FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Remarks by Attorney General Holder at the Media Availability Following Meeting with European Union Officials About Foreign Terrorist Fighters and Other Areas of Mutual Concern
Washington, DCUnited States ~ Thursday, November 13, 2014
Thank you all for being here. It has been a pleasure to welcome so many of my colleagues and counterparts to Washington, D.C., for this week’s important ministerial meeting.
Over the past two days, we have discussed the considerable work that’s currently enabling the U.S. and the EU to coordinate on common threats – in addition to the steps that we can, and must, take together in the days ahead.
In the last year alone, our nations have taken tough, coordinated action against cyber criminals, online child pornographers, and transnational organized crime. We had the privilege of hearing today from some of our lead prosecutors on the Game Over Zeus cyber investigation and the action against Tor dark markets, including the second edition of the Silk Road website, that have taken place over the past few days. Both, of course, involved U.S. authorities and multiple EU member states.
And we also have heard how we have worked together against traditional organized crime groups, including ’Ndranghta – where our coordinated work with Italy led to 25 arrests in New York and Calabria earlier this year.
Importantly, we also discussed a number of steps that the U.S. – and the EU and its member states – can take together to address the issue of foreign terrorist fighters, including through information sharing, investigations and prosecutions, and countering violent extremism.
One important area, we agreed, was developing the capabilities of our partner governments to deal with foreign terrorist fighters.
The Department of Justice is part of a U.S. Government-wide effort in this regard.
I can announce today that, with the support of the State Department’s Bureau of Counterterrorism, the Department of Justice has detailed federal prosecutors and senior law enforcement advisors to reside in key regions – including the Balkans, the Middle East and North Africa – to work with countries seeking to increase their capacity to investigate and prosecute foreign terrorist fighters.
The Department of Justice has advisors residing in four Balkans countries. And we will soon be placing a regional counterterrorism advisor in the area.
Justice Department prosecutors have also been placed in ten countries in the Middle East and North Africa. These personnel will provide critical assistance to our allies in order to help prosecute those who return from the Syrian region bent on committing acts of terrorism.
Our counterterrorism prosecutors here in the U.S. also travel to other countries to collaborate with their counterparts.
And we have assigned a U.S. prosecutor as the Interim Director of the International Institute for Justice and the Rule of Law, or IIJ – located in Malta – which provides a forum to discuss the Foreign Terrorist Fighter problem and work with international partners to arrive at solutions.
The Justice Department provides vital expertise and support to the IIJ, in partnership with the State Department’s Bureau of Counterterrorism, and in collaboration with the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate.
Finally, we are working with other partners, including the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, to help build the capacity of partners world-wide to engage in mutual legal assistance on cases involving terrorism and transnational crime.
Our goal in all these efforts is to build the capacity to fight Foreign Terrorist Fighters within the rule of law – so we can stop the flow of fighters into conflict regions, stem the tide of violence, and aggressively combat violent extremism.
As our discussions have shown, in all of these areas, we can succeed only as partners. And I am happy to have partners such as these on both sides of the Atlantic.
I appreciate this chance to join so many invaluable colleagues and counterparts here in Washington, as we keep advancing these critical discussions – and building on the great work that’s underway. And I look forward to all that our nations must – and surely will – achieve together in the months and years ahead.
Thank you.
Showing posts with label EUROPEAN UNION. Show all posts
Showing posts with label EUROPEAN UNION. Show all posts
Monday, November 17, 2014
Thursday, November 13, 2014
AMBASSADOR PRESSMAN'S SPEECH ON CHAPTER VII MANDATE RENEWAL SUPPORTING PEOPLE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs
New York, NY
November 11, 2014
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Madame President, and thank you High Representative Inzko for your briefing today. The United States continues to support your mandate under the General Framework Agreement for Peace. We commend your work, and offer you our strong support for your role as a member of the Peace Implementation Council.
Madame President, before commenting on High Representative Inzko’s briefing, I would like to say a few words about the resolution that was just adopted by the Council.
This Chapter VII mandate renewal reaffirms the Council’s willingness to support the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to sustain a safe and secure environment with the assistance of the EUFOR mission and NATO Headquarters Sarajevo, and to implement the civilian aspects of the General Framework Agreement for Peace with the help of the Office of the High Representative.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has expressed, without reservation, its strong support for this mandate renewal and for all of the language therein. The United States joins Bosnia and Herzegovina and the members of this Council and the EU Foreign Affairs Council in our continued support for the EUFOR mandate. And we are disappointed that one delegation did not join consensus in responding to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s own request for continued Security Council support.
Madame President, this has been a highly eventful and important year for Bosnia and Herzegovina. In February, thousands of protesters in cities across the country joined together to express dissatisfaction with economic and political stagnation. Although the protests briefly – and regrettably – turned violent, and although some political actors attempted to use the protests to discourage public discourse and stoke ethnic tensions, the plenums that resulted from these protests provided a positive and peaceful venue for active political engagement.
Shortly after our May debate in this Council, Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced severe flooding that resulted in dozens of deaths and displaced thousands from their homes. The flooding also contributed to economic concerns, causing billions of dollars in damage. As the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina work toward recovery, they are undoubtedly more aware than ever of the need for properly functioning democratic institutions and for political leaders that will work together at all levels to make social and economic progress.
In this regard, the United States commends Bosnia and Herzegovina on holding general elections this October. The elections were orderly and conducted in a competitive environment, although we also cannot ignore that there were several irregularities, as noted by the OSCE observation mission.
As finalized results are expected today, it is our hope that governments will form as quickly as possible and that the elected representatives of the people will look for ways to move the country forward positively and to compromise, where needed.
Further, we call on the political parties and institutions to meet their obligations to implement the ruling of the BiH Constitutional Court on the electoral system for Mostar.
Madame President, we support Bosnia and Herzegovina’s long-expressed goal of Euro-Atlantic integration and continue to believe that the integration process is the surest and most expeditious path to the country’s long-term stability and prosperity. We note Bosnia and Herzegovina recently reiterated this goal during the recent General Debate, in which Serb Member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina Radmanovic stated unequivocally that his country’s ultimate goal was, “full, legal integration into the European Union.”
Euro-Atlantic integration will not happen without continued efforts by a variety of stakeholders. We welcome the reform initiative proposed by the British and German Foreign Ministers last week to get the country back on track for EU membership, and we will work with our European partners to support the adoption and implementation of this reform agenda. We also will work with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s newly elected leaders to press for the resolution of the listing of defense properties in order to activate its NATO Membership Action Plan. We hope the new government seriously engages on the reform agenda to build a more effective, democratic and prosperous state, and to progress towards the country’s goals of EU and NATO integration.
As the High Representative noted in his report, authorities have again failed to make any concrete progress on the outstanding 5+2 objectives and the conditions for the closure of the Office of the High Representative. We also share his concern over the Republika Srpska’s lack of compliance with its obligation to provide the High Representative with timely access to officials, institutions and documents, and we urge the relevant authorities to comply.
The United States strongly supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina as guaranteed by the Dayton Peace Accords. We note that some political leaders persist in their attempts to use divisive rhetoric to distract the public from economic and political stagnation.
The recent elections proved that an increasing majority of citizens are tired of these distractions and seek true leadership from their officials. We condemn divisive rhetoric, and during the coalition formation period, we urge parties to seek partners that are prepared to work toward a future for all of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Finally, I want to again reiterate the support of the United States for the renewal of the EUFOR mandate under the Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The United States commends the work of NATO Headquarters Sarajevo and EUFOR mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and we believe EUFOR and NATO Headquarters Sarajevo – successors to SFOR – are essential in sustaining a safe and secure environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina, providing vital capacity-building to the government, and offering reassurance across ethnic lines that the international community is committed to the country’s stability.
We remain hopeful for the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and we will continue to work with the international community and with the country’s institutions to encourage progress in each of these areas and to improve the lives of its citizens.
Thank you, Madame President.
Ambassador David Pressman
Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs
New York, NY
November 11, 2014
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Madame President, and thank you High Representative Inzko for your briefing today. The United States continues to support your mandate under the General Framework Agreement for Peace. We commend your work, and offer you our strong support for your role as a member of the Peace Implementation Council.
Madame President, before commenting on High Representative Inzko’s briefing, I would like to say a few words about the resolution that was just adopted by the Council.
This Chapter VII mandate renewal reaffirms the Council’s willingness to support the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to sustain a safe and secure environment with the assistance of the EUFOR mission and NATO Headquarters Sarajevo, and to implement the civilian aspects of the General Framework Agreement for Peace with the help of the Office of the High Representative.
Bosnia and Herzegovina has expressed, without reservation, its strong support for this mandate renewal and for all of the language therein. The United States joins Bosnia and Herzegovina and the members of this Council and the EU Foreign Affairs Council in our continued support for the EUFOR mandate. And we are disappointed that one delegation did not join consensus in responding to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s own request for continued Security Council support.
