FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Law Enforcement, Narcotics, Anti-corruption: U.S. Department of State Announces Partnership with the San Diego Unified Port District
05/06/2015 04:35 PM EDT
U.S. Department of State Announces Partnership with the San Diego Unified Port District
Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
May 6, 2015
Ambassador William R. Brownfield, Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), signed a formal Memorandum of Understanding with the Port of San Diego to launch a partnership that will enhance the Department’s maritime security assistance to Asia and Latin America.
Under this partnership, the vast expertise and experience of the Port’s Harbor Police Department will be put to work helping partner nations improve border security in the face of increased criminal threats. The Harbor Police Department is the law enforcement agency that patrols San Diego Bay, surrounding waterfront areas, and San Diego International Airport. Its 120 sworn officers are highly trained, with a range of expertise in a variety of subjects including maritime firefighting, counter smuggling, human trafficking, K-9 detection of explosives/narcotics, aviation security, vessel operations, maritime tactical training and dive operations. By providing training and mentorship, the Harbor Police will assist in efforts to combat transnational crime and build partner nations’ capacity to establish effective port and maritime security. The Harbor Police will be a unique partner for INL in addressing those challenges in addition to providing partner nations a regional perspective on port and maritime security.
This new relationship with the Port of San Diego is INL’s second port partnership and builds on the Bureau’s existing work with PortMiami to provide security assistance to Latin America and the Caribbean.
Showing posts with label ASIA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ASIA. Show all posts
Monday, May 11, 2015
Monday, February 23, 2015
U.S. OFFICIAL'S REMARKS ON BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE IN EAST ASIA
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
02/21/2015 12:53 PM EST
Ballistic Missile Defense and Strategic Stability in East Asia
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
Federation of American Scientists
Washington, DC
February 20, 2015
Introduction
Thank you all very much, and a special thanks to Bruce and Chuck for having me here today to address this important workshop.
I’m told that this group is exploring China’s potential interest in and deployment of strategic ballistic missile defense and what that means for U.S. and allied security.
At the State Department, we’re taking a hard look at it as well, and in particular, the role of ballistic missile defense in achieving the overarching goal of strategic stability between the United States and China.
Overview of Strategic Stability with China
Before discussing China’s interest in developing a BMD system and the possible implications of such an effort, I’d first like to provide an overview of what the United States is doing to ensure a stable U.S.-China strategic relationship in the region.
As stated in the Nuclear Posture Review, the United States is committed to maintaining strategic stability in U.S.-China relations and supports initiation of a dialogue on strategic stability and nuclear postures aimed at fostering a more stable, resilient, and transparent security relationship with China.
During the Cold War, many associated strategic stability with what we called “mutual assured destruction,” the notion that the incentive to initiate nuclear use would be discouraged by the fear of suffering unacceptable retaliatory damage. This notion, of course, is ill-suited and too narrow to fully capture the U.S.-China relationship given our multifaceted and shared interests. In today’s world, strategic stability encompasses much more than just nuclear relations and reflects the fact that the U.S.-China relationship, which has both elements of competition and cooperation, is not adversarial.
The strategic relationship between the United States and China is complex, and we each view stability differently. Thus, it is important that we have frank and open dialogue about how our nations define and view strategic stability and how we perceive our nuclear postures and policies impacting this balance. As part of these discussions, the United States is willing to discuss all issues, including missile defense, space-related issues, conventional precision strike capabilities, and nuclear weapons issues, with the goal of improving the conditions for a more predictable and safer security environment.
A sustained and substantive discussion of our national approaches to maintaining effective deterrent postures and modernization of associated strategic capabilities can increase understanding, enhance confidence and reduce mistrust.
Overview of China’s BMD Activities
As you’re all aware, China is continuing to develop its BMD capabilities.
Although China does not say much about its BMD programs, China publicly announced that it conducted ground-based mid-course BMD tests in 2010, 2013, and 2014. I’ll say more about the 2014 “BMD” test later. Chinese state media has stated that such tests are defensive in nature and are not targeted at any country.
I was in Beijing earlier this month, and the message I delivered was clear: It is important that our governments have a sustained dialogue on the role that our BMD systems have in our respective defense policies and strategies. We would welcome an opportunity to learn more about how BMD fits into China’s defense policy and strategy.
More broadly, a sustained dialogue would improve our understanding of China’s strategic perspective and enhance China’s understanding of U.S. policy and strategy. Institutionalizing discussions of strategic issues is a prudent long-term approach to strengthening strategic stability and exploring means for strengthening mutual trust and risk reduction.
To encourage that dialogue, we have taken and will continue to take steps to keep China informed about developments in U.S. BMD policy.
Potential Chinese BMD through the Lens of the U.S. Experience
The U.S. experience with BMD and specifically with our Ground-based Midcourse Defense System, or GMD, provides a useful lens for examining the challenges the Chinese would face in developing a BMD capability to threaten our nuclear deterrent.
We have been clear that our homeland BMD capabilities provide for defense of the U.S. homeland from limited ICBM attack, and are purposely not intended to affect Russia’s or China’s strategic deterrent. The GMD system is designed to support that policy, and it is not scaled, intended, or capable of defending the United States against the larger and more sophisticated arsenals of Russia and China. GMD is designed to protect the U.S. homeland only from limited ICBM attacks from states such as North Korea and Iran.
The U.S. experience with BMD suggests that attempting to develop a comprehensive homeland BMD system to defend against ballistic missile attack from China or Russia would be extremely challenging – and costly - given the size and sophistication of Chinese and Russian ICBMs. This owes to several factors, including the relatively low number of GMD interceptors and the sophistication and large numbers of Russian and Chinese missiles.
Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates stated this publically on May 18, 2010, in testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee when he said that trying to eliminate the viability of the Russian nuclear capability would be “unbelievably expensive.”
Given these factors, we could potentially expect a notional Chinese equivalent to the GMD system to provide at most a limited defense of the Chinese homeland, which would not counter the U.S. strategic deterrent and therefore would not undermine strategic stability.
This is for the same reason that GMD does not impact strategic stability: the number of interceptors is low and they are not designed to deal with complex threats, and developing a comprehensive system to cope with a full-scale attack from another nuclear-armed great power would be expensive and ultimately unsuccessful.
Relationship to ASAT Testing
There is a another important aspect of China’s BMD program that bears discussing, which is its connection with China’s anti-satellite, or ASAT, weapons program.
On July 23, 2014, the Chinese Government conducted a non-destructive test of a missile designed to destroy satellites in low Earth orbit. However, China publicly called this ASAT test a “land-based missile interception test.”
Despite China’s claims that this was not an ASAT test; let me assure you the United States has high confidence in its assessment, that the event was indeed an ASAT test.
The continued development and testing of destructive ASAT systems is both destabilizing and threatens the long-term security and sustainability of the outer space environment. A previous destructive test of the Chinese system in 2007 created thousands of pieces of debris, which continue to present an ongoing danger to the space systems—as well as astronauts—of all nations, including China.
The destructive nature of debris-generating weapons has decades-long consequences: they can increase the potential for further collisions in the future, which only create more debris. A debris-forming test or attack may only be minutes in duration, but the consequences can last for decades. It is for these reasons that the United States believes testing debris-generating ASAT systems threaten the security, economic well-being, and civil endeavors of all nations.
Space systems and their supporting infrastructures enable a wide range of services, including communication; position, navigation, and timing; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance; and meteorology, which provide vital national, military, civil, scientific, and economic benefits. Other nations recognize these benefits to the United States and seek to counter the U.S. strategic advantage by pursuing capabilities to deny or destroy our access to space services.
The use of such ASAT weapons could be escalatory in a crisis.
China’s ASAT program, and the lack of transparency accompanying it, also impedes bilateral space cooperation. While we prefer cooperation, it will by necessity have to be a product of a step-by-step approach starting with dialogue, leading to modest CBMs, which might then perhaps lead to deeper engagement. However, none of this is possible until China changes its behavior with regard to ASATs.
Conclusion
As many of you know, one of my biggest priorities as Assistant Secretary is to look over the horizon a bit and begin to structure our Bureau to address the emerging security challenges of the 21st Century.
For me, that means an increased focus on developing a stable strategic relationship with China, while at the same time reassuring our Allies.
Managing the U.S.-China relationship will take a lot of time and effort, and we won’t always be successful. It’s a challenge. But as Secretary Kerry likes to remind us, it’s important for us to get caught trying, and that’s what we intend to do.
Thanks very much.
02/21/2015 12:53 PM EST
Ballistic Missile Defense and Strategic Stability in East Asia
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
Federation of American Scientists
Washington, DC
February 20, 2015
Introduction
Thank you all very much, and a special thanks to Bruce and Chuck for having me here today to address this important workshop.
I’m told that this group is exploring China’s potential interest in and deployment of strategic ballistic missile defense and what that means for U.S. and allied security.
At the State Department, we’re taking a hard look at it as well, and in particular, the role of ballistic missile defense in achieving the overarching goal of strategic stability between the United States and China.
Overview of Strategic Stability with China
Before discussing China’s interest in developing a BMD system and the possible implications of such an effort, I’d first like to provide an overview of what the United States is doing to ensure a stable U.S.-China strategic relationship in the region.
As stated in the Nuclear Posture Review, the United States is committed to maintaining strategic stability in U.S.-China relations and supports initiation of a dialogue on strategic stability and nuclear postures aimed at fostering a more stable, resilient, and transparent security relationship with China.
During the Cold War, many associated strategic stability with what we called “mutual assured destruction,” the notion that the incentive to initiate nuclear use would be discouraged by the fear of suffering unacceptable retaliatory damage. This notion, of course, is ill-suited and too narrow to fully capture the U.S.-China relationship given our multifaceted and shared interests. In today’s world, strategic stability encompasses much more than just nuclear relations and reflects the fact that the U.S.-China relationship, which has both elements of competition and cooperation, is not adversarial.
The strategic relationship between the United States and China is complex, and we each view stability differently. Thus, it is important that we have frank and open dialogue about how our nations define and view strategic stability and how we perceive our nuclear postures and policies impacting this balance. As part of these discussions, the United States is willing to discuss all issues, including missile defense, space-related issues, conventional precision strike capabilities, and nuclear weapons issues, with the goal of improving the conditions for a more predictable and safer security environment.
A sustained and substantive discussion of our national approaches to maintaining effective deterrent postures and modernization of associated strategic capabilities can increase understanding, enhance confidence and reduce mistrust.
Overview of China’s BMD Activities
As you’re all aware, China is continuing to develop its BMD capabilities.
Although China does not say much about its BMD programs, China publicly announced that it conducted ground-based mid-course BMD tests in 2010, 2013, and 2014. I’ll say more about the 2014 “BMD” test later. Chinese state media has stated that such tests are defensive in nature and are not targeted at any country.
I was in Beijing earlier this month, and the message I delivered was clear: It is important that our governments have a sustained dialogue on the role that our BMD systems have in our respective defense policies and strategies. We would welcome an opportunity to learn more about how BMD fits into China’s defense policy and strategy.
More broadly, a sustained dialogue would improve our understanding of China’s strategic perspective and enhance China’s understanding of U.S. policy and strategy. Institutionalizing discussions of strategic issues is a prudent long-term approach to strengthening strategic stability and exploring means for strengthening mutual trust and risk reduction.
To encourage that dialogue, we have taken and will continue to take steps to keep China informed about developments in U.S. BMD policy.
Potential Chinese BMD through the Lens of the U.S. Experience
The U.S. experience with BMD and specifically with our Ground-based Midcourse Defense System, or GMD, provides a useful lens for examining the challenges the Chinese would face in developing a BMD capability to threaten our nuclear deterrent.
We have been clear that our homeland BMD capabilities provide for defense of the U.S. homeland from limited ICBM attack, and are purposely not intended to affect Russia’s or China’s strategic deterrent. The GMD system is designed to support that policy, and it is not scaled, intended, or capable of defending the United States against the larger and more sophisticated arsenals of Russia and China. GMD is designed to protect the U.S. homeland only from limited ICBM attacks from states such as North Korea and Iran.
The U.S. experience with BMD suggests that attempting to develop a comprehensive homeland BMD system to defend against ballistic missile attack from China or Russia would be extremely challenging – and costly - given the size and sophistication of Chinese and Russian ICBMs. This owes to several factors, including the relatively low number of GMD interceptors and the sophistication and large numbers of Russian and Chinese missiles.
Former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates stated this publically on May 18, 2010, in testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee when he said that trying to eliminate the viability of the Russian nuclear capability would be “unbelievably expensive.”
Given these factors, we could potentially expect a notional Chinese equivalent to the GMD system to provide at most a limited defense of the Chinese homeland, which would not counter the U.S. strategic deterrent and therefore would not undermine strategic stability.
This is for the same reason that GMD does not impact strategic stability: the number of interceptors is low and they are not designed to deal with complex threats, and developing a comprehensive system to cope with a full-scale attack from another nuclear-armed great power would be expensive and ultimately unsuccessful.
Relationship to ASAT Testing
There is a another important aspect of China’s BMD program that bears discussing, which is its connection with China’s anti-satellite, or ASAT, weapons program.
On July 23, 2014, the Chinese Government conducted a non-destructive test of a missile designed to destroy satellites in low Earth orbit. However, China publicly called this ASAT test a “land-based missile interception test.”
Despite China’s claims that this was not an ASAT test; let me assure you the United States has high confidence in its assessment, that the event was indeed an ASAT test.
The continued development and testing of destructive ASAT systems is both destabilizing and threatens the long-term security and sustainability of the outer space environment. A previous destructive test of the Chinese system in 2007 created thousands of pieces of debris, which continue to present an ongoing danger to the space systems—as well as astronauts—of all nations, including China.
The destructive nature of debris-generating weapons has decades-long consequences: they can increase the potential for further collisions in the future, which only create more debris. A debris-forming test or attack may only be minutes in duration, but the consequences can last for decades. It is for these reasons that the United States believes testing debris-generating ASAT systems threaten the security, economic well-being, and civil endeavors of all nations.
Space systems and their supporting infrastructures enable a wide range of services, including communication; position, navigation, and timing; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance; and meteorology, which provide vital national, military, civil, scientific, and economic benefits. Other nations recognize these benefits to the United States and seek to counter the U.S. strategic advantage by pursuing capabilities to deny or destroy our access to space services.
The use of such ASAT weapons could be escalatory in a crisis.
China’s ASAT program, and the lack of transparency accompanying it, also impedes bilateral space cooperation. While we prefer cooperation, it will by necessity have to be a product of a step-by-step approach starting with dialogue, leading to modest CBMs, which might then perhaps lead to deeper engagement. However, none of this is possible until China changes its behavior with regard to ASATs.
Conclusion
As many of you know, one of my biggest priorities as Assistant Secretary is to look over the horizon a bit and begin to structure our Bureau to address the emerging security challenges of the 21st Century.
For me, that means an increased focus on developing a stable strategic relationship with China, while at the same time reassuring our Allies.
Managing the U.S.-China relationship will take a lot of time and effort, and we won’t always be successful. It’s a challenge. But as Secretary Kerry likes to remind us, it’s important for us to get caught trying, and that’s what we intend to do.
Thanks very much.
Saturday, February 14, 2015
VALENTINE'S DAY EXPORTS
FROM: U.S. IMPORT-EXPORT BANK
Made-in-New York (Valentine Edition): Small Business Love & Quiches Exports Delicious Desserts Around the Globe
Company Was Able to Add 25 Jobs Thanks to Export-Import Bank Support
Washington, D.C. – Thanks to financing extended by the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. (Ex-Im Bank) - and with apologies to ‘60s British Invasion band The Troggs - Love & Quiches is all around.
Started in Susan Axelrod's kitchen in 1973, Love & Quiches sells quiches and desserts to customers all around the world, particularly in the Middle East and Asia. The business outgrew the kitchen, a garage, a local storefront, and its first factory, and now operates out of a state-of-the-art manufacturing facility in Freeport, N.Y. With private export financing options unavailable, in 2005 Love & Quiches found its perfect match with Ex-Im Bank—and they’ve been together ever since.
“Ex-Im Bank stands ready to support even more New York small businesses like Love & Quiches as they add jobs at home by increasing sales overseas,” said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg. “In FY 2014 alone, Ex-Im Bank supported $574.4 million in New York small business exports, which accounts for 45 percent of Ex-Im supported exports from the state.”
Like many small businesses, Love & Quiches relies upon lines of credit and other forms of working capital to finance and grow its business. Ex-Im Bank's small business Export Credit Insurance, backed by the U.S. government, provided the reassurance needed for Wells Fargo Bank to embrace Love & Quiches, advancing funds against the company's foreign receivables and improving its cash flow.
“None of our export business would have been possible without our longstanding partnership with Ex-Im Bank, and we are honored to have received the Ex-Im Bank Small Business Exporter of the Year 2014 Award,” said Susan Axelrod, chairwoman and founder.
Love & Quiches’ export volume increases year after year as the company continues to expand globally. Exports are approaching almost 25 percent of the company’s total volume, and as a result Love & Quiches has added approximately 25 production jobs to their employee roll. The company is flirting with even greater expansion, targeting a 10 percent increase in export sales for FY 2015.
Made-in-New York (Valentine Edition): Small Business Love & Quiches Exports Delicious Desserts Around the Globe
Company Was Able to Add 25 Jobs Thanks to Export-Import Bank Support
Washington, D.C. – Thanks to financing extended by the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. (Ex-Im Bank) - and with apologies to ‘60s British Invasion band The Troggs - Love & Quiches is all around.
Started in Susan Axelrod's kitchen in 1973, Love & Quiches sells quiches and desserts to customers all around the world, particularly in the Middle East and Asia. The business outgrew the kitchen, a garage, a local storefront, and its first factory, and now operates out of a state-of-the-art manufacturing facility in Freeport, N.Y. With private export financing options unavailable, in 2005 Love & Quiches found its perfect match with Ex-Im Bank—and they’ve been together ever since.
“Ex-Im Bank stands ready to support even more New York small businesses like Love & Quiches as they add jobs at home by increasing sales overseas,” said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg. “In FY 2014 alone, Ex-Im Bank supported $574.4 million in New York small business exports, which accounts for 45 percent of Ex-Im supported exports from the state.”
Like many small businesses, Love & Quiches relies upon lines of credit and other forms of working capital to finance and grow its business. Ex-Im Bank's small business Export Credit Insurance, backed by the U.S. government, provided the reassurance needed for Wells Fargo Bank to embrace Love & Quiches, advancing funds against the company's foreign receivables and improving its cash flow.
“None of our export business would have been possible without our longstanding partnership with Ex-Im Bank, and we are honored to have received the Ex-Im Bank Small Business Exporter of the Year 2014 Award,” said Susan Axelrod, chairwoman and founder.
Love & Quiches’ export volume increases year after year as the company continues to expand globally. Exports are approaching almost 25 percent of the company’s total volume, and as a result Love & Quiches has added approximately 25 production jobs to their employee roll. The company is flirting with even greater expansion, targeting a 10 percent increase in export sales for FY 2015.
Friday, February 13, 2015
TERMITES vs. DESERTS
FROM: THE NATIONAL SCIENCE FOUNDATION
Dirt mounds made by termites in Africa, South America, Asia could prevent spread of deserts
Termites create oases of moisture, plant life
February 5, 2015
Termites might not top the list of humanity's favorite insects, but new research suggests that their large dirt mounds are crucial to stopping deserts from spreading into semi-arid ecosystems.
The results indicate that termite mounds could make these areas more resilient to climate change.
The findings could also inspire a change in how scientists determine the possible effects of climate change on ecosystems.
In the parched grasslands and savannas, or drylands, of Africa, South America and Asia, termite mounds store nutrients and moisture and via internal tunnels, allow water to better penetrate the soil.
As a result, vegetation flourishes on and near termite mounds in ecosystems that are otherwise vulnerable to desertification.
Researchers report in this week's issue of the journal Science that termites slow the spread of deserts into drylands by providing a moist refuge for vegetation on and around their mounds.
Drylands with termite mounds can survive on significantly less rain than those without termite mounds.
Not all termites are pests
"This study demonstrates that termite mounds create important refugia for plants and help to protect vast landscapes in Africa from the effects of drought," said Doug Levey, program director in the National Science Foundation's Division of Environmental Biology, which funded the research.
"Clearly," said Levey, "not all termites are pests."
The research was inspired by the fungus-growing termite species, Odontotermes, but the results apply to all types of termites that increase resource availability on or around their mounds.
Corresponding author Corina Tarnita, a Princeton University ecologist and evolutionary biologist, said that termite mounds also preserve seeds and plant life, which helps surrounding areas rebound faster once rainfall resumes.
"Because termites allow water to penetrate the soil better, plants grow on or near the mounds as if there were more rain," said Tarnita. "The vegetation on and around termite mounds persists longer and declines slower.
"Even when you get to harsh conditions where vegetation disappears from the mounds, re-vegetation is still easier. As long as the mounds are there the ecosystem has a better chance to recover."
The stages of desertification: Where termites fit in
In grasslands and savannas, five stages mark the transition to desert, each having a distinct pattern of plant growth.
The researchers found that these plant growth patterns exist on a much smaller scale than previously thought. Overlaying them is the pattern of termite mounds covered by dense vegetation.
The termite-mound pattern, however, looks deceptively similar to the last and most critical of the five stages that mark the transition of drylands to desert.
Vegetation patterns that might be interpreted as the onset of desertification could mean the opposite: that plants are persevering thanks to termite mounds.
Termite mounds help grassland plants persevere
Robert Pringle, an ecologist and evolutionary biologist at Princeton and co-author of the paper, said that the unexpected function of termites in savannas and grasslands suggests that ants, prairie dogs, gophers and other mound-building creatures could also have important roles in ecosystem health.
"This phenomenon and these patterned landscape features are common," Pringle said.
"Exactly what each type of animal does for vegetation is hard to know in advance. You'd have to get into a system and determine what is building the mounds and what the properties of the mounds are.
"I like to think of termites as linchpins of the ecosystem in more than one way. They increase the productivity of the system, but they also make it more stable and more resilient."
Termites: Linchpins of the ecosystem
A mathematical model developed for the work determines how these linchpins affect plant growth.
The scientists applied tools from physics and mathematical and numerical analysis to understand a biological phenomenon, said paper first author Juan Bonachela of Strathclyde University in Scotland.
The model allowed the researchers to apply small-scale data to understand how rainfall influences vegetation growth and persistence in the presence and absence of termites across an entire ecosystem.
"Similar studies would be extremely challenging to perform in the field and would require very long-term experiments," Bonachela said.
"Models such as this allow us to study the system with almost no constraint of time or space and explore a wide range of environmental conditions with a level of detail that can't be attained in the field."
Additional support for the research was provided by a Princeton Environmental Institute Grand Challenges grant, the National Geographic Society, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and a John Templeton Foundation Foundational Questions in Evolutionary Biology grant.
-NSF-
Media Contacts
Cheryl Dybas, NSF
Dirt mounds made by termites in Africa, South America, Asia could prevent spread of deserts
Termites create oases of moisture, plant life
February 5, 2015
Termites might not top the list of humanity's favorite insects, but new research suggests that their large dirt mounds are crucial to stopping deserts from spreading into semi-arid ecosystems.
The results indicate that termite mounds could make these areas more resilient to climate change.
The findings could also inspire a change in how scientists determine the possible effects of climate change on ecosystems.
In the parched grasslands and savannas, or drylands, of Africa, South America and Asia, termite mounds store nutrients and moisture and via internal tunnels, allow water to better penetrate the soil.
As a result, vegetation flourishes on and near termite mounds in ecosystems that are otherwise vulnerable to desertification.
Researchers report in this week's issue of the journal Science that termites slow the spread of deserts into drylands by providing a moist refuge for vegetation on and around their mounds.
Drylands with termite mounds can survive on significantly less rain than those without termite mounds.
Not all termites are pests
"This study demonstrates that termite mounds create important refugia for plants and help to protect vast landscapes in Africa from the effects of drought," said Doug Levey, program director in the National Science Foundation's Division of Environmental Biology, which funded the research.
"Clearly," said Levey, "not all termites are pests."
The research was inspired by the fungus-growing termite species, Odontotermes, but the results apply to all types of termites that increase resource availability on or around their mounds.
Corresponding author Corina Tarnita, a Princeton University ecologist and evolutionary biologist, said that termite mounds also preserve seeds and plant life, which helps surrounding areas rebound faster once rainfall resumes.
"Because termites allow water to penetrate the soil better, plants grow on or near the mounds as if there were more rain," said Tarnita. "The vegetation on and around termite mounds persists longer and declines slower.
"Even when you get to harsh conditions where vegetation disappears from the mounds, re-vegetation is still easier. As long as the mounds are there the ecosystem has a better chance to recover."
The stages of desertification: Where termites fit in
In grasslands and savannas, five stages mark the transition to desert, each having a distinct pattern of plant growth.
The researchers found that these plant growth patterns exist on a much smaller scale than previously thought. Overlaying them is the pattern of termite mounds covered by dense vegetation.
The termite-mound pattern, however, looks deceptively similar to the last and most critical of the five stages that mark the transition of drylands to desert.
Vegetation patterns that might be interpreted as the onset of desertification could mean the opposite: that plants are persevering thanks to termite mounds.
Termite mounds help grassland plants persevere
Robert Pringle, an ecologist and evolutionary biologist at Princeton and co-author of the paper, said that the unexpected function of termites in savannas and grasslands suggests that ants, prairie dogs, gophers and other mound-building creatures could also have important roles in ecosystem health.
"This phenomenon and these patterned landscape features are common," Pringle said.
"Exactly what each type of animal does for vegetation is hard to know in advance. You'd have to get into a system and determine what is building the mounds and what the properties of the mounds are.
"I like to think of termites as linchpins of the ecosystem in more than one way. They increase the productivity of the system, but they also make it more stable and more resilient."
Termites: Linchpins of the ecosystem
A mathematical model developed for the work determines how these linchpins affect plant growth.
The scientists applied tools from physics and mathematical and numerical analysis to understand a biological phenomenon, said paper first author Juan Bonachela of Strathclyde University in Scotland.
The model allowed the researchers to apply small-scale data to understand how rainfall influences vegetation growth and persistence in the presence and absence of termites across an entire ecosystem.
"Similar studies would be extremely challenging to perform in the field and would require very long-term experiments," Bonachela said.
"Models such as this allow us to study the system with almost no constraint of time or space and explore a wide range of environmental conditions with a level of detail that can't be attained in the field."
Additional support for the research was provided by a Princeton Environmental Institute Grand Challenges grant, the National Geographic Society, the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and a John Templeton Foundation Foundational Questions in Evolutionary Biology grant.
-NSF-
Media Contacts
Cheryl Dybas, NSF
Wednesday, December 10, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S OP-ED ON LAND MINES
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Clear Land Mines off the Earth
Op-Ed
John Kerry
Secretary of State
USA Today
December 8, 2014
Earlier this year, a 10-year-old boy was collecting scrap metal in Bosnia when he stepped on a land mine, which killed him instantly. The mine was planted during a war of which the boy had no memory. Days later, a man met a similar fate only a few miles away. He had left home to gather firewood.
Land mines and other unexploded ordnance continue to endanger civilians in more than 60 countries. Decades after soldiers have laid down their weapons and leaders have made peace, these grim legacies of war kill and maim local populations.
For more than two decades, the United States has been at the forefront of international efforts to remove these deadly devices and to address the humanitarian effects that these weapons can have on civilian populations.
Today, I released the annual To Walk the Earth in Safety Report, which powerfully chronicles the progress we have made in clearing land mines from both battlefields and backyards.
Billions in U.S. Aid
Since 1993, the U.S. has provided more than $2.3 billion in assistance in over 90 countries for conventional weapons destruction programs. Thanks to strong bipartisan support in Congress, these funds provide the expertise and equipment to safely clear land mines and other unexploded ordnance. They also provide medication, rehabilitation and vocational training for those injured by these deadly weapons.
For example, we helped clear former minefields so that preschools might be built in Sri Lanka. In Vietnam, onetime battlegrounds have been transformed into busycommercial sectors. Children were once tethered to trees so they would not wander into killing fields in Angola. Today, large areas of the countryside have been made safe. And when flooding unearthed old mines in Serbia this year, the U.S. Quick Reaction Force deployed to contain the threat.
Our efforts to address the humanitarian impacts of land mines extend to our own weapons stockpiles.
In 1994, President Clinton pledged that we would work toward the eventual eliminationof antipersonnel land mines. President George W. Bush restricted the use of land mines to only those with self-destruct or self-deactivation features. In September, President Obama brought us one step closer to the goal of a world free from anti-personnel land mines when he announced that we will no longer use them outside of the unique circumstances of the Korean Peninsula.
U.S. Plans to end Use
That means the U.S. will no longer procure anti-personnel land mines, and we will begin destroying our anti-personnel land mine stockpiles not required for the defense of South Korea. And we will work to find ways that may ultimately allow us to accede to the Ottawa Convention — the international treaty that prohibits the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel land mines.
These steps reflect America's commitment to the global humanitarian movement. Just 15 years ago, land mines and other explosive remnants of war were killing and injuring nearly 10,000 men, women and children every year. In the most recent year for which data are available, that figure has dropped by over 60%.
Fifteen countries — from Honduras to Tunisia to Rwanda — are free from the impact of mines due to the efforts of the U.S. and our international partners in government and civil society.
But this work is far from finished. Too many of these armaments remain concealed, poised to maim anyone who takes a wrong step. Mines continue to be indiscriminately used by countries such as Syria and numerous non-state actors worldwide. Victim-activated, improvised explosive devices are routinely employed by terrorist groups.
In my travels, I have met the victims of land mines. In Southeast Asia, I watched small children propel themselves along on little wagons through the streets. In Africa, I watched men and women balancing food baskets as they navigated through crowded streets on makeshift crutches. In Bogota, I talked to soldiers and police officers wounded by mines left behind after Colombia's bloody conflict.
Their stories are heartbreaking. In less than a second, their lives were changed forever. Different countries, different stories, different times — but none of these victims was the enemy of anybody.
We can't heal their wounds. We can't give them back their lives or their limbs. But we can do more so that others will never suffer the same fate — and so that millions can walk the earth in safety.
Clear Land Mines off the Earth
Op-Ed
John Kerry
Secretary of State
USA Today
December 8, 2014
Earlier this year, a 10-year-old boy was collecting scrap metal in Bosnia when he stepped on a land mine, which killed him instantly. The mine was planted during a war of which the boy had no memory. Days later, a man met a similar fate only a few miles away. He had left home to gather firewood.
Land mines and other unexploded ordnance continue to endanger civilians in more than 60 countries. Decades after soldiers have laid down their weapons and leaders have made peace, these grim legacies of war kill and maim local populations.
For more than two decades, the United States has been at the forefront of international efforts to remove these deadly devices and to address the humanitarian effects that these weapons can have on civilian populations.
Today, I released the annual To Walk the Earth in Safety Report, which powerfully chronicles the progress we have made in clearing land mines from both battlefields and backyards.
Billions in U.S. Aid
Since 1993, the U.S. has provided more than $2.3 billion in assistance in over 90 countries for conventional weapons destruction programs. Thanks to strong bipartisan support in Congress, these funds provide the expertise and equipment to safely clear land mines and other unexploded ordnance. They also provide medication, rehabilitation and vocational training for those injured by these deadly weapons.
For example, we helped clear former minefields so that preschools might be built in Sri Lanka. In Vietnam, onetime battlegrounds have been transformed into busycommercial sectors. Children were once tethered to trees so they would not wander into killing fields in Angola. Today, large areas of the countryside have been made safe. And when flooding unearthed old mines in Serbia this year, the U.S. Quick Reaction Force deployed to contain the threat.
Our efforts to address the humanitarian impacts of land mines extend to our own weapons stockpiles.
In 1994, President Clinton pledged that we would work toward the eventual eliminationof antipersonnel land mines. President George W. Bush restricted the use of land mines to only those with self-destruct or self-deactivation features. In September, President Obama brought us one step closer to the goal of a world free from anti-personnel land mines when he announced that we will no longer use them outside of the unique circumstances of the Korean Peninsula.
U.S. Plans to end Use
That means the U.S. will no longer procure anti-personnel land mines, and we will begin destroying our anti-personnel land mine stockpiles not required for the defense of South Korea. And we will work to find ways that may ultimately allow us to accede to the Ottawa Convention — the international treaty that prohibits the use, stockpiling, production and transfer of anti-personnel land mines.
These steps reflect America's commitment to the global humanitarian movement. Just 15 years ago, land mines and other explosive remnants of war were killing and injuring nearly 10,000 men, women and children every year. In the most recent year for which data are available, that figure has dropped by over 60%.
Fifteen countries — from Honduras to Tunisia to Rwanda — are free from the impact of mines due to the efforts of the U.S. and our international partners in government and civil society.
But this work is far from finished. Too many of these armaments remain concealed, poised to maim anyone who takes a wrong step. Mines continue to be indiscriminately used by countries such as Syria and numerous non-state actors worldwide. Victim-activated, improvised explosive devices are routinely employed by terrorist groups.
In my travels, I have met the victims of land mines. In Southeast Asia, I watched small children propel themselves along on little wagons through the streets. In Africa, I watched men and women balancing food baskets as they navigated through crowded streets on makeshift crutches. In Bogota, I talked to soldiers and police officers wounded by mines left behind after Colombia's bloody conflict.
Their stories are heartbreaking. In less than a second, their lives were changed forever. Different countries, different stories, different times — but none of these victims was the enemy of anybody.
We can't heal their wounds. We can't give them back their lives or their limbs. But we can do more so that others will never suffer the same fate — and so that millions can walk the earth in safety.
Thursday, October 23, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS AT DIWALI CELEBRATION
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at Diwali Celebration
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Ben Franklin Room
Washington, DC
October 23, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Nisha, thank you very, very much. Welcome, everybody, to a celebration, and happy Diwali to all of you. It’s nice to be here.
AUDIENCE: Happy Diwali. (Applause.)
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. We are really pleased to be celebrating this tonight, and I’m particularly grateful for Nisha, both for her generous welcome to all of you and to me, but more especially because she’s making really critical efforts in a key part of the world, obviously, as Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia. And I was delighted to select her for that job, and she has not let me down. She is persistent, tenacious – where are her parents? Where are the parents? (Laughter.) Raise your hands. Where are the – where are your parents?
ASSISTANT SECRETARY BISWAL: Right here. Right over here.
SECRETARY KERRY: Hooray for you. Well done. (Applause.) Thank you. Well, I want you to know she’s doing a terrific job. (Laughter.) I didn’t just single you out to tell her how bad she is. I mean – (laughter) – but she’s doing fabulous. And she left India when she was only six years old, and today, literally in just a few decades, she’s become one of the important leaders in American foreign policy. And her odyssey, if we call it that, really speaks to the power of the American dream. It shows how aspirations and traditions and histories from all over the world come together still in this melting pot, and they revitalize and they renew our nation.
And that’s really what makes America different from every other place. We are not defined by one race or one ideology or one history. We are defined by the idea of all people being created equal and being able to come and exercise their right to pursue a dream here in the United States, but to become very American in doing so. And Nisha has obviously described the way she does that.
I also want to thank Priest Narayanachar, who in a few moments is going to lead an invocation and light the diya, the traditional Diwali lamp. And Priest Narayanachar helps to lead one of the largest Hindu temples in the United States at Sri Siva Vishnu, and it’s difficult to believe that this is a community that began with only a few recent Indian immigrants who celebrated occasions like this one in their own homes. And less than four decades later, the temple not only serves as a spiritual home for thousands of Hindu Americans, but it provides support and outreach for people of all backgrounds and beliefs.
So as we celebrate Diwali this evening, we also hail the accomplishments of the many hundreds of thousands of Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, and Jain Americans who live now all across our country in every community. And we honor their faith and their traditions, and the indispensable contributions that they make every single day to our prosperity, to our freedom, and to our culture – to this new chapter of American history that they are helping to write. And today, the South Asian diaspora is a pillar of every aspect of American society. South Asians sit in the executive suites of some of our country’s most successful companies, or at the very helm of all of them. They launch startups and earn graduate degrees at several times the national average. They are a driving force behind American leadership and science and innovation, and in the history of our nation – and we are a nation of immigrants – it is hard to find any group of Americans who have achieved more in such a relatively short period of time. (Applause.)
Now, as everybody here knows better than anybody in the world, India is, of course, a country of enormous energy and power. It is by far the largest nation in South Asia, and last month during Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the United States, we had an unforgettable chance both to build on the already deep ties between America and India, and many of you were here when Vice President Biden and I welcomed the prime minister right here to this very stage. The prime minister’s visit was a moment when Indians and Americans could get a real sense of what our two nations are able to accomplish together by working together, by fighting against terrorism, by creating opportunity for our young people, by combating climate change, to achieving greater progress by pushing back the boundaries of science and technology. And we are determined to build on that moment that was so well defined here in the prime minister’s words and in the Vice President’s words, so that the world’s oldest and largest democracies can realize the truly extraordinary, boundless potential of our relationship.
India and the United States – and I discovered this really back when I was in the Senate. I think as a senator I took the first Senate business mission, if you will, with a whole bunch of businesses to India very shortly after then Finance Minister Singh had announced the economic reforms. And that was a time when it was still breaking through the prior years of some suspicion and a certain hangover from the Cold War.
And we worked hard to prove that we were, in fact, natural partners, which I believe we are. We are two optimistic nations who believe that history doesn’t shape us, but that we have the power to shape history. And that spirit of hope and optimism is really at the center of the Diwali celebration. As the days grow shorter, the Diwali reminds us that spring always returns – that knowledge triumphs over ignorance, hope outlasts despair, and light replaces darkness. Diwali is a time for the revitalization of mind and spirit. And just as critically, it affords a chance to reflect on how we can bring light to others. It is an opportunity for us all, regardless of our own traditions, to renew a shared commitment to human dignity, compassion, and service – and it is a commitment, I think, at the heart of all great faiths.
So just last week, I hosted a celebration for the diplomatic community commemorating Eid al-Adha. Earlier in the year we marked the Nowruz celebration. And tonight, thanks to the good efforts of Shaun Casey, who I did bring in here to create the first ever Interfaith Office within the State Department, we are now appropriately celebrating Diwali too. (Applause.) It’s important to note that these special celebrations are celebrated in communities all across America and in India and in other countries. And it’s an indication of how our mutual commitment to religious tolerance and pluralism helps to define and to strengthen our two democracies.
President Obama and Prime Minister Modi had a chance to celebrate these shared values last month when they crossed the avenue from the White House and together went to visit the Martin Luther King Memorial. And everybody near knows how influenced Dr. King was by Mahatma Gandhi. The two leaders stopped to read a few words from Dr. King, words that cautioned all of us, and still do, against the tendency for violence to fuel future violence. And he warned us all: “Darkness cannot drive out darkness; only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; only love can do that.” And as Dr. King testified so often, life is a constant struggle between the better and lesser angels of our nature. Tonight, as we come together in the spirit of the Diwali festival, we need to, all of us, think about how to reaffirm our shared commitment to the light. And this is particularly a moment as we look at the events around the world where that commitment could serve all humankind.
So in closing, I want to thank all of you for joining us at the State Department’s first ever Diwali celebration. I guarantee you it will not be our last. (Laughter and applause.) And it is important in many ways for all of us on occasions like this to be able to come together and celebrate the diversity of our backgrounds, the diversity of our beliefs, to count our shared blessings and our responsibilities, and to do so as sisters and brothers, as mothers and fathers, as members of a community, as citizens of a nation, and as stewards of our planet.
So I am pleased now to introduce one of the leading members of the diplomatic corps here in Washington, a distinguished public servant, and he’s a terrific representative of his country. He’s also a passionate advocate for the stronger ties between the United States and India. And I am talking, of course, about Ambassador Subrahmanyam Jaishankar. Thank you. (Applause.)
Wednesday, May 14, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY, ITALIAN FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI MAKE REMARKS AFTER MEETING
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With Italian Foreign Minister Federica Mogherini After Their Meeting
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
May 13, 2014
At the time, we were co-hosting an event that I might mention here which we consider important, which is support for the USA Pavilion at the Milan Expo 2015, which is focused on the challenge of feeding the planet, of food security and energy for life. And we believe it’s important to participate in this. We look forward to it. And I think when we consider the huge numbers of young people growing the populations of countries throughout the world, but particularly in Africa, South Central Asia, and elsewhere, the challenge of food security is critical, and we’re very grateful to Italy for hosting this affair and for highlighting the importance of this challenge.
I think everybody here knows, and if they don’t, I will restate it clearly – Italy is one of the United States’ most important allies. We, I think, can safely say that our alliance has never been stronger than it is at this moment. And today, we spoke about some of the most difficult challenges that we face at this moment of time – from Ukraine to Syria to Libya, and always the challenge of Iran and the nuclear program, and the potential of peace – still a concern for peace in the Middle East.
May 25th, we believe, we are convinced, is a real opportunity for the people of Ukraine to express their will through the ballot box. And Ukraine’s future absolutely should not be determined at the barrel of a gun. We all stand together, united for the independence and sovereignty of Ukraine, and we don’t believe that ballots that are marked in Moscow or referenda directed from there should decide Ukraine’s future.
We deplore today’s violence and senseless killings, and the separatists who are very busy spreading fear and violence in Donetsk and Luhansk really need to answer the real call of the people of Ukraine, which is under the banner of “Let us vote.” And that vote, the real vote, will take place in the election on May 25th.
The other key step in the path to heal the tensions politically are the Ukrainian-led, OSCE-supported national dialogue and the roundtables that are to take place across Ukraine. These will focus on decentralization and constitutional reform. And the United States very strongly supports this process. We’re in constant touch with the OSCE itself, with Foreign Minister Steinmeier and others, and with Foreign Minister Lavrov of Russia, in efforts to try to encourage this process to take hold as fully as possible, as fast as possible. And we also welcome the OSCE’s appointment of a veteran diplomat, Walter Ischinger, Ambassador Ischinger, in order to serve as a mediator in that process.
So let me be clear: We expect to see, want to see, and will work to achieve real de-escalation, disarmament, evacuation of occupied buildings in exchange for amnesty and dialogue. And that is what is called for in the Geneva statement of the 17th last month, and also the OSCE roadmap. We hope that the OSCE will support the Government of Ukraine in facilitating these steps as rapidly as possible.
Finally, I want to welcome the news that our friends in the European Union have applied additional sanctions on Russia – Russians, Russian individuals and Russian companies involved in the occupation of Crimea. The EU has made it clear that should the May 25th elections be disrupted in Ukraine, then there will be additional sanctions. So Russia, we would say – and we don’t say this punitively, but Russia really does face a choice, and the choice is to allow the people of Ukraine to determine their own future without interference from outside and with efforts by all of us to try to assist in de-escalating the tension, removing people from buildings, pulling back security forces, counterterrorism initiatives – all of those things – in order to give the people of Ukraine the ability to breathe through the democratic process.
We also want to be clear: There are still threats to a Europe whole, free and at peace. And because of that, our commitment to Article 5 of the NATO Charter remains ironclad. NATO territory is inviolable, and we will defend every piece of it. That’s why we are deploying United States military assets to the region and that’s why the United States is encouraging our allies both to contribute to the reassurance effort that is currently underway as well as to meet their NATO commitments with respect to defense spending and planning.
The foreign minister and I also discussed briefly the efforts to eliminate serious chemical weapons. We greatly appreciate Italy’s assistance in eliminating the Syrian chemical weapons, including offering the port of Gioia Tauro for loading the materials onto the vessel Cape Bay – Cape Ray. And I want to emphasize this really underscores Italy’s very strong commitment to this initiative, to help us destroy these weapons in the most secure and safe environment possible.
I might underscore, we are currently slightly over 92 percent – 92 percent – of all of the chemical weapons of Syria declared being removed. There are still challenges with respect to some knowledge about undeclared, but at the moment we need to insist that the Syrian regime fully comply with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention and the UN Security Council Resolution 2118. And we will remain vigilant until this is achieved.
The last issue we discussed was the issue of Libya. I again thank Italy for hosting the donor conference in March, the ministerial conference that we held on Libya. The United States and Italy are very committed to the transitional process that needs to take hold even more in Libya, and we will continue to support the Libyan Government as it works overtime to be able to provide a democratic process and to deliver both good governance and security to the people of Libya.
So, Federica, thank you for taking time to be with us today. I know you have to fly back to join all of us at the meeting in London, and then fly back again, so we appreciate enormously your efforts to be here today. And more especially, we appreciate the good work we’re doing together. Thank you.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, John. Thank you for welcoming me here in my first official visit abroad – and that was not by chance. That was a clear sign of showing how strong our – how good, how excellent our relation is, both bilaterally and in the international organizations we are in together. Actually, you visited Rome, I think, twice in the last couple of months. We were extremely happy to have you in the conference on Libya in the beginning of March, as we were extremely happy to host you during the visit of President Obama last month in Rome. I felt it was the most natural thing to do to pay my first visit in Washington to show how strong and excellent our work together is in all fields.
Let me start by saying that I have been flying here directly from Brussels, where yesterday we had the foreign council on – whose main concern was Ukraine; how important it is that we speak with one voice, and we act in the same way. I want to thank you because I have experienced in this first month of my mandate good – extremely good coordination whenever it comes to facing a difficult situation.
I think that part of the important response that we’ve given to the crisis in Ukraine has been in – speaking with one voice, both in Europe, across the Atlantic, in the G7, in the UN. And I think that has to stay our first priority, to speak with one voice when it comes to dealing with the crisis in Ukraine.
At the council yesterday in Brussels, we decided exactly on the same line as you described – a mix of instruments for making sure that a solution to the crisis is found in the most effective and quick way. First priority is to stop the violence on the ground, to de-escalate, as was stated in the Geneva agreement of the 17th, and as we should make sure that it is implemented on the ground.
We all agree and we’ve always all agreed on the fact that there is no military solution to the crisis that is extremely concerning for all of us. And the political answer to this crisis is a mix of creating the conditions for internal and external dialogue, the national dialogue that is going to start tomorrow, and that the leadership of the Ukrainian Government with the full support of the U.S.A., with the full support of the European Union, and following your words also on the United States and the international community, and on the other side, sanctions that always say it’s a way putting political pressure to get the result, which is a political solution to the crisis.
But now the first objective for us is decreasing tensions, stopping the violence, making the elections of the 25th happen, and making them a success, and at the same time, supporting the Ukrainian Government to follow up the process of additional reforms in the inclusive way in which they have committed to do.
As you said, we discussed also all the other crises that are open around us. Ukraine is extremely important, especially for us Europeans, but I know also for you how deep the concern is. Still, it should not shadow other crises that are extremely dramatic around us. Starting from Syria, three years of war, the need for re-launching a way of finding a political stop to the conflict, finding ways of giving humanitarian assistance, because there are people dying, children dying, and fleeing from the country. The surrounding countries that are by miracle sustaining this conflict – I think of Lebanon – and the process of dismantling the chemical arsenal that we are – happy is not the appropriate word, I guess, to describe that, but probably proud to contribute to by offering the Port of Gioia Tauro for the – for this operation. And again, it’s extremely important that at least this path is at least partially a successful one.
As you said, we discussed Libya, shared the concern for a situation that in terms of security on the ground, in terms of control of the territory and of the borders of the country, is extremely worrying and unstable. The way is trying to support the internal democratic dynamics, political dynamics in the country, so that they manage to get to forming a government able to deal with the control of the country and of the territory itself. For us, it’s a priority, and I know that we have you and all the international community at our side in trying to find the most useful way on that.
Thank you again for your commitment to Expo. We appreciate it very much, and we are willing to host you next year, but for sure before that in Milan for Expo 2015. It’s a great occasion for us to underline how much we can do together to fight one of the most dramatic elements of our time. On one side over-nutrition; on the other side, people dying, for hunger. There’s a contradiction there that we have to face and try to solve, and Expo is going to be a great chance for the international community to face this problem together and try to solve it and to move it forward.
So thank you very much.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Thank you very much, Federica. We appreciate it very, very much. And let me – we are honored that you selected to come here first. We really appreciate that. And it is a sign of the special relationship and the way we work together, so I’m very grateful. We all are.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Thank you, but it’s natural. That’s natural.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Roz Jordan of Al-Jazeera.
QUESTION: Thank you, Madam Minister. Welcome to Washington. And Mr. Secretary, three brief questions. First, regarding Syria: As we all know, Lakhdar Brahimi has stepped aside as the special envoy for Syria. He is the second person to fail in this job after Kofi Annan. Can a third special envoy succeed where he and Annan have failed? The SNC, for its part, is adamant that a political calculation cannot be brought about unless its armed component does receive weapons from the West, and it says it will be making that request when all of you gather in London on Thursday. Will the U.S. support the SNC’s request? Does the U.S. believe that the SNC is mistaken in this regard?
Regarding Nigeria, the U.S. coordination team led by the State Department is now on the ground; surveillance planes are in the air. Does the U.S. have a better sense of where these kidnapped girls and their kidnappers are? Will the Nigerian army have the capability of rescuing them, if indeed they are located via intelligence and surveillance methods? And is the U.S. prepared to offer its own troops to assist the Nigerian army? Is Abuja willing to have that sort of assistance?
And finally, the Saudi Government has invited the Iranian foreign minister, Mr. Zarif, to Riyadh for meetings. Does the U.S. welcome this? Is this the first sign of a rapprochement? Did the U.S. have anything to do with this invitation extended by the Saudi foreign minister? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: I think there were about 9 or 10 questions there. (Laughter.)
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: All yours. (Laughter.) I’m not kidding.
QUESTION: She already spoke on Syria.
SECRETARY KERRY: First of all, Mr. Brahimi did not fail. It’s a great mistake here to place on a peacemaking effort the notion that the failure of an envoy or a special envoy, or the inability to be able to reach agreement is the fault of the envoy. It’s not. It’s the fault of a party – Assad – who will not negotiate, who absolutely refused to negotiate at every single session.
Now, when this was announced in – I think it was March, April of a year ago, when I went to Moscow and Sergei Lavrov joined in the announcement with President Putin’s support, it was because at that point in time, there was a sense that there was a need to negotiate. And the Russians supported that negotiation with the belief that that was the only way to settle this.
Regrettably in the intervening months after that, as everybody knows, there was a growth in the number of extremist groups who were trying to remove Assad, and then an increasing fight between the extremists and the moderate opposition. So whether it was Ahrar al-Sham or al-Nusra or al-Qaida or the Iraqi State Levant and so forth, those groups began to detract, and frankly that detracted from the effort. In addition to that, the intervening time also saw Hezbollah, a terrorist organization, cross international lines to go in and actively fight on the ground, in addition to which there are IRGC forces – Iranian forces – on the ground in Syria.
So the dynamics shifted on the ground between the time of the announcement and Mr. Brahimi’s efforts, and I applaud his efforts. He patiently and diligently worked to give the parties an opportunity to be able to negotiate in good faith in pursuance of the Geneva agreement, which was to have a transition government that could move to a peaceful resolution. The opposition showed up; the opposition did a better job than the regime of making its case. And the opposition consistently tried to adhere to the rules of talking about the future with respect to a transition.
The Assad regime never did. And so this represents a continuation of the stubborn clinging to power of a man who is willing to drop barrel bombs on his people, to gas them, to shell artillery on innocent civilians, to starve people in their homes, and somehow claim a right to be able to run a country. I don’t think the civilized world is going to stand for that, and so there will be a continuation of an effort to put pressure on Mr. Assad.
President Obama is continuing to support the moderate opposition. He has increased the support to the moderate opposition, as have others, with a belief that we need to get to a negotiation at some point in time. And when the parties are ready to negotiate, then a mediator will have a chance to be able to help them do so, and everyone can succeed by giving the people of Syria an opportunity to reclaim their future.
With respect to Nigeria, our people are on the ground. We are proud to be contributing to the effort in order to help find these young women. And as everybody knows, there was recent evidence demonstrating that at least a certain group of them were together and in one place at a certain period of time. We don’t know exactly when. What I can guarantee you is that we will make every effort possible in order to help free those young women, and we are there helping to do that now. I’m not going to discuss what mechanism or methodology may or may not be used in order to do so, except to say that we are committed to this effort together with, I think, decent, civilized people all around the world who think this is a barbaric, horrendous act against the conscience of people everywhere. And so the President has all options with respect to the future. We’re dealing with the government of another country. That’s always got its diplomatic requirements.
With respect to the Saudi invite, no, the United States did not have anything to do with this invitation, but we’re delighted to see our good friends, the Saudis, engaged in diplomacy that may or may not be able to add to any number of different possibilities in the region. They have a longstanding difficulty in that relationship, but it is completely in keeping with their prerogatives to be able to reach out and engage. And we encourage it, we welcome it, and we hope that it might be able to produce something with respect to one of several conflicts in which the Iranians could perhaps have an impact.
MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Paolo Valentino.
QUESTION: Thank you. I have only one question for each of you. Mr. Secretary, I’m afraid my question will be a bit out of context, but the subject has been vividly discussed in the last 24 hours in Italy and in Europe. In his recently released book, former Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner claims that in 2011, some European officials approached him asking for help in a scheme to force Silvio Berlusconi out of power, and that the answer was no.
Now, despite the fact – I quote – “that it would have been desirable to have better leadership in Europe,” as a member of the cabinet, do you have anything to say on behalf of the Administration? And as then-chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, do you have any recollection of having any hint or echo of this subject at the time?
For Minister Mogherini, Ukraine: Today, you sounded a note of cautious optimism about the possibility of launching a national dialogue based on the apparent acceptance from both Kyiv and Moscow of the OSCE roadmap. Now, how does this square with the growing violence which, even today, claimed some victims? And did you, in your talks, discuss the eventual possibility of floating the idea of a UN-sponsored interposition force in Ukraine? Thank you.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I got the easier question. No, we didn’t discuss that option. It is not on the ground so far. As concerns the first part of the question, it is exactly because violence on the ground is not diminishing that we need to support a national dialogue effort. Tomorrow, as far as I know, the first national dialogue exercise will start in Ukraine. Obviously, it is an extremely difficult process. It is not easy. It is not to be given for granted that it works. But still, we are putting all of our political pressure on all sides, including, obviously, Russia, to be coherent – words and actions – and allow, first, violence on the ground to stop, and second, Ukrainians to talk to each other and to find their way of ruling the country as one country. We have said from the beginning territorial integrity, unity, sovereignty of Ukraine is our goal. For doing that, for achieving that, we need internal dialogue and the dialogue with all the regional actors relevant.
I’m sorry, I guess I have to repeat something in Italian for the Italian press. That’s right. If I
manage to say the same things. (Laughter.) I’ll try. (In Italian.)
SECRETARY KERRY: Io non so niente.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: I said the same. I said the same. I said the same. Exactly the same.
QUESTION: Did you read the book?
SECRETARY KERRY: No. No, I was not – I – absolutely, this is the first I’ve ever heard of it. Thank you. Grazie tanto.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: And can I --
SECRETARY KERRY: Honestly, I hadn’t – I knew nothing as Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, and I know nothing about it now. You have to ask somebody else.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: Can I add just one thing that I forgot to say – two small things that I forgot to say --
SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, yes
.
FOREIGN MINISTER MOGHERINI: -- in those remarks? Sorry, it’s a little bit of jetlag coming in. One is the dimension that we discussed and I wanted to say publicly how much we appreciate the efforts that John has been putting and is still putting on the Middle East peace talks that are now facing a difficult time, but his efforts and his commitment to that are precious. There are all – not only us Italians, but all Europeans supporting this effort very much, and hope and think that this work is an excellent opportunity for the Middle East to finally find a way out of the conflict.
And second, we also discussed Afghanistan and to recommit ourselves, once the election phase is over and there’s a new leadership in Afghanistan, to accompany their democratic transition furthermore.
MS. PSAKI: Thank you everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Is that it? Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you.
Saturday, December 21, 2013
Saturday, October 5, 2013
SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY MAKES REMARKS IN INDONESIA
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at a Press Availability With United States Trade Representative Ambassador Froman
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Jen Psaki
Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Bali, Indonesia
October 5, 2013
SECRETARY KERRY: Good afternoon, everybody. Thank you for being patient. We appreciate it very much. I’m delighted to continue my trip through Asia, and on behalf of President Obama, it is an honor to represent the United States at the annual APEC economic leaders meeting. And I’m delighted to be here with a member of the President’s cabinet, our United States Trade Representative, Ambassador Mike Froman.
I want to thank Indonesia for its extraordinary welcome and wonderful hospitality over the day and a half that we’ve been here meeting already, and we thank them for their exceptional hosting of the APEC conference.
First, I’d like to say just a few words about the disappointing situation back home, which, regrettably, has kept the President of the United States from attending this year’s APEC. I am not in partisan or elected politics anymore, but I did spend 28-plus years in the United States Senate, and I believe that those standing in the way in the other body of the Congress, standing in the way of reopening our government, need to think long and hard about the message that we send to the world when we can’t get our own act together. Because I’ve said many times, the values of great institutions like the United States Senate and the House is how we use them and what they represent to the world. And because these institutions are instruments of the people, they are broken only if we let them break. So I can tell you from experience that it is not only within Congress’ power to prevent the shutdown, it is also within Congress’ power to end it. To end it now. To end it today.
And to all of our friends and foes watching around the world, let me be crystal clear: Do not mistake this momentary episode in American politics as anything less than a moment of politics, or anything more than a moment of politics. This is an example, really, of the robustness of our democracy, the capacity for any people to make their voices heard, sometimes, we may feel, incorrectly. But nevertheless, it as a sign of the vibrancy and capacity of people to make their voices heard.
The American people are remarkably strong and resilient people, and we all know that we will get beyond this moment, and we will get beyond it quickly. And in the end, nothing will change with respect to the issues that bring us here to the APEC conference. Nothing will diminish our commitment to Asia, the rebalance that President Obama’s engaged in. We will continue to fulfill our responsibilities, and our engagement around the world, and I think people are confident of that.
For the moment, there are some things that do get affected, and that is regrettable. For instance, our security assistance for Israel, our closest ally in the Middle East, is being delayed. The new fiscal year started this last week, but because of the shutdown, some entities don’t have the funding that they need, including supporting the peacekeeping mission in the Sinai, at a time of growing unrest in a critical area. The U.S. Congress could fix this very quickly by reopening the U.S. Government.
Another example: The opportunity to engage diplomatically with Iran is critical to all of us in the world, and we wouldn’t be where we are today if it weren’t for the pressure that has been brought to bear by the sanctions. But right now, as a direct result of the shutdown, our Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Asset Control has been forced to furlough nearly all of its staff.
So the world is watching to see whether a combination of tough sanctions and careful diplomatic diplomacy can lead Iran to verifiably give up the chase for nuclear weapons. I think it’s clear that we cannot lose this opportunity to moments of politics that deprive us of the opportunity to embrace larger and more important goals.
Of course, the situation back home, as I mentioned, has unfortunately kept President Obama from joining us here this weekend. I will be traveling at his request to Malaysia and to the Philippines in order to represent the United States. But I do want to make clear: None of what is happening in Washington diminishes one iota our commitment to our partners in Asia, including our efforts to promote trade and investment throughout the region. And this remains one of our top priorities, and I’m very, very pleased to be here together with two other members of the President’s cabinet – Ambassador Froman and Secretary of Commerce Pritzker – all of us engaged, as we will stay engaged, in this region.
Why does that matter to us? APEC matters because it provides a very critical platform for government and private sector partners to be able to come together and break down the barriers to commerce. It is the way in which we open up opportunity for all of our citizens, and begin to create rules of the road that bring our countries closer together. It is the way to create opportunity for all people. Today, even in our discussions, we had a talk about how we make this economic opportunity with equity, meaning that women and men all joined together in their capacity to share opportunity in the workforce. It’s a chance for us to come to a fast-growing region of the world – the fastest growing region – and begin to talk about how we invest in each other and how we can better connect our economies one to the other, and how we create jobs and economic growth in all of our countries.
That’s why the United States works so closely with Indonesia and with other APEC countries. We work together on regulatory issues, on how we can make it easier for exporters to be able to cut tariffs and be able to move their goods to another country. How we sell goods and services in foreign markets. We work together on logistical issues, like how you improve the performance and connectivity at every step along the supply chain of these goods. And all of this breaks down barriers between our countries and forges a stronger relationship, which adds to the peace and security and prosperity, not just of the region, but of the rest of the world.
We also work together on something that is very important to me personally, and that is promoting trade and investment in a way that can help our environment and the planet that we share and deal with the responsibilities of energy policy and of global climate change. For example, implementing tariff reductions on solar panels and other environmental goods will speed growth in the profitable sector of green technology, at a time when we see great environmental degradation and climate change that threatens the way of life In the Pacific region.
Here in Bali this week, we will also continue to advance the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Ambassador Froman and I will represent the President at a meeting of the leaders of the TPP countries. And this agreement is a key part of our agenda in the Asia Pacific and the President’s jobs agenda at home.
The relationship between the United States and the Asia Pacific has really never been more important than it is now. President Obama began a rebalance to this region in the course of his first four years, and we intend to continue that over the course of his second term. It is very clear that most of the economic issues that we face today require the kind of cooperation that APEC makes possible. And the United States views APEC as its premier forum for economic and development issues in this region.
So on behalf of President Obama, the United States looks forward in the next few days to a very productive dialogue and to a significant, continued collaboration with Indonesia and with the rest of our APEC partners.
Ambassador Froman.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Well, thank you very much, Mr. Secretary and good afternoon. As Secretary Kerry said, the United States has a strong commitment to APEC. We are Pacific nation, and we always will be. This is the fastest growing region of the world, and our work here is critical to expanding exports and therefore to promoting growth, creating jobs, and strengthening the America middle class.
APEC economies represent 55 percent of global GDP, and about 45 percent of global goods and services trade. The United States exports more than a trillion dollars of goods and service to APEC countries, and that’s more than 50 percent of total U.S. exports. And those exports support millions of hardworking American jobs. Our capacity to grow our economy and create jobs is integrally tied to the success of this region and our engagement with it.
From a trade and investment perspective, APEC continues to be an incubator for policy innovation. As APEC economies cooperate to advance the value of our regional relationships, we realize ideas together that can boost the whole global trading system.
APEC is on the leading edge of a number of global efforts to increase economic integration and opportunity. Together, we’re working to improve supply chains. Together, we’re working to fight new forms of protectionism, like localization; to implement regulatory policies that make it fast and more efficient to do business; and to building on the groundbreaking commitments in Honolulu in 2011 to advance trade and environmental goods.
At the same time, APEC economies continue to play an important leadership role in the multilateral trading system. The WTO’s Information Technology Agreement, for example, got its start at APEC. And now longstanding APEC priorities have the potential to be enshrined in a global trading rules at the WTO. These include a win-win agreement on trade facilitation that will help developed and developing countries alike, as well as an expanded information technology agreement. On that front, I’m pleased to announce that there is a hopeful sign this week of our ability to work creatively together to solve problems and make progress in the WTO. We were happy to work with China and others to get the information technology agreement talks back on track. After discussions this week, we’re hopeful that resumption of formal, plural-lateral negotiations will begin as soon as possible.
As I said in Geneva earlier this week, the United States is a strong supporter and believes in the World Trade Organization. Along with our APEC partners, we also believe that this is a crucial moment for that system. In two months, we’ll be back in Bali for the 9th WTO ministerial. If we succeed in producing a multilateral package on trade facilitation, agriculture, and development, it can provide impetus to the multilateral trading system. If we fail, it will harm – it will be hard to see how we further that agenda. And we’re pleased to see our APEC partners this week working together to push for a meaningful result at the WTO.
Finally, of course, as the Secretary said, we spent a great deal of time this week working on TPP. The TPP countries are strongly committed to working to conclude negotiations this year. In Brunei in August, and now in Bali, trade ministers have been charting a path forward on outstanding issues, particularly state-owned enterprises, intellectual property rights, environment, and market access, in order to move the negotiations toward completion.
And the U.S. continues to work for a high level of ambition and high standards for TPP with all due speed. We’ve made significant progress this week, and we look forward to briefing the TPP leaders on Tuesday about that progress and getting their political-level guidance to facilitate the conclusion of the negotiations.
In sum, our work here this week will further U.S. engagement in the Asia Pacific region and create new jobs and opportunities in the United States. Thank you.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Matt Lee of the Associated Press.
QUESTION: Okay. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Can you hear me, first of all? I’m not sure – yes? Okay.
I’m curious as to, first, how do you make the case back at home to members of Congress that the shutdown hurts American security and potentially the security of its allies, while at the same time you are here, presumably, assuring those allies, at in Asia, that you still have their back, like what you said?
And secondly, how concerned are you that the perception of weakness created by the President’s having to cancel his visit here, whether or not that’s the reality, how concerned are you that that perception will encourage some countries in this region – notably China, but perhaps also Russia – to try and take advantage of the situation? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Matt, it’s a very good question. It’s a fair question and my answer is very straight-forward. There are momentary disruptions. And the momentary disruption always has the ability to have an impact. I mean, if you are not funding a particular security operation at a particular moment – in the Sinai, for instance, or somewhere – there’s an opportunity for misjudgment. And the other examples that I gave are self-explanatory. But that’s not long term, and I’m convinced it’s not long term.
Now I think it’s reckless, personally, to even provide those moments where you have these risks that are exposed, but the bottom line is that the United States of America is not going to change one iota the fundamental direction of the policy under this President. And I think everybody in the region understands. I haven’t run into one question mark about the long term – everybody sees this as a moment on politics – an unfortunate moment – but they see it for what it is.
But in the long run I think people understand that on an issue like Iran with nuclear weapons, on an issue like North Korea and nuclear weapons, on our fundamental commitments to this region in terms of maritime security and freedom of navigation through the seas and so forth, our commitment is not going to change. And the American people understand the importance of those commitments and we’ll be steadfast.
So I think – I haven’t found one leader here who raised a question with me about the long term for the United States. What they do ask is how long is this going to go on and why is this happening, and those kinds of questions. And I think that people understand that the fundamental commitment of the United States is what it is, and I think they still trust it.
Now with respect to the perception of, quote, weakness, I just disagree with that premise. I don’t believe that anybody here believes there is some connection of any moment of weakness in the President making a decision to deal with his domestic politics. There isn’t one leader here who wouldn’t make the same decision if they were faced with a domestic moment in their politics where they have to resolve a budget or resolve a debt-ceiling or any other kind of issue.
But we just had a very strong meeting in Japan, Secretary Hagel and I. We just reannounced a next 15-20 year projected reevaluation of our guidelines for our relationship with Japan and in the region. Here in my conversation with the Foreign Minister from the Republic of Korea, we had the same kind of long-term horizon, and I think in the discussions that we’ve had in APEC about the code of conduct and the South China Sea and other issues, there hasn’t been one doubt or one question asked about whether the United States will fulfill its obligations and remain engaged.
So there is a distinction between short-term impact and, I think, the long-term interests that people perceive as being much more durable than any moment in our domestic, political life.
MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Michael Tjandra of RTCI.
QUESTION: Thank you for this opportunity, Mr. Secretary. Where does Indonesia stand as an APEC member with America in playing a role to help to revive the global economy?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, I’m going to let the Ambassador speak a little bit to that, but I will just tell you that Indonesia is growing at, I think, around 6 percent or so now. They have plans to even raise that level of growth more significantly. Indonesia is a very powerful, significant member of APEC – not just the chair of this year, but one of the larger countries, one of the more important exporting nations, a country with enormous resources, a capacity to contribute to the regional growth.
And we view Indonesia as very important partner in terms of adherence to rules and standards and to the rules of trade, which are so critical to transparency and accountability and to the willingness of people to invest capital and therefore grow economies. So Indonesia has proven itself to be very a significant partner with us in that regard, and I’ll let the Ambassador fill out perhaps a little more detail.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Well, the only thing I would add to that is, Indonesia one of the largest economies in the world and as a key member, for example, of the G-20, and has played a critical role in the G-20 in terms of bringing a perspective of an emerging economy to the global economic system and ensuring that issues were addressed in an appropriate way.
They’ve been – the President Yudhoyono and others from (inaudible) play a critical role in the G-20 over the last several years. And similarly, in just two months from now, Indonesia will host and chair the 9th meeting of the WTO ministerial. So it is playing a leadership role in the international trading system, and is working very hard – and that was a big topic of today’s meeting – today’s discussions this morning – working very hard both with APEC members but also with members from around the world to ensure a positive result from the multilateral trading system.
MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Indira Lakshmanan from Bloomberg News.
QUESTION: Thank you, Secretary Kerry and Ambassador Froman. Secretary Kerry, you addressed this a little bit at the top of your remarks, but the whole question about the government shutdown has certainly created a perception in Asia that it’s undermining the President’s ability to fulfill his Asia pivot promise. And we’ve heard this both in public remarks from certain Asian leaders and also private remarks – that they feel it’s undermining the President’s, what is meant to be his signature issue of his second-term foreign policy distracting him. So I want to ask you: How can you reassure those leaders who’ve expressed their concerns that it’s not undermining the Asia pivot?
And secondly, also, how is affecting, for both of you, the ability to get TPP talks done this week, because again we’d expected the President to be here and his leadership creates a message? So is it giving an opportunity for China or others to work on rival trade groups to the TPP?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Indira, I think I did touch on this a little bit, but let me fill it out a little bit more.
President Obama is not here, and he planned to be here. And he is not here because he has to stay at home in order to deal with this domestic challenge, which has been presented to him by a small group of people within one branch of the United States Congress. That obviously undermines the President’s ability to have the conversation he was going to have with President Xi, or have the conversation he was going to have – or the meeting he was going to have with President Putin, all of which are important to the conduct of global affairs. So obviously there is the loss of that as a result of this.
But I think those leaders, all of them, know well enough that in terms of the long term, this will end and the United States will have a budget. And the United States will still be the strongest power in the world, in terms of our military capacity, largest economy in the world, an economy that is now increasingly stronger by the day, a debt that is coming down, a deficit that is coming down, job growth that is robust – not as much as we want – but robust in the circumstances. And importantly, increasingly, an energy power in the world – increasingly independent. I think I saw statistics just the other day that said we are now the largest oil and gas energy producer in the world.
So that is not insignificant. And as the world takes stock of who stands for what who’s fighting for what and who is pushing what values, I believe the United States still stands tall and will not diminish one iota the influence or the direction that we are fighting to move in. So this is a momentary impact. Obviously, if it were prolonged, or it were repeated, people would begin, I think to question the willingness of the United States to stay the course, or its ability to. But that’s not the case, and I don’t think that will be the case. We will get beyond this moment.
And the President wants Ambassador Froman and Secretary Pritzker and myself to make it clear to people that we remain as committed as ever to this robust shift in the Asia rebalance, and that’s why the three of us are out here. And as I said, I just had a very successful 2+2 meeting, a meeting with the defense secretary and the foreign secretaries of Japan and the United States.
We are now here. I am not here for five hours. I’m not here for one day. I’m here for five days. And I go from here to Malaysia and to the Philippines and to Brunei, and, all told, I’ll be out in this part of the world for about almost two weeks. So I think that is a significant statement about the United States presence, about the President’s commitment, and I am absolutely confident that when we get this moment of political silliness behind us, we will be back on track, that the world will respect and want to be part of.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Indira, all I’d add on the TPP question is that, as Secretary Kerry indicated in other areas, this is a long-term engagement. The U.S., including the President, has been deeply engaged in this initiative from the start. It’s a key part of our rebalancing agenda, of the economic component of the rebalancing agenda. And we’ve been here for the last several days meeting around the clock as ministers and negotiators making significant progress on the negotiations. Of course, we wish the President were here to lead the meeting of TPP leaders later in the week, but Prime Minister Key of New Zealand has agreed to chair on his behalf. And the leaders are all looking forward to engaging on this issue because they know it’s an important initiative, and they very much see it as a key part of U.S. engagement in the region.
MS. PSAKI: Thanks, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all very much. Good to be with you.
Thank you.
Remarks at a Press Availability With United States Trade Representative Ambassador Froman
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Jen Psaki
Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Bali, Indonesia
October 5, 2013
SECRETARY KERRY: Good afternoon, everybody. Thank you for being patient. We appreciate it very much. I’m delighted to continue my trip through Asia, and on behalf of President Obama, it is an honor to represent the United States at the annual APEC economic leaders meeting. And I’m delighted to be here with a member of the President’s cabinet, our United States Trade Representative, Ambassador Mike Froman.
I want to thank Indonesia for its extraordinary welcome and wonderful hospitality over the day and a half that we’ve been here meeting already, and we thank them for their exceptional hosting of the APEC conference.
First, I’d like to say just a few words about the disappointing situation back home, which, regrettably, has kept the President of the United States from attending this year’s APEC. I am not in partisan or elected politics anymore, but I did spend 28-plus years in the United States Senate, and I believe that those standing in the way in the other body of the Congress, standing in the way of reopening our government, need to think long and hard about the message that we send to the world when we can’t get our own act together. Because I’ve said many times, the values of great institutions like the United States Senate and the House is how we use them and what they represent to the world. And because these institutions are instruments of the people, they are broken only if we let them break. So I can tell you from experience that it is not only within Congress’ power to prevent the shutdown, it is also within Congress’ power to end it. To end it now. To end it today.
And to all of our friends and foes watching around the world, let me be crystal clear: Do not mistake this momentary episode in American politics as anything less than a moment of politics, or anything more than a moment of politics. This is an example, really, of the robustness of our democracy, the capacity for any people to make their voices heard, sometimes, we may feel, incorrectly. But nevertheless, it as a sign of the vibrancy and capacity of people to make their voices heard.
The American people are remarkably strong and resilient people, and we all know that we will get beyond this moment, and we will get beyond it quickly. And in the end, nothing will change with respect to the issues that bring us here to the APEC conference. Nothing will diminish our commitment to Asia, the rebalance that President Obama’s engaged in. We will continue to fulfill our responsibilities, and our engagement around the world, and I think people are confident of that.
For the moment, there are some things that do get affected, and that is regrettable. For instance, our security assistance for Israel, our closest ally in the Middle East, is being delayed. The new fiscal year started this last week, but because of the shutdown, some entities don’t have the funding that they need, including supporting the peacekeeping mission in the Sinai, at a time of growing unrest in a critical area. The U.S. Congress could fix this very quickly by reopening the U.S. Government.
Another example: The opportunity to engage diplomatically with Iran is critical to all of us in the world, and we wouldn’t be where we are today if it weren’t for the pressure that has been brought to bear by the sanctions. But right now, as a direct result of the shutdown, our Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Asset Control has been forced to furlough nearly all of its staff.
So the world is watching to see whether a combination of tough sanctions and careful diplomatic diplomacy can lead Iran to verifiably give up the chase for nuclear weapons. I think it’s clear that we cannot lose this opportunity to moments of politics that deprive us of the opportunity to embrace larger and more important goals.
Of course, the situation back home, as I mentioned, has unfortunately kept President Obama from joining us here this weekend. I will be traveling at his request to Malaysia and to the Philippines in order to represent the United States. But I do want to make clear: None of what is happening in Washington diminishes one iota our commitment to our partners in Asia, including our efforts to promote trade and investment throughout the region. And this remains one of our top priorities, and I’m very, very pleased to be here together with two other members of the President’s cabinet – Ambassador Froman and Secretary of Commerce Pritzker – all of us engaged, as we will stay engaged, in this region.
Why does that matter to us? APEC matters because it provides a very critical platform for government and private sector partners to be able to come together and break down the barriers to commerce. It is the way in which we open up opportunity for all of our citizens, and begin to create rules of the road that bring our countries closer together. It is the way to create opportunity for all people. Today, even in our discussions, we had a talk about how we make this economic opportunity with equity, meaning that women and men all joined together in their capacity to share opportunity in the workforce. It’s a chance for us to come to a fast-growing region of the world – the fastest growing region – and begin to talk about how we invest in each other and how we can better connect our economies one to the other, and how we create jobs and economic growth in all of our countries.
That’s why the United States works so closely with Indonesia and with other APEC countries. We work together on regulatory issues, on how we can make it easier for exporters to be able to cut tariffs and be able to move their goods to another country. How we sell goods and services in foreign markets. We work together on logistical issues, like how you improve the performance and connectivity at every step along the supply chain of these goods. And all of this breaks down barriers between our countries and forges a stronger relationship, which adds to the peace and security and prosperity, not just of the region, but of the rest of the world.
We also work together on something that is very important to me personally, and that is promoting trade and investment in a way that can help our environment and the planet that we share and deal with the responsibilities of energy policy and of global climate change. For example, implementing tariff reductions on solar panels and other environmental goods will speed growth in the profitable sector of green technology, at a time when we see great environmental degradation and climate change that threatens the way of life In the Pacific region.
Here in Bali this week, we will also continue to advance the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Ambassador Froman and I will represent the President at a meeting of the leaders of the TPP countries. And this agreement is a key part of our agenda in the Asia Pacific and the President’s jobs agenda at home.
The relationship between the United States and the Asia Pacific has really never been more important than it is now. President Obama began a rebalance to this region in the course of his first four years, and we intend to continue that over the course of his second term. It is very clear that most of the economic issues that we face today require the kind of cooperation that APEC makes possible. And the United States views APEC as its premier forum for economic and development issues in this region.
So on behalf of President Obama, the United States looks forward in the next few days to a very productive dialogue and to a significant, continued collaboration with Indonesia and with the rest of our APEC partners.
Ambassador Froman.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Well, thank you very much, Mr. Secretary and good afternoon. As Secretary Kerry said, the United States has a strong commitment to APEC. We are Pacific nation, and we always will be. This is the fastest growing region of the world, and our work here is critical to expanding exports and therefore to promoting growth, creating jobs, and strengthening the America middle class.
APEC economies represent 55 percent of global GDP, and about 45 percent of global goods and services trade. The United States exports more than a trillion dollars of goods and service to APEC countries, and that’s more than 50 percent of total U.S. exports. And those exports support millions of hardworking American jobs. Our capacity to grow our economy and create jobs is integrally tied to the success of this region and our engagement with it.
From a trade and investment perspective, APEC continues to be an incubator for policy innovation. As APEC economies cooperate to advance the value of our regional relationships, we realize ideas together that can boost the whole global trading system.
APEC is on the leading edge of a number of global efforts to increase economic integration and opportunity. Together, we’re working to improve supply chains. Together, we’re working to fight new forms of protectionism, like localization; to implement regulatory policies that make it fast and more efficient to do business; and to building on the groundbreaking commitments in Honolulu in 2011 to advance trade and environmental goods.
At the same time, APEC economies continue to play an important leadership role in the multilateral trading system. The WTO’s Information Technology Agreement, for example, got its start at APEC. And now longstanding APEC priorities have the potential to be enshrined in a global trading rules at the WTO. These include a win-win agreement on trade facilitation that will help developed and developing countries alike, as well as an expanded information technology agreement. On that front, I’m pleased to announce that there is a hopeful sign this week of our ability to work creatively together to solve problems and make progress in the WTO. We were happy to work with China and others to get the information technology agreement talks back on track. After discussions this week, we’re hopeful that resumption of formal, plural-lateral negotiations will begin as soon as possible.
As I said in Geneva earlier this week, the United States is a strong supporter and believes in the World Trade Organization. Along with our APEC partners, we also believe that this is a crucial moment for that system. In two months, we’ll be back in Bali for the 9th WTO ministerial. If we succeed in producing a multilateral package on trade facilitation, agriculture, and development, it can provide impetus to the multilateral trading system. If we fail, it will harm – it will be hard to see how we further that agenda. And we’re pleased to see our APEC partners this week working together to push for a meaningful result at the WTO.
Finally, of course, as the Secretary said, we spent a great deal of time this week working on TPP. The TPP countries are strongly committed to working to conclude negotiations this year. In Brunei in August, and now in Bali, trade ministers have been charting a path forward on outstanding issues, particularly state-owned enterprises, intellectual property rights, environment, and market access, in order to move the negotiations toward completion.
And the U.S. continues to work for a high level of ambition and high standards for TPP with all due speed. We’ve made significant progress this week, and we look forward to briefing the TPP leaders on Tuesday about that progress and getting their political-level guidance to facilitate the conclusion of the negotiations.
In sum, our work here this week will further U.S. engagement in the Asia Pacific region and create new jobs and opportunities in the United States. Thank you.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Matt Lee of the Associated Press.
QUESTION: Okay. Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Can you hear me, first of all? I’m not sure – yes? Okay.
I’m curious as to, first, how do you make the case back at home to members of Congress that the shutdown hurts American security and potentially the security of its allies, while at the same time you are here, presumably, assuring those allies, at in Asia, that you still have their back, like what you said?
And secondly, how concerned are you that the perception of weakness created by the President’s having to cancel his visit here, whether or not that’s the reality, how concerned are you that that perception will encourage some countries in this region – notably China, but perhaps also Russia – to try and take advantage of the situation? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Matt, it’s a very good question. It’s a fair question and my answer is very straight-forward. There are momentary disruptions. And the momentary disruption always has the ability to have an impact. I mean, if you are not funding a particular security operation at a particular moment – in the Sinai, for instance, or somewhere – there’s an opportunity for misjudgment. And the other examples that I gave are self-explanatory. But that’s not long term, and I’m convinced it’s not long term.
Now I think it’s reckless, personally, to even provide those moments where you have these risks that are exposed, but the bottom line is that the United States of America is not going to change one iota the fundamental direction of the policy under this President. And I think everybody in the region understands. I haven’t run into one question mark about the long term – everybody sees this as a moment on politics – an unfortunate moment – but they see it for what it is.
But in the long run I think people understand that on an issue like Iran with nuclear weapons, on an issue like North Korea and nuclear weapons, on our fundamental commitments to this region in terms of maritime security and freedom of navigation through the seas and so forth, our commitment is not going to change. And the American people understand the importance of those commitments and we’ll be steadfast.
So I think – I haven’t found one leader here who raised a question with me about the long term for the United States. What they do ask is how long is this going to go on and why is this happening, and those kinds of questions. And I think that people understand that the fundamental commitment of the United States is what it is, and I think they still trust it.
Now with respect to the perception of, quote, weakness, I just disagree with that premise. I don’t believe that anybody here believes there is some connection of any moment of weakness in the President making a decision to deal with his domestic politics. There isn’t one leader here who wouldn’t make the same decision if they were faced with a domestic moment in their politics where they have to resolve a budget or resolve a debt-ceiling or any other kind of issue.
But we just had a very strong meeting in Japan, Secretary Hagel and I. We just reannounced a next 15-20 year projected reevaluation of our guidelines for our relationship with Japan and in the region. Here in my conversation with the Foreign Minister from the Republic of Korea, we had the same kind of long-term horizon, and I think in the discussions that we’ve had in APEC about the code of conduct and the South China Sea and other issues, there hasn’t been one doubt or one question asked about whether the United States will fulfill its obligations and remain engaged.
So there is a distinction between short-term impact and, I think, the long-term interests that people perceive as being much more durable than any moment in our domestic, political life.
MS. PSAKI: The next question will be from Michael Tjandra of RTCI.
QUESTION: Thank you for this opportunity, Mr. Secretary. Where does Indonesia stand as an APEC member with America in playing a role to help to revive the global economy?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, I’m going to let the Ambassador speak a little bit to that, but I will just tell you that Indonesia is growing at, I think, around 6 percent or so now. They have plans to even raise that level of growth more significantly. Indonesia is a very powerful, significant member of APEC – not just the chair of this year, but one of the larger countries, one of the more important exporting nations, a country with enormous resources, a capacity to contribute to the regional growth.
And we view Indonesia as very important partner in terms of adherence to rules and standards and to the rules of trade, which are so critical to transparency and accountability and to the willingness of people to invest capital and therefore grow economies. So Indonesia has proven itself to be very a significant partner with us in that regard, and I’ll let the Ambassador fill out perhaps a little more detail.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Well, the only thing I would add to that is, Indonesia one of the largest economies in the world and as a key member, for example, of the G-20, and has played a critical role in the G-20 in terms of bringing a perspective of an emerging economy to the global economic system and ensuring that issues were addressed in an appropriate way.
They’ve been – the President Yudhoyono and others from (inaudible) play a critical role in the G-20 over the last several years. And similarly, in just two months from now, Indonesia will host and chair the 9th meeting of the WTO ministerial. So it is playing a leadership role in the international trading system, and is working very hard – and that was a big topic of today’s meeting – today’s discussions this morning – working very hard both with APEC members but also with members from around the world to ensure a positive result from the multilateral trading system.
MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Indira Lakshmanan from Bloomberg News.
QUESTION: Thank you, Secretary Kerry and Ambassador Froman. Secretary Kerry, you addressed this a little bit at the top of your remarks, but the whole question about the government shutdown has certainly created a perception in Asia that it’s undermining the President’s ability to fulfill his Asia pivot promise. And we’ve heard this both in public remarks from certain Asian leaders and also private remarks – that they feel it’s undermining the President’s, what is meant to be his signature issue of his second-term foreign policy distracting him. So I want to ask you: How can you reassure those leaders who’ve expressed their concerns that it’s not undermining the Asia pivot?
And secondly, also, how is affecting, for both of you, the ability to get TPP talks done this week, because again we’d expected the President to be here and his leadership creates a message? So is it giving an opportunity for China or others to work on rival trade groups to the TPP?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, Indira, I think I did touch on this a little bit, but let me fill it out a little bit more.
President Obama is not here, and he planned to be here. And he is not here because he has to stay at home in order to deal with this domestic challenge, which has been presented to him by a small group of people within one branch of the United States Congress. That obviously undermines the President’s ability to have the conversation he was going to have with President Xi, or have the conversation he was going to have – or the meeting he was going to have with President Putin, all of which are important to the conduct of global affairs. So obviously there is the loss of that as a result of this.
But I think those leaders, all of them, know well enough that in terms of the long term, this will end and the United States will have a budget. And the United States will still be the strongest power in the world, in terms of our military capacity, largest economy in the world, an economy that is now increasingly stronger by the day, a debt that is coming down, a deficit that is coming down, job growth that is robust – not as much as we want – but robust in the circumstances. And importantly, increasingly, an energy power in the world – increasingly independent. I think I saw statistics just the other day that said we are now the largest oil and gas energy producer in the world.
So that is not insignificant. And as the world takes stock of who stands for what who’s fighting for what and who is pushing what values, I believe the United States still stands tall and will not diminish one iota the influence or the direction that we are fighting to move in. So this is a momentary impact. Obviously, if it were prolonