welcome it, and we hope that it might be able to produce something with respect to one of several conflicts in which the Iranians could perhaps have an impact.

MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Paolo Valentino.

QUESTION: Thank you. I have only one question for each of you. Mr. Secretary, I’m afraid my question will be a bit out of context, but the subject has been vividly discussed in the last 24 hours in Italy and in Europe. In his recently released book, former Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner claims that in 2011, some European officials approached him asking for help in a scheme to force Silvio Berlusconi out of power, and that the answer was no.

Now, despite the fact – I quote – “that it would have been desirable to have better leadership in Europe,” as a member of the cabinet, do you have anything to say on behalf of the Administration? And as then-chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, do you have any recollection of having any hint or echo of this subject at the time?

For Minister Mogherini, Ukraine: Today, you sounded a note of cautious optimism about the possibility of launching a national dialogue based on the apparent acceptance from both Kyiv and Moscow of the OSCE roadmap. Now, how does this square with the growing violence which, even today, claimed some victims? And did you, in your talks, discuss the eventual possibility of floating the idea of a UN-sponsored interposition force in Ukraine? Thank you.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I got the easier question. No, we didn’t discuss that option. It is not on the ground so far. As concerns the first part of the question, it is exactly because violence on the ground is not diminishing that we need to support a national dialogue effort. Tomorrow, as far as I know, the first national dialogue exercise will start in Ukraine. Obviously, it is an extremely difficult process. It is not easy. It is not to be given for granted that it works. But still, we are putting all of our political pressure on all sides, including, obviously, Russia, to be coherent – words and actions – and allow, first, violence on the ground to stop, and second, Ukrainians to talk to each other and to find their way of ruling the country as one country. We have said from the beginning territorial integrity, unity, sovereignty of Ukraine is our goal. For doing that, for achieving that, we need internal dialogue and the dialogue with all the regional actors relevant.

I’m sorry, I guess I have to repeat something in Italian for the Italian press. That’s right. If I
manage to say the same things. (Laughter.) I’ll try. (In Italian.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Io non so niente.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I said the same. I said the same. I said the same. Exactly the same.

QUESTION: Did you read the book?

SECRETARY KERRY: No. No, I was not – I – absolutely, this is the first I’ve ever heard of it. Thank you. Grazie tanto.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: And can I --

SECRETARY KERRY: Honestly, I hadn’t – I knew nothing as Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and I know nothing about it now. You have to ask somebody else.

FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Can I add just one thing that I forgot to say – two small things that I forgot to say --

SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, yes
.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: -- in those remarks? Sorry, it’s a little bit of jetlag coming in. One is the dimension that we discussed and I wanted to say publicly how much we appreciate the efforts that John has been putting and is still putting on the Middle East peace talks that are now facing a difficult time, but his efforts and his commitment to that are precious. There are all – not only us Italians, but all Europeans supporting this effort very much, and hope and think that this work is an excellent opportunity for the Middle East to finally find a way out of the conflict.

And second, we also discussed Afghanistan and to recommit ourselves, once the election phase is over and there’s a new leadership in Afghanistan, to accompany their democratic transition furthermore.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you everyone.

SECRETARY KERRY: Is that it? Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you.