Madame President, this has been a highly eventful and important year for Bosnia and Herzegovina. In February, thousands of protesters in cities across the country joined together to express dissatisfaction with economic and political stagnation. Although the protests briefly – and regrettably – turned violent, and although some political actors attempted to use the protests to discourage public discourse and stoke ethnic tensions, the plenums that resulted from these protests provided a positive and peaceful venue for active political engagement.
Shortly after our May debate in this Council, Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced severe flooding that resulted in dozens of deaths and displaced thousands from their homes. The flooding also contributed to economic concerns, causing billions of dollars in damage. As the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina work toward recovery, they are undoubtedly more aware than ever of the need for properly functioning democratic institutions and for political leaders that will work together at all levels to make social and economic progress.
In this regard, the United States commends Bosnia and Herzegovina on holding general elections this October. The elections were orderly and conducted in a competitive environment, although we also cannot ignore that there were several irregularities, as noted by the OSCE observation mission.
As finalized results are expected today, it is our hope that governments will form as quickly as possible and that the elected representatives of the people will look for ways to move the country forward positively and to compromise, where needed.
Further, we call on the political parties and institutions to meet their obligations to implement the ruling of the BiH Constitutional Court on the electoral system for Mostar.
Madame President, we support Bosnia and Herzegovina’s long-expressed goal of Euro-Atlantic integration and continue to believe that the integration process is the surest and most expeditious path to the country’s long-term stability and prosperity. We note Bosnia and Herzegovina recently reiterated this goal during the recent General Debate, in which Serb Member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina Radmanovic stated unequivocally that his country’s ultimate goal was, “full, legal integration into the European Union.”
Euro-Atlantic integration will not happen without continued efforts by a variety of stakeholders. We welcome the reform initiative proposed by the British and German Foreign Ministers last week to get the country back on track for EU membership, and we will work with our European partners to support the adoption and implementation of this reform agenda. We also will work with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s newly elected leaders to press for the resolution of the listing of defense properties in order to activate its NATO Membership Action Plan. We hope the new government seriously engages on the reform agenda to build a more effective, democratic and prosperous state, and to progress towards the country’s goals of EU and NATO integration.
As the High Representative noted in his report, authorities have again failed to make any concrete progress on the outstanding 5+2 objectives and the conditions for the closure of the Office of the High Representative. We also share his concern over the Republika Srpska’s lack of compliance with its obligation to provide the High Representative with timely access to officials, institutions and documents, and we urge the relevant authorities to comply.
The United States strongly supports the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina as guaranteed by the Dayton Peace Accords. We note that some political leaders persist in their attempts to use divisive rhetoric to distract the public from economic and political stagnation.
The recent elections proved that an increasing majority of citizens are tired of these distractions and seek true leadership from their officials. We condemn divisive rhetoric, and during the coalition formation period, we urge parties to seek partners that are prepared to work toward a future for all of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Finally, I want to again reiterate the support of the United States for the renewal of the EUFOR mandate under the Chapter VII of the UN Charter. The United States commends the work of NATO Headquarters Sarajevo and EUFOR mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and we believe EUFOR and NATO Headquarters Sarajevo – successors to SFOR – are essential in sustaining a safe and secure environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina, providing vital capacity-building to the government, and offering reassurance across ethnic lines that the international community is committed to the country’s stability.
We remain hopeful for the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina and we will continue to work with the international community and with the country’s institutions to encourage progress in each of these areas and to improve the lives of its citizens.
Thank you, Madame President.
Sunday, November 2, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS REGARDING THE NEW EUROPEAN COMMISSION
FROM: THE STATE DEPARTMENT
The New European Commission
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
October 31, 2014
I look forward to collaborating with a new European Commission that will take office on November 1 under the leadership of President Jean-Claude Juncker.
He has assembled a talented group of European leaders for his new Commission, including old friends like incoming High Representative Federica Mogherini.
The United States and the European Union share a common past – one we honor a century after the start of the First World War. Today, we share a common vision for a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
Almost two decades ago, leaders of the United States and the European Union committed to work together to promote peace, stability, and democracy around the world. We agreed to respond to global challenges, together. And we agreed to expand world trade, bring our economies closer together, and build transatlantic bridges for people and ideas.
The issues we confront have changed over the years. But we have stayed true to our bedrock commitments. Today, we face serious threats to peace and stability from the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, ISIL in the Middle East, and Russia’s actions in Ukraine. These are crises we will combat together. And we are negotiating an ambitious trade and investment partnership to bring our economies even closer.
After a decade of his remarkable leadership at the helm of this Commission, I thank outgoing Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso. I am also grateful for High Representative Catherine Ashton’s partnership over the years.
As the new Commission takes office, I look forward to working closely with them to reinforce the ties that bind the United States and the European Union.
Saturday, November 1, 2014
NSC STATEMENT ON SEPARATIST ELECTIONS IN EASTERN UKRAINE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
October 31, 2014
Statement by NSC Spokesperson Bernadette Meehan on Anticipated Separatist “Elections” in Eastern Ukraine
We deplore the intent of separatists in parts of eastern Ukraine to hold illegitimate so-called local “elections” on Sunday, November 2. If held, these “elections” would contravene Ukraine’s constitution and laws and the September 5 Minsk Protocol. As President Obama said on October 27, “the United States will not recognize any election held in separatist-held areas that does not comport with Ukrainian law and is not held with the express consent and under the authority of the Ukrainian government.” The only legitimate local election in eastern Ukraine will be held on December 7, as prescribed by the Special Status Law signed by President Poroshenko for parts of Donetsk and Luhansk, and in keeping with the Protocol that the separatists signed with Ukraine and Russia in Minsk, Belarus, on September 5.
As a signatory of the Minsk Protocol, we call on Russia to join the Secretary General of the United Nations, the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the international community in condemning the illegitimate vote planned for this weekend. The United States will not recognize any results announced from this so-called election, and we call on all members of the international community to do the same. We also caution Russia against using any such illegitimate vote as a pretext to insert additional troops and military equipment into Ukraine, particularly in light of recent indications that the Russian military is moving forces back to the border along separatist controlled areas of eastern Ukraine. We once more urge Russia and its separatist proxies to fulfill all of their commitments under the Minsk Protocol of September 5, and the Minsk Memorandum of September 19.
Monday, September 1, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY CONGRATULATES NEW PRESIDENT OF EUROPEAN UNION DONALD TUSK
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Statement on New European Council President and High Representative
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
August 31, 2014
I want to congratulate Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk on his election as President of the European Council, and Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini on her appointment as High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.
The Prime Minister was a warm host when I visited Warsaw last November, and when President Obama and I returned earlier this year. The Polish people are strong and rightly proud of their country, and I know the Prime Minister will carry his leadership to the Council.
I have met with Foreign Minister Mogherini several times, most recently in Paris last month, and I value the collegial rapport we have developed as we work on a range of challenging issues.
I look forward to working closely together with both leaders to overcome the stark challenges we face to security, democracy, and freedom in Europe’s east, the Middle East, and throughout the world – and to defend and achieve our common vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
I also want to salute President Van Rompuy and especially High Representative Ashton, my close colleague and partner on the full range of global security issues, for their dedicated and indispensable work helping to steer the European Union through the last years.
The United States and Europe share deep common commitments to freedom, security, democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and open markets. We are joined by enduring links of culture and commerce, by our shared history and our common hopes for the future.
As the European Union names its new leaders and moves to confirm a new Commission, I look forward to continuing our work together to build an ever stronger transatlantic relationship, and a safer, more prosperous world for future generations.
The Prime Minister was a warm host when I visited Warsaw last November, and when President Obama and I returned earlier this year. The Polish people are strong and rightly proud of their country, and I know the Prime Minister will carry his leadership to the Council.
I have met with Foreign Minister Mogherini several times, most recently in Paris last month, and I value the collegial rapport we have developed as we work on a range of challenging issues.
I look forward to working closely together with both leaders to overcome the stark challenges we face to security, democracy, and freedom in Europe’s east, the Middle East, and throughout the world – and to defend and achieve our common vision of a Europe whole, free, and at peace.
I also want to salute President Van Rompuy and especially High Representative Ashton, my close colleague and partner on the full range of global security issues, for their dedicated and indispensable work helping to steer the European Union through the last years.
The United States and Europe share deep common commitments to freedom, security, democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and open markets. We are joined by enduring links of culture and commerce, by our shared history and our common hopes for the future.
As the European Union names its new leaders and moves to confirm a new Commission, I look forward to continuing our work together to build an ever stronger transatlantic relationship, and a safer, more prosperous world for future generations.
Wednesday, July 16, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY, LUXEMBOURG FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN MAKE REMARKS BEFORE MEETING
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn Before Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
July 16, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Good morning, everybody. I’m very pleased to be here with Jean Asselborn, the foreign minister of Luxembourg, a good friend. We have worked together now for a year and a half on a lot of different issues. We’re very grateful to Luxembourg for its leadership, its work on the Children in Armed Conflict Working Group, also its important role played as a member of the UN Security Council. And over the course of time, we have really been locked together in efforts to be supportive of human rights, of individual rights. Also Luxembourg has been very, very focused on and helpful in terms of the situation in Ukraine, where we are continuing to struggle to try to calm things down and reduce the level of violence.
Luxembourg is also a strong supporter of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, and we believe together that this is one of the most important economic lifts that we could provide to Europe and to ourselves. It’s important for all of us. It represents 40 percent of the global GDP. It’s a way to put our people to work. It’s a way to guarantee economic growth. And we will talk about that and other issues, including the Middle East peace process, and we look forward to your presidency. I think of the last five months --
FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN: Six.
SECRETARY KERRY: Six months, six months presidency of the EU. So that will be a very important moment also of leadership.
So we have a lot to talk about, and I look forward to it. And we actually are both very
enthusiastic cyclists. (Laughter.) I’m looking for that moment when we can go out and enjoy --
FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN: In Luxembourg. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY KERRY: In Luxembourg, riding together, yeah.
FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN: Thank you very much, Secretary of State John Kerry. I effectively want to place this visit in the context of the partnership, the transatlantic partnership, and mention maybe three points very briefly.
The first point – you started also with this – is Security Council. We have been member since 1st of January 2013 till the end of this year, and I really want to stress this very fruitful and effective cooperation, small Luxembourg, humble Luxembourg and the United States. On two points I can give an example. From Syria, maybe that you know that the 17th – the 14th of July now a resolution was accepted to allow and to guarantee better humanitarian assistance through or across the borders of Jordan, of Turkey, of Iraq for 1.5 million people who need humanitarian assistance, and it is no more the Syrian Government who gives the authorization, but it is the UN Security Council. And Luxembourg, Australia, and Jordan with U.S., we pushed it and it’s very (inaudible).
Also on the armed conflicts, children in armed conflicts, I want to thank you, John, because during your presidency in September the Security Council will be having discussion and you allowed us a slot on the children in armed conflict, and this is very important.
The second point, Iran and Arab world. We know in Europe and we know it in Luxembourg how important it is the Iran issue for the American – for America and also for Europe. We really want to prevent Iran from nuclear weapons and bring back Iran to a more constructive and positive way for cooperation in international community. I was in Tehran months ago. I will a little bit explain the situation there as I saw it, but you can see in the streets everywhere – in Isfahan or – in Isfahan or in Tehran – that Iran wants to play another role. And it’s a crucial moment now. I hope that the international community can do it.
The second point is if we find a solution and bring back Iran to more cooperative and more constructive dialogue, I think they could play also an important role in Iraq, and that could be very important.
On the Middle East peace process, I want to underline that your effort, John, was not useless. It was really a big effort that you have done since I think July 2013 till April 2014. But we can see that if there is a lift of talks, immediately violence is coming up, and I think that if we get this ceasefire – and if I say “we,” that’s international community and also Egypt. I think we have to support Egypt. We have to try to restart immediately these talks again and a serious effort has to be done. Also I can say it here for the Israeli Government really to bring this two-state solution to a – this two-state solution to bring it to conclusions.
The last point that you mentioned, John, this TTIP, this partnership, free trade agreement between you and Europe, it’s not easy. We have to know that it’s difficult, difficult negotiations. I think that there are redlines on both sides. We have to overcome these redlines, and we have to play with more transparency to the public opinion, be it here or be it in Europe. The NGOs in Europe are asking very important questions and we have to give responses. And we have really I think to try to explain – to better explain the interests and the challenges.
SECRETARY KERRY: True.
FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN: If it is possible to come to conclusions, it would be, I think, in the end of 2015. And at this moment, as you mentioned it, Luxembourg will have the presidency in the European Union, so it will be interesting for us.
A last point. Seventy years ago in December of 2014 started the Battle of the Bulge. It was the most important battle in Europe; 20,000 people died. In Luxembourg, in the cemetery of Hamm, 5,000 of its soldiers are buried with General Patton also. And in December there will be – we will organize festivities, and it would be for us, really, a big – a great honor, a great honor if you, John, could be present there. I think it would be for all – for our history and for our friendship between Luxembourg and United States a very significant presence there and maybe (inaudible).
SECRETARY KERRY: What’s the date?
FOREIGN MINISTER ASSELBORN: It’s up to you to find it. (Laughter.)
QUESTION: Mr. Secretary, what is the concern about Gaza that you can speak about?
SECRETARY KERRY: I beg your pardon?
QUESTION: You specifically talked about the Middle East. What is your concern today especially about Gaza and that area?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, our concern is to have a legitimate ceasefire and see if we can find a way to stop the conflict and killing so we can get to the real issues that are underlying it. And we’re doing everything in our power; I’ve been in touch with Prime Minister Netanyahu, with the Egyptians, the foreign minister, with others in the region, and we’ll continue to dialogue on it. I’ll be seeing the President today, and we’ll talk about it later.
Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY'S PRESS AVAILABILITY IN VIENNA, AUSTRIA
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Press Availability in Vienna, Austria
Press Availability
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Vienna, Austria
July 15, 2014
In today’s world, it’s an understatement to say that diplomacy is difficult. But diplomacy is our preference for meeting the challenges that we do face all over the world, knowing even as we do that solutions are rarely perfect and nor do they all come at once. But that has never deterred us from pursuing the diplomatic course, and that is exactly what we are committed to doing and doing now.
President Obama has made it a top priority to pursue a diplomatic effort to see if we can reach an agreement that assures that the Iranian nuclear program is exclusively peaceful. In that effort, we have built a broad coalition of countries, including our P5+1 colleagues, to ensure that the international community is speaking with one voice. Despite the difficulties of these negotiations, I am confident that the United States and our partners in the P5+1 remain as squarely focused as ever on testing whether or not we can find a negotiated solution to this most pressing international security imperative.
Over the past few days, I have had lengthy conversations with Foreign Minister Zarif about what Iran is willing to do and what it needs to do to not only assure the community of nations, but to adhere to what the foreign minister himself has said repeatedly are Iran’s own limited objectives: not just to declare that they will not obtain a nuclear weapon, but to demonstrate in the actions they take beyond any reasonable doubt that any Iranian nuclear program, now and going forward, is exclusively for peaceful purposes.
In these conversations, and indeed over the last almost six months since the Joint Plan of Action took effect, we have made progress. We have all kept the commitments made in the Joint Plan, and we have all lived up to our obligations. We have all continued to negotiate in good faith. But after my conversations here with both Iran and with our P5+1 partners in particular, it is clear that we still have more work to do.
Our team will continue working very hard to try to reach a comprehensive agreement that resolves the international community’s concerns. I am returning to Washington today to consult with President Obama and with leaders in Congress over the coming days about the prospects for a comprehensive agreement, as well as a path forward if we do not achieve one by the 20th of July, including the question of whether or not more time is warranted, based on the progress we’ve made and how things are going.
As I have said, and I repeat, there has been tangible progress on key issues, and we had extensive conversations in which we moved on certain things. However, there are also very real gaps on other key issues. And what we are trying to do is find a way for Iran to have an exclusively peaceful nuclear program, while giving the world all the assurances required to know that Iran is not seeking a nuclear weapon.
I want to underscore: These goals are not incompatible. In fact, they are realistic. But we have not yet found the right combination or arrived at the workable formula. There are more issues to work through and more provisions to nail down to ensure that Iran’s program will always remain exclusively peaceful. So we are going to continue to work and we’re going to continue to work with the belief that there is a way forward.
But – and this is a critical point – while there is a path forward, Iran needs to choose to take it. And our goal now is to determine the precise contours of that path, and I believe we can.
With that, I’d be happy to take a few questions.
MS. HARF: The first question is from Jo Biddle of the AFP. Go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. You said that you’re returning to Washington for further consultations with President Obama, but you did say that the July 20th deadline is still on the table. How confident are you that you can get an agreement by July 20th? And if we’re talking about an extension, have you any idea how long that could be?
And I wanted to ask you about reports that – today quoting Mr. Foreign Minister Zarif that the Iranians are proposing a freeze on a nuclear program for a few years in return for being later treated as a country with a peaceful nuclear energy.
SECRETARY KERRY: I’m sorry. That got garbled in – take – hold the mike a little bit away.
QUESTION: Sorry.
SECRETARY KERRY: A little bit away, sorry.
QUESTION: There was a report in The New York Times today, an interview with Foreign Minister Zarif, in which he suggested that the Iranians have proposed freezing their nuclear program for a few years in return for being treated later as a country with a peaceful nuclear civilian energy program. Does this meet any U.S. demands or is this one of the real gaps that you’re still talking about?
And if I may, can I just ask you about the crisis in Gaza as well? Did you talk with Foreign Minister Zarif about this? Are you asking the Iranians to use their leverage with Hamas? And what could the United States do to try to achieve an implementation of a ceasefire which Hamas appears to have rejected? Thank you very much.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to the issue of July 20th, yes, it’s obviously still on the table and we’re still working, and we’re going to continue to work. The team will be here. They’ll continue to meet. And I will, as I said, go back to Washington to talk to the President and also our team back there in order to assess where we think we are with respect to the progress that we have made.
As I said, we have made progress, and there is work still to do, and we believe there is a path forward, so let’s see what happens in the next hours and days. I’m obviously prepared to come back here if we have the team say to me that there’s a reason to do so, but I have no plans to do so as I leave to go back to Washington to consult with the President.
With respect to the issue of the – what was in The New York Times and the question of a gap or no gap, I am definitively not going to negotiate in public. I’m not going to comment on any stories with respect to substance one way or the other. The real negotiation is not going to be done in the public eye; it’s going to be done in the private meetings that we’re having, and it is being done there. And I might add these are tough negotiations. The Iranians are strong in their positions. They understand what their needs are, we understand what ours are. Both are working in good faith to try to find a way forward.
And as I said, I think we’ve made some progress. Obviously, there’s more work to do. We’ll assess where we are in the next few days and make judgments at that point in time. And we don’t do this, obviously, exclusively. We are part of a team, the P5+1. Our partners, all of them, weigh in equally in this decision, and we need to be consulting as we go forward.
With respect to Gaza, let me say a few words. I cannot condemn strongly enough the actions of Hamas in so brazenly firing rockets in multiple numbers in the face of a goodwill effort to offer a ceasefire in which Egypt and Israel have joined together, and the international community strongly supports the idea of a ceasefire, the need – the compelling need to have a ceasefire. At the same time, there are great risks in what is happening there and in the potential of an even greater escalation of violence. We don’t want to see that – nobody does – and nor does Israel.
But Israel has a right to defend itself, and it is important for Hamas not to be provoking and purposefully trying to play politics in order to gain greater followers for its opposition, and use the innocent lives of civilians who they hide in buildings and use as shields and put in danger. That is against the laws of war and that’s why they are a terrorist organization. So we need to remember what is at stake here, and we will continue to work for a ceasefire.
Now at the moment, one of the reasons I’m going to Washington and not to Egypt, just to answer possibly another question ahead of time, is because there was this offer on the table, and we believe that it was important to give this offer an opportunity. And I still think perhaps reason could prevail if the political wing can deal with the military wing and Egypt can have some leverage. Let’s see what happens.
But we are prepared, as the United States is always prepared – and President Obama has said this again and again – to do everything in our power to help the parties come together to work to create a climate for genuine negotiations to be able to deal with the issues that truly separate these parties, and we stand prepared to do that. I am prepared to fly back to the region tomorrow if I have to, or the next day or the next, in order to pursue the prospects if this doesn’t work. But they deserve – the Egyptians deserve the time and the space to be able to try to make this initiative work, and we hope it will.
We urge all parties to support this ceasefire, and we support and we ask all the members of the Arab community, as they did yesterday at the Arab League meeting in Cairo, to continue to press to try to get Hamas to do the right thing here, which is cease the violence, engage in a legitimate negotiation, and protect the lives of people that they seem all too willing to put to risk.
MS. HARF: Our next question is from Lou Charbonneau of Reuters.
QUESTION: Thank you. Mr. Secretary, I wanted to return to the issue of Iran first. The Supreme Leader of Iran last week had a major speech in which he spoke of Iran needing the equivalent of what some see is as many as 190,000 older-generation centrifuges over the long term, a kind of massive industrial scale. How did you respond – how did you react to this speech? And in your meetings here with the Iranians, have you seen any sign of a new and substantial flexibility on the Iranian side since your Washington Post op-ed two weeks ago, enough progress that could, in theory, justify an extension?
And then I wanted to add on a question about Libya, where the situation is quite alarming. The UN is pulling out its staff and there has been shelling of as many as 90 planes at the airport. Thanks.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, with respect to the Supreme Leader’s speech on the 190,000 centrifuges, that’s not a new figure. It didn’t come as a surprise to me or to others. And what it is is it’s a reflection of Iran’s current ambitions with respect to a nuclear power program, and it reflects a long-term perception of what they currently have in their minds with respect to nuclear plants to provide power. It is not something, I think, that’s meant – and I think it was framed that way, I believe, in the speech.
Obviously, that’s not – I’m not going to get into what we’re talking about in numbers or whatever, but we have made it crystal clear that the 19,000 that are currently part of their program is too many, and that we need to deal with the question of enrichment. And so all I will say to you is that we will continue to press.
Now I do want Iran to understand, I want the Supreme Leader to know, that the United States believes that Iran has a right to have a peaceful nuclear program under Article IV of the NPT – there’s no question about that – a peaceful program. And what we are now working on is: How do you guarantee that what they do have is in fact purely peaceful and that it adheres to the stated intentions of the Supreme Leader and other leaders of Iran never to have a nuclear weapon?
Now, the Supreme Leader has issued a fatwa. We take that very seriously. The fatwa issued by a cleric is an extremely powerful statement about intent. But it is our need to codify it. We can’t take any declaration because that’s not what a negotiation nor a nuclear agreement is about. It’s about verifiable, specific steps by which parties that have disagreed can agree that they know each of them what they’re doing and how they’re living up to their responsibilities. And that’s what we’re seeing in this particular effort.
So Iran can have a peaceful nuclear program and they know how to get there. It’s by living up to the demands of the international community, the United Nations Security Council; the IAEA questions need to be answered, the additional protocol needs to be adhered to; and a specific set of verification and transparency measures need to be put in place among other things that make the promises real. That’s the nature. It’s not specific to Iran. Any country would be in the same place and need to do the same thing, as they do with respect to any kind of agreement.
Libya: We are obviously deeply concerned about the level of violence in Libya, and every single day in the State Department, we make assessments about the level of violence, about our personnel who are there, about our Embassy, about the overall nature of the violence. And that is why President Obama has appointed a special envoy, David Satterfield, a diplomat with a great deal of experience who most recently filled in in Egypt. And he has been working very closely with Jonathan Powell, the British special envoy, and with other special envoys – France, Italy – all of them focused on how we can transition Libya away from this militia violence, which is what is threatening the airport at the moment. It is not violence that has broken out every single day, all day. It’s mostly fighting at night and it is not threatening broadly every interest within Libya, but it is dangerous and it must stop. And we are working very, very hard through our special envoys to find the political cohesion, the glue that can bring people together to create stronger capacity in the governance of Libya so that this violence can end. And we’ll continue to stay very, very precisely focused on it.
MS. HARF: And our final question is from Amir Paivar of BBC Persia.
QUESTION: Thank you very much, Secretary Kerry. Many Iranians wonder – I would like to be very specific – why the U.S. and the world powers would not accept Iran maintain, say, 10,000 centrifuges. And here, I’m not haggling over numbers, but if the other terms of the deal are secure, numbers capped, degree of enrichment low, inspections intrusive – if trust is an issue, they say, both Iran and the United States have their checkered history when it comes to nuclear capability.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, as I said earlier, when you start asking about specific numbers of centrifuges and so forth, you get into a zone of public disclosure that is just not helpful to the negotiations at this point in time. So I’m not going to talk about a specific number, what number might work, not work, what we will accept, won’t accept. All of those questions belong at the negotiating table, and that’s where they are.
But let me just say, in general terms, this is not an issue of trust. This is an issue of factual process by which you can verify on a day-to-day basis what is happening. Now why do we need to do that? Why are there P5+1 at the table? Why is China joining with Russia, joining with the United States, joining with Germany, France, and Britain – all of them together at the table demanding the same thing, as well as the rest of the world through the United Nations Security Council and the resolutions?
This is not a fabricated issue. The reason that trust has to be built and a process of transparency and accountability has to be created is because over the years, a secret program has been pursued in a deep, under-the-ground, mountaintop facility that was concealed for a long time until it was discovered, and levels of enrichment have been going on on a regular basis and serious questions raised about weaponization in that context.
Now we’re working to answer those questions, and I want to – Foreign Minister Zarif is a tough negotiator. He knows how to fight for what he is fighting for. But he’s been clear, as we have been clear, about what we need to do to try to arrive at a fair, reasonable way to meet both parties’ rights and interests in this situation. And I believe that, as I said, we’ve made progress, and I think both of us can see ways in which we could make further progress and hopefully answer those questions.
But I’m not going to get into why Iran might have done that or who pushed who in what direction or what mistakes were made in the past. You can go back to the 1950s and find lots of things that have happened that have given rise to the relationship we’re in today. What we want to do is try and see if that’s changeable, put that to the test. The first test is to answer the questions and come up with a formula that says to the world this is a peaceful nuclear program, and it cannot be used to make weapons and we know that to a certainty. The test is: Can we know whether or not Iran is able to and is or might be building a nuclear weapon?
Now we’re going to continue to do what we are doing here. We’re going to work hard to try to find this agreement. This is not just important to the United States, Iran, and the P5; it’s important to the world. And it is important for us to try to work hard in order to see if we can find success, and that’s what we’re going to continue to do.
MS. HARF: Great. Thank you, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all. Appreciate it very much. We’ll see you again at some point, I’m sure.
Saturday, July 12, 2014
U.S. CONGRATULATES CITIZENS OF MONTENEGRO ON THEIR STATEHOOD DAY
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Montenegro's Statehood Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
July 12, 2014
On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I congratulate the citizens of Montenegro as you celebrate your Statehood Day.
The United States deeply appreciates Montenegro’s commitment to advance global peace and security, including through the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan.
The United States also applauds Montenegro’s accelerating progress towards membership in NATO and the European Union. This is an honor that reflects your growing stature on the global stage. We will continue to support Montenegro’s efforts to meet the requirements for full Euro-Atlantic integration, including strengthening of democratic institutions, media freedom, the rule of law, and the rights of minorities.
Congratulations on this special day and best wishes for continued peace and prosperity in the years to come.
The United States deeply appreciates Montenegro’s commitment to advance global peace and security, including through the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan.
The United States also applauds Montenegro’s accelerating progress towards membership in NATO and the European Union. This is an honor that reflects your growing stature on the global stage. We will continue to support Montenegro’s efforts to meet the requirements for full Euro-Atlantic integration, including strengthening of democratic institutions, media freedom, the rule of law, and the rights of minorities.
Congratulations on this special day and best wishes for continued peace and prosperity in the years to come.
Wednesday, July 2, 2014
CHAIRMAN JOINT CHIEFS SAYS WORLD SECURITY ENVIRONMENT IS CONFUSED
Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, speaks with service members during a town hall on Fort Shafter, Hawaii, June 30, 2014. Dempsey told U.S. Army Pacific soldiers that he hopes the military services can retain their own unique field uniforms, adding that having separate military services brings perspectives to the table that are the epitome of “jointness.” DoD photo by U.S. Navy Petty Officer 1st Class Daniel Hinton.
World Faces Confused Security Environment, Chairman Says
By Jim Garamone
DoD News, Defense Media Activity
FORT SHAFTER, Hawaii, July 1, 2014 – The world faces a confused security environment, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff said here yesterday, but the United States can deal with it.
Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey told soldiers of U.S. Army Pacific during an all-hands call that it is the right time and the right thing to rebalance U.S. interests in the Asia-Pacific theater.
Different areas of the world mean different security situations, the chairman explained.
“In this region of the world, there’s a rising sense of nationalism among the countries,” the chairman said. “The effort and intent of China to emerge on the world stage presents a different type of security challenge.”
In the Middle East, he told the soldiers, nationalism is breaking down amid fragmentation of national identity and the emergence of extremist groups.
The situation in Europe is somewhere between that in Asia and the Middle East, the general said. “There’s a group of nations trying to pull Europe together with organizations like NATO and the European Union,” he added, but he noted that in parts of Europe, there’s also a countervailing trend to see things in terms of national interests and ethnic identities.
Worldwide, Dempsey said, the security environment is confused. “It’s something we have to address,” he added. “You take the world as you find it, not as you hope it to be. And fortunately, we’ve got a great group of leaders and men and women in uniform that are willing to do just that.”
This security environment means the U.S. military must be prepared for different operations in different parts of the world, the nation’s top military officer said. “In this region, it is nations competing with other nations,” Dempsey said. “In the Middle East, it is about groups who don’t even care about borders competing with each other. In Europe, it is something in-between. That makes it very difficult to understand how to build the force.”
In the Asia-Pacific region, the threat of conventional conflict -- nation versus nation -- is higher than anywhere else, he said. In the Middle East, the risk is the long campaign against global terrorism.
“The use of military power in the Middle East is very much different than it would be if something broke out in the Pacific,” Dempsey said. “In Europe is a new challenge with Russian aggressiveness and assertiveness that we are trying to shape through NATO.”
American service members need to be ready to confront a myriad of threats, Dempsey said. “I wouldn’t put away your field manuals that describe how to do maneuver and combined arms effects and traditional conflict,” the chairman said. “It’s probably a little early. We need to do both.”
The Asia-Pacific region has many security interests for the United States -- so many interests and implications for the region and the world, the chairman said, that the U.S. rebalance really is the right thing to do and the right time to do it.
South Asia and Southeast Asia alone have 17 percent of the world’s land mass, he noted, but 50 percent of its population.
“Frankly, the distractions we are facing elsewhere shouldn’t distract from our interests and to posture ourselves better in the Pacific,” Dempsey said.
Friday, June 6, 2014
WHITE HOUSE FACT SHEET ON U.S. CONTRIBUTIONS TO EUROPEAN PEACE SINCE WWII
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
FACT SHEET: Overview of U.S. Contributions to Peace and Security in Europe Since WWII
Europe is an indispensable partner with which the United States tackles key global security challenges, and advancing transatlantic peace and security has stood at the heart of U.S. foreign policy for more than a century. The United States works hand-in-hand with our European allies and partners -- bilaterally and through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) -- to advance our shared goal of a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.
As Europe emerged from the devastation of World War II, the United States implemented the Marshall Plan (officially called the European Recovery Program) in 1948 to provide $11 billion in economic support to rebuild European economies. In April 1949, the United States joined 11 allies to create NATO. NATO’s membership has since grown six times and now comprises 28 members. NATO’s Article 5 guarantees the security of all NATO members, declaring that an attack on one of these allies will be considered as an attack on all. U.S. contributions to NATO significantly enhance transatlantic stability and security, and since the end of the Cold War, the Alliance has transformed itself to meet the global security challenges of the 21st century. NATO’s “Open Door” to new members has brought peace, stability, and security to Europe, contributing to the spread of democracy and prosperity across the continent.
The United States has also had a strong partnership with the European Union since the first U.S. observers went to the European Coal and Steel Community in 1953. For decades, the United States and the EU have partnered together to promote peace and stability, sustain democracy and development around the world, respond to global challenges, contribute to the expansion of world trade and closer economic relations, and build bridges across the Atlantic. The EU, which today includes 28 Member States and more than 500 million people, works to expand economic stability, prosperity, and security across Europe and beyond. The United States and the EU are strengthening our economic ties through negotiations to form a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership.
Deriving from the historic 1975 Helsinki Accords and the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe is the world’s largest and most comprehensive regional security organization -- with 57 participating states spanning from Vancouver to Vladivostok and 11 partner countries. The OSCE is a political forum in which the United States works with other participating states to build a Europe and Eurasia whole, free, and at peace; to promote good governance; to build confidence and security through arms control; to resolve protracted conflicts in the OSCE region; and to encourage democracy and respect for human rights. The United States supports the contributions of the OSCE across all three dimensions of its comprehensive security mandate and values, in particular the work of the 15 OSCE field missions.
Throughout the Cold War, the United States stood firmly by our NATO allies in confronting the threats posed to their peace and security by the Soviet Union. From the 1947 Truman Doctrine and 1948 Berlin Airlift to today, our policies are designed to promote freedom and democracy in Europe. When the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, the United States was quick to support German reunification within NATO. The United States led the efforts to bring peace and security to the countries of the former Yugoslavia through the painful years of the Balkans crises, and we have supported the European and Euroatlantic aspirations of newly independent countries.
Thursday, June 5, 2014
PRESIDENT OBAMA, U.K. PRIME MINISTER CAMERON MAKE REMARKS AT PRESS CONFERENCE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron of the United Kingdom in Joint Press Conference
Justus Lipsius Building
Headquarters of the Council of the European Union
Brussels, Belgium
3:35 P.M. CET
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody. It is good to be here with my great friend and partner, Prime Minister David Cameron. Earlier this afternoon we concluded our summit with our fellow G7 leaders. And I want to thank His Majesty King Philippe, the Prime Minister, as well as the Belgian people for welcoming us back to Brussels.
David and I also just had the opportunity to meet and discuss some pressing challenges -- including Syria, Libya and Iran, as well as the process of ending our combat mission in Afghanistan. We spoke about the deepening partnership that we have on issues like Nigeria, in support of our shared goal of safely returning the kidnapped girls to their families. But what I want to focus on briefly before we take questions are two issues that dominated our discussion over the last two days, and that’s the situation in Ukraine and energy security.
Originally, of course, our summit was supposed to be in Sochi. But after Russia’s actions in Ukraine, our nations united quickly around a common strategy. We suspended Russia from the G8 and we cancelled the Sochi meeting, making this the first G7 held without Russia in some 20 years. All seven of our nations have taken steps to impose costs on Russia for its behavior. Today, in contrast to a growing global economy, a sluggish Russian economy is even weaker because of the choices made by the Russia’s leadership. Meanwhile, our nations continue to stand united in our support and assistance to the Ukrainian people. And the G7 Summit was an occasion for me, David and our fellow leaders to ensure that we’re in lockstep going forward.
On Ukraine, I shared the results of my meeting yesterday with President-elect Poroshenko. Like so many Ukrainians, he wants to forge closer ties with Europe and the United States, but also recognizes that Ukraine will benefit from a constructive relationship with Russia. So I believe his inauguration provides an opportunity, particularly since he has demonstrated a commitment to reach out to the east, and pursue reforms. Russia needs to seize that opportunity. Russia needs to recognize that President-elect Poroshenko is the legitimately elected leader of Ukraine and engage the government in Kyiv.
Given its influence over the militants in Ukraine, Russia continues to have a responsibility to convince them to end their violence, lay down their weapons, and enter into a dialogue with the Ukrainian government. On the other hand, if Russia’s provocations continue, it’s clear from our discussions here that the G7 nations are ready to impose additional costs on Russia.
I also briefed David on the new initiative I announced in Warsaw to bolster the security of our NATO allies, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as our focus on building counterterrorism capabilities across the Middle East and North Africa. David will be hosting the next NATO Summit in Wales in September, and I appreciated him updating me on the preparations for that summit. We agree that it’s going to be an opportunity for every ally to make sure they’re carrying their share and investing in the capabilities our alliance needs for the future.
The situation in Ukraine has also highlighted the need for greater energy security. At the G7, we agreed to help Ukraine reduce its energy risks to include diversifying its supplies. We’re going to help countries in Central and Eastern Europe strengthen their energy security as well. And following the review I called for in the United States earlier this year, every G7 country will conduct an energy assessment to identify the possible impact of any potential disruptions and to offer ways we can better prevent disruptions and recover from them more quickly.
Related to this, we agreed at the G7 to continue to lead by example in the fight against climate change, which poses a danger to our environment, our economies, and our national security. I made it clear that the United States will continue to do our part. Earlier this week, we took a major step -- proposing new standards that, for the first time, would limit carbon pollution from our existing power plants. This is one of the most ambitious steps that any nation has taken to combat climate change. It would reduce carbon emissions from our electricity sector by 30 percent. It will help us meet the commitments that we made when I first came into office, at Copenhagen. And it will improve our public health. It’s also going to be good for our economy -- by helping to create more clean energy jobs and ultimately lower electricity bills for Americans. So it’s the right thing to do.
This builds on the steps we’ve taken over the past five years to invest more in renewables like solar and wind, raise fuel standards for our cars and trucks, and make our homes and businesses more energy efficient. And today we’re holding our carbon emissions to levels not seen in nearly 20 years. So we’re making important progress, but my Climate Action Plan for climate change indicates that we’ve got to keep at it and do more.
I know this is a cause that David is also passionate about. We agree that every nation has to do its share. All the major economies, including the G7 and emerging markets like China, need to show leadership as we work on a new global climate agreement. And that includes putting forward by March of next year ambitious long-term targets for reducing emissions.
So, again, I want to thank Prime Minister Cameron and our fellow leaders for our work here together in Brussels. David, I believe that whenever our two nations stand together it can lead to a world that is more secure and more prosperous and more just. And we’ll be reminded of that again tomorrow in Normandy as we mark the 70th anniversary of D-Day.
On that day, like so many others, American and British troops stood together and fought valiantly alongside our allies. It didn’t just help to win the war; they helped to turn the tide of human history and are the reason that we can stand here today in a free Europe and with the freedoms our nations enjoy. So theirs is the legacy that our two nations and our great alliance continue to uphold. And I’m grateful to have a fine partner in David in making that happen.
Thank you, David.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: Thank you. And good afternoon. And I’m delighted to be here with you today, Barack. As we stand together in Europe on the 70th anniversary of the D-Day landings, we should remind the world of the strength and steadfastness of the bond between the United Kingdom and the United States.
Seventy years ago, as you just said, our countries stood like two rocks of freedom and democracy in the face of Nazi tyranny. Seventy years ago tonight, thousands of young British and American soldiers, with their Canadian and free French counterparts, were preparing to cross the channel in the greatest liberation force that the world has ever known. Those young men were united in purpose: to restore democracy and freedom to continental Europe; to free by force of arms ancient European nations; and to allow the nations and peoples of Europe to chart their destiny in the world.
Thousands of those young men paid the ultimate price, and we honor their memory today and tomorrow. Shortly after D-Day, my own grandfather was wounded and came home. We will never forget what they did, and the debt that we owe them for the peace and the freedom that we enjoy on this continent.
Today, in a new century, our two democracies continue to stand for and to uphold the same values in the world: democracy, liberty, the rule of law. And day in, day out, our people work together to uphold those values right across the globe. And that approach has been at the heart of what we’ve discussed here at the G7 and in our bilateral meeting today.
We’ve talked about one of the greatest opportunities we have to turbocharge the global economy by concluding trade deals, including the EU-U.S. deal, which would be the biggest of them all -- the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership that would create growth and jobs. A deal that could be worth up to 10 billion pounds a year for Britain alone. It would help to secure our long-term economic success and generate a better future for hardworking families back at home. That is why I was so determined to launch those negotiations a year ago in Lough Erne. And since then, we’ve made steady progress but we’ve got to keep our eyes on the huge prize on offer and not get bogged down.
We also discussed what I believe is the greatest threat that we face: How we counter extremism and the threat that terrorist groups operating elsewhere pose to the safety of our people, both at home and abroad. This year we will bring our troops home from Afghanistan. They can be proud of what they’ve achieved over the last decade -- denying terrorists the safe haven from which to plot attacks against Britain or the United States. But at the same time as we’ve reduced the threat from that region, so al Qaeda franchises have grown in other parts of the world. Many of these groups are focused on the countries where they operate, but they still pose a risk to our people, our businesses, and our interests.
Barack and I share the same view of how we tackle this threat in the fragile regions of the world where terrorist networks seek a foothold. As I’ve said before, our approach must be tough, patient, intelligent, and based on strong international partnerships. So when it comes to Syria, now the number-one destination for jihadists anywhere in the world, we’ve agreed to intensify our efforts to address the threat of foreign fighters traveling to and from Syria. We’ll be introducing new measures in the UK to prosecute those who plan and train for terrorism abroad.
And here at the G7, we’ve agreed to do more to work with Syria’s neighbors to strengthen border security and to disrupt the terrorist financing that funds these jihadist training camps.
In Libya, we want to help the government as it struggles to overcome the disastrous legacy of Qaddafi’s misrule and to build a stable, peaceful and prosperous future. Barack and I have both recently appointed envoys who will be working together to support efforts to reach a much-needed political settlement. And we are fulfilling our commitment to train the Libyan security forces with the first tranche of recruits due to begin their training in the UK this month.
In Nigeria, we’re both committed to supporting the Nigerian government and its neighbors as they confront the scourge of Boko Haram. The kidnap of the Chobok girls was an act of pure evil, and Britain and the United States have provided immediate assistance in the search. In the longer term, we stand ready to provide more practical assistance to help the Nigerians and the region to strengthen their defense and security institutions, and to develop the expertise needed to counter these barbaric extremists.
And finally, as Barack said, we had an important discussion on Ukraine and relations with Russia. From the outset of this crisis, the G7 nations have stood united, clear in our support for the Ukrainian people and their right to choose their own future, and firm in our message to President Putin that Russia’s actions are completely unacceptable and totally at odds with the values of this group of democracies. That is why Russia no longer has a seat at the table here with us.
At this summit, we were clear about three things. First, the status quo is unacceptable; the continuing destabilization of eastern Ukraine must stop. Second, there are a set of things that need to happen. President Putin must recognize the legitimate election of President Poroshenko. He must stop arms crossing the border into Ukraine. He must cease Russian support for separatist groups. And third, if these things don’t happen, then sectoral sanctions will follow. The next month will be vital in judging if President Putin has taken these steps, and that is what I will urge President Putin to do when I meet him later today.
Finally, we discussed the cancer eating away at the world’s economic and political systems: corruption. Corruption is the archenemy of democracy and development. The best way to fight corruption and to drive growth is through what I call the three T’s: greater transparency, fair tax systems, and freer trade. That was at the heart of our G8 agenda in Lough Erne, and today we agreed to push for more action on fair tax systems, freer trade, and greater transparency -- things that are now hardwired into these international gatherings this year and for many years to come.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: All right. We’ve got a couple questions from each press delegation. We’ll start with Jeff Mason at Reuters.
Jeff.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You’re going to France later this evening. Since you last had French President Hollande’s visit in a state visit earlier this year, a lot of tensions have arisen in the relationship, including on BNP Paribas. The French say that a potential multibillion-dollar fine on that bank could affect the global economy and could affect trade talks. Do you believe those concerns are valid? And how do you expect to address them with him tonight and also U.S. concerns about the French selling Mistral warships to Russia?
And to the Prime Minister, do you feel isolated, sir, among your EU leaders about your position on Jean-Claude Juncker as the European Commission President? And who would you like to see get the job? And separately, do you feel any pressure from President Obama about your position on keeping the UK in the EU? Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: First of all, the relationship between the United States and France has never been stronger. On a whole range of issues we’re seeing intense cooperation. And I’m looking forward to seeing President Hollande this evening to talk about a range of issues and continue some of the work that was done here in Brussels.
My answer on the banking case is short and simple. The tradition of the United States is that the President does not meddle in prosecutions. We don't call the Attorney General -- I do not pick up the phone and tell the Attorney General how to prosecute cases that have been brought. I do not push for settlements of cases that have been brought. Those are decisions that are made by an independent Department of Justice.
I've communicated that to President Hollande. This is not a unique position on my part. Perhaps it is a different tradition than exists in other countries, but it is designed to make sure that the rule of law is not in any way impacted by political expediency. And so this will be determined by U.S. attorneys in discussion with representatives of the bank, and I'll read about it in the newspapers just like everybody else.
Q He said he’s going to confront you about it tonight.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: He’ll hear the same answer from me tonight as he just heard at this podium.
Q And Mistral?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I have expressed some concerns -- and I don't think I'm alone in this -- about continuing significant defense deals with Russia at a time when they have violated basic international law and the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their neighbors. So President Hollande understands my position. I recognize that this is a big deal. I recognize that the jobs in France are important. I think it would have been preferable to press the pause button. President Hollande so far has made a different decision.
And that does not negate the broader cooperation that we've had with France with respect to its willingness to work with us on sanctions to discourage President Putin from engaging in further destabilizing actions and hopefully to encourage him to move in a more constructive direction.
We are at a point where Mr. Putin has the chance to get back into a lane of international law. He has a President in Poroshenko who he can negotiate directly with. Having spoken to President Poroshenko this morning -- or yesterday morning, it's clear that he recognizes that Ukraine needs to have a good relationship with Russia, but also, rightly, affirms the right of Ukraine to engage with the rest of the world.
And the steps that David outlined earlier and that the G7 unanimously agrees with, which is for Mr. Putin to take -- seize this moment, recognize Poroshenko is the legitimate leader of Ukraine, cease the support of separatists and the flow of arms, work with Ukraine to engage those in the east during this process of constitutional and economic reform -- if Mr. Putin takes those steps, then it is possible for us to begin to rebuild trust between Russia and its neighbors and Europe. Should he fail to do so, though, there are going to be additional consequences.
And one of the important things that came out of this meeting today was the recognition on the part of all of us that we can't simply allow drift. The mere fact that some of the Russian soldiers have moved back off the border and that Russia is now destabilizing Ukraine through surrogates, rather than overtly and explicitly, does not mean that we can afford three months, or four months, or six months of continued violence and conflict in eastern Ukraine.
We will have a chance to see what Mr. Putin does over the next two, three, four weeks. And if he remains on the current course, then we've already indicated the kinds of actions that we're prepared to take.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: You asked a couple of questions about Europe. It’s worth setting the context. We've just had a set of European elections where -- to take two countries at random, France and Britain -- in France, the Front National, an openly anti-European party, won; and an anti-European party in my country won. And when these things happen you can stick your head in the sand and wish these results would go away, or you can have a strategy for addressing the concerns of the people that you represent in your country. I have a strategy to represent and understand and reflect those concerns.
And that's why I think it's important that we have people running the institutions of Europe who understand the need for change, the need for reform. And I would argue that that is a view that is quite widely shared amongst other heads of government and heads of state in the European Union.
As for Britain’s future, I'm very clear what I want to achieve -- is to secure Britain’s place in a reformed European Union. And I have a strategy for delivering that. It’s about renegotiating our position. It’s about recovering some important powers. It's about making some significant changes, and then putting that decision in a referendum to the British people but very much recommending that we stay in a reformed European Union.
Again, it's a strategy for dealing with an issue which I think if we just walked away from it we’d see Britain drift towards the exits, and I don't want that to happen.
Q Do you feel any pressure from the United States about that?
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: No. We have good discussions about these issues as we discuss everything else.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Absolutely.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: Let’s have a question from the BBC.
Q Mr. President, even if you don't have a meeting scheduled face-to-face with Vladimir Putin yourself, are you going to end up talking with him face-to-face in France? And do you see real possibilities of opening up a path away from the crisis by you engaging with him?
And Britain is potentially facing, Mr. President, two major decisions -- whether or not Scotland stays part of the United Kingdom, and whether the United Kingdom stays a part of the European Union. What do those decisions mean to you and to the people of the United States?
Prime Minister, you’ll be the first leader I think after this summit to engage with Vladimir Putin face-to-face. Despite everything you’ve said, is there something of an olive branch in your hand? After all, Mr. Putin has not actually denounced the electoral process which brought the new President to power in Ukraine. Is there a way out, and is that what you're really going to be exploring with him this evening?
And do you accept that Germany may not come to your aid and stop Jean-Claude Juncker becoming Commission President? Will that actually potentially blow your entire strategy off course? You think you may be able to negotiate a brilliant reform of the European Union, but if Jean-Claude Juncker becomes President of the European Commission, will your credibility be so damaged in Britain that people may simply vote to leave the Union?
Finally, who are you more afraid of -- Angela Merkel or Theresa May? (Laughter.)
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: Great question. Do you want to go? Let me take those.
First of all, my meeting with Vladimir Putin -- I think it's just important to have this communication about some very important messages about what’s happening now is not acceptable; about the changes that need to take place. I think as the President said, there is an opportunity for diplomacy to play a role and to chart a path, because we've had these elections, the Ukrainian people have chosen a President; he’s a capable man and it's quite possible that he could have a proper relationship with Putin and there could be a proper relationship between Ukraine and Russia. But change is needed in order for that to happen, and that's the message that I will be delivering this evening.
In terms of your other questions, look, on this issue of who runs the European Commission, the European institutions, what matters is people who understand the need for change, who understand the need for reform, who realize that if things go on as they have this Union is not going to work for its citizens. And that was the message that I think was loudly received in these European elections.
As for who -- as you put it, Angela Merkel or Theresa May -- look, I'm very fortunate in my life to work with some extremely strong and capable women, of which they are undoubtedly two. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I have no doubt that I'll see Mr. Putin. And he and I have always had a businesslike relationship, and it is entirely appropriate that he is there to commemorate D-Day, given the extraordinary sacrifices that were made by the people of the Soviet Union during World War II.
And should we have the opportunity to talk, I will be repeating the same message that I've been delivering to him throughout this crisis. Keep in mind that although we haven't had formal meetings, I've spoken to him by phone repeatedly from the outset of the protests in the Maidan. And my message has been very consistent, and that is that Russia has a legitimate interest in what happens in Ukraine, given that it's on its border and given its historical ties, but ultimately it is up to the people of Ukraine to make their own decisions -- that Russian armed forces annexing pieces of a neighbor is illegal and violates international law, and the kinds of destabilizing activities that we now see, funded and encouraged by Russia, are illegal and are not constructive; and that there is a path in which Russia has the capacity to engage directly with President Poroshenko now -- he should take it. If he does not, if he continues a strategy of undermining the sovereignty of Ukraine, then we have no choice but to respond.
And perhaps he’s been surprised by the degree of unity that's been displayed. I do think the fact that he did not immediately denounce the outcome of the May 25th election perhaps offers the prospect that he’s moving in a new direction. But I think we have to see what he does and not what he says.
With respect to the future of the United Kingdom, obviously ultimately this is up to the people of Great Britain. In the case of Scotland, there’s a referendum process in place and it's up to the people of Scotland.
I would say that the United Kingdom has been an extraordinary partner to us. From the outside, at least, it looks like things have worked pretty well. And we obviously have a deep interest in making sure that one of the closest allies that we will ever have remains strong, robust, united, and an effective partner. But ultimately these are decisions that are to be made by the folks there.
With respect to the EU, we share a strategic vision with Great Britain on a whole range of international issues, and so it's always encouraging for us to know that Great Britain has a seat at the table in the larger European project. I think in light of the events that we're going to be commemorating tomorrow, it's important to recall that it was the steadfastness of Great Britain that, in part, allows us to be here in Brussels, in the seat of a unified and extraordinarily prosperous Europe. And it's hard for me to imagine that project going well in the absence of Great Britain. And I think it's also hard for me to imagine that it would be advantageous for Great Britain to be excluded from political decisions that have an enormous impact on its economic and political life.
So this is why we have elections, and we'll see the arguments made and I'm sure the people of Great Britain will make the right decision.
Stephen Collinson.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Have you been surprised by the backlash that's been whipped up by your decision to do a deal to free Bowe Bergdahl? And what do you think is motivating that? In retrospect, do you think you could have done more to consult with Congress or announce the deal in a way that might have spared him and his family being caught up in a political crossfire?
And, Prime Minister, how do you respond to criticism that your decision to meet Vladimir Putin and his meetings with other key European leaders are actually devaluing the punishment that was meted out to Russia by throwing it out of the G8? And finally, should Qatar be deprived of the right to host the World Cup? And if so, is England willing to host it? (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'm never surprised by controversies that are whipped up in Washington. (Laughter.) Right? That's par for the course. But I'll repeat what I said two days ago. We have a basic principle: We do not leave anybody wearing the American uniform behind.
We had a prisoner of war whose health had deteriorated and we were deeply concerned about, and we saw an opportunity and we seized it. And I make no apologies for that.
We had discussed with Congress the possibility that something like this might occur. But because of the nature of the folks that we were dealing with and the fragile nature of these negotiations, we felt it was important to go ahead and do what we did. And we're now explaining to Congress the details of how we moved forward. But this basic principle that we don’t leave anybody behind and this basic recognition that that often means prisoner exchanges with enemies is not unique to my administration -- it dates back to the beginning of our Republic.
And with respect to how we announced it, I think it was important for people to understand that this is not some abstraction, this is not a political football. You have a couple of parents whose kid volunteered to fight in a distant land, who they hadn’t seen in five years and weren’t sure whether they’d ever see again. And as Commander-in-Chief of the United States Armed Forces, I am responsible for those kids. And I get letters from parents who say, if you are in fact sending my child into war, make sure that that child is being taken care of. And I write too many letters to folks who unfortunately don’t see their children again after fighting the war.
I make absolutely no apologies for making sure that we get back a young man to his parents and that the American people understand that this is somebody’s child and that we don’t condition whether or not we make the effort to try to get them back.
Did you have a second question?
Q For the Prime Minister.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Oh, okay. You can ask him about football.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: First of all, on the issue of meeting President Putin, I think it’s right to have this dialogue, particularly if you have a clear message and a clear point to make. And I think there’s a world of difference between having a dialogue with President Putin and excluding someone from an institution as significant as the G8, now the G7. I think it was absolutely right to exclude Russia. I think I was one of the first G8 leaders to make that point. It was totally the right decision and there’s a world of difference between the meeting we’ve just held, which did not include Russia, and having a bilateral meeting where we discuss these issues about Ukraine.
On the issue of football, we should let the investigation run its course but, of course, England is the home of football as it’s the home and inventor of many sports -- tennis, rugby, golf, skiing, table tennis, cricket. I don’t think we can lay claim to --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Baseball, basketball. (Laughter.)
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: Well, I’m not sure that it goes all the way --
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I just want to be clear here.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: So we’re always happy to provide a home for these sports.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: You did invent the English language, though.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: We did. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: We appreciate it.
PRIME MINSTER CAMERON: You’ve made a few changes.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: We have. (Laughter.)
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON. You’ve made a few changes to it but they don’t hold us back. (Laughter.) Final question from Rageh Omaar of ITV, I think.
Q Mr. President, Rageh Omaar, ITV News. You spoke about the importance for you and your allies to be in complete lockstep on the crisis in Ukraine. If this crisis shows no sign of deescalating, you say that the next step will be to add sectoral sanctions. Are you confident that you will be in lockstep with all of the European allies and G7 allies? Because there will be costs and consequences for them and their economies as sanctions get widened.
Prime Minister, my question to you is you spoke forcefully about the threat of extremist ideology at home and abroad, described it as the greatest threat to Britain and its allies. And even by your own government’s estimate, there are several hundred British citizens learning to fight and kill in Syria. With regard to extremist ideology at home, particularly in schools where there has been a lot of concern, don’t you think it’s not only unseemly but wrong for members of your own government to engage in an argument about whether the priority should be protecting British children against extremist ideology? Thank you.
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: First of all, let me just say on the issue of sectoral sanctions and this issue of lockstep between the U.S. and countries of the European Union, I think it has been very striking, actually, over the last few months how we’ve been able to stay as unified as we have. And I pay tribute to Barack for his understanding of how important it is for us to try and work together and deliver these messages together. And I think it has surprised people. And I hope it has surprised President Putin.
In terms of tackling extremism, I mean, I set up the UK Extremism Task Force, which I chaired after the appalling murder of Lee Rigby, because I wanted to make sure that government was doing everything that it could to drive extremism out of our schools, out of our colleges, off campuses, out of prisons -- in every part of national life. And I think it’s very important that we recognize that you’ve got to deal not only with violent extremism but also the sink of extremism, of tolerating extremist views from which violence can grow. And the whole government is signed up to that agenda and is driving through changes to deliver that agenda.
As for these issues for the last day or so, I will get to the bottom of who said what and what has happened, and I’ll sort it all out once I’ve finished these important meetings I’m having here.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think what has been striking is the degree of solidarity between the United States and Europe in dealing with the Ukraine crisis. I think a lot of people anticipated very early on that immediately the two sides would fly apart. And, in fact, there has been consistency in affirming the core values that had been at the heart of a united and prosperous Europe. And that’s despite the very real economic consequences that can arise by applying sanctions against Russia.
I think Europeans understand that the reason we’ve seen such extraordinary growth and peace on this continent has to do with certain values and certain principles that have to be upheld. And when they are so blatantly disregarded, the choice is clear: Europeans have to stand up for those ideals and principles even if it creates some economic inconvenience.
Now, having said that, sectoral sanctions are broader; they’d be more significant. Our technical teams have been consulting with the European Commission to identify sanctions that would maximize impact on Russia and minimize adverse impacts on European countries. And that work is ongoing. My hope is, is that we don’t have to exercise them because Mr. Putin has made some better decisions. I think, by the way, it would also be better for Russia because the Russian economy is not in good shape right now. We’ve seen significant capital flight just from the sanctions that we’ve already applied; that could easily worsen. And if we have sectoral sanctions, I think it will inevitably hit Russia a lot worse than it hits Europe, which have much more diversified and resilient economies.
Do I expect unanimity among the 28 EU members? I have now been President for five and a half years, and I’ve learned a thing or two about the European Union, the European Commission, the European Council. Sometimes I get them mixed up --
PRIME MINISTER CAMERON: Welcome to the club. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: -- but the basic principle that if you’ve got 28 people sitting around a table, that not everybody is going to agree, I think we take that for granted. And I also think that if, in fact, we have to move to sectoral sanctions, it’s important to take individual country sensitivities in mind and make sure that everybody is ponying up, that everybody is bearing their fair share. Some people are going to be more concerned about defense relations, some people are going to be more concerned about the financial sector, others might be more concerned about trade and basic goods and services. And so that’s the technical work that is being done.
Again, my hope is, is that we don’t have to use it. But I’ve been heartened by the steadfastness of Europe thus far. I think that people underestimate the degree to which, given the history of this continent -- certainly in the 20th century -- that people are not interested in seeing any chinks in the armor, and they recognize that that’s worth working for.
Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you, David.
END
4:15 P.M. CET
Wednesday, June 4, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS WITH UKRAINES PRESIDENT ELECT POROSHENKO
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With President-elect Petro Poroshenko Before Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Marriott Hotel
Warsaw, Poland
June 4, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Good morning, everybody. It's a great pleasure for me to be with President-elect Poroshenko, who won a dramatic victory all across Ukraine. He won everywhere, and clearly has been given a mandate to try to lead the country into a new era. And I look forward to this meeting to talk about some of those priorities, then he will meet with the President.
And what happened in Ukraine in this election is really quite remarkable. It's a great example to the world, an example about courage, determination, and, most of all, a commitment to be free, to determine their own future. So we will work very, very closely. It's a privilege for me to be with the president-elect, who will be sworn in formally this Saturday, and Vice President Biden will be there. We look forward to celebrating that.
PRESIDENT-ELECT POROSHENKO: I want to thank the people of the United States for (inaudible) for the democracy, for the freedom. And I think it is enormously important to have a (inaudible) with the United States, with the European Union, and I'm really confident that we modernize the country, we build up the democracy, and we build up the freedom. Welcome.
And what happened in Ukraine in this election is really quite remarkable. It's a great example to the world, an example about courage, determination, and, most of all, a commitment to be free, to determine their own future. So we will work very, very closely. It's a privilege for me to be with the president-elect, who will be sworn in formally this Saturday, and Vice President Biden will be there. We look forward to celebrating that.
PRESIDENT-ELECT POROSHENKO: I want to thank the people of the United States for (inaudible) for the democracy, for the freedom. And I think it is enormously important to have a (inaudible) with the United States, with the European Union, and I'm really confident that we modernize the country, we build up the democracy, and we build up the freedom. Welcome.
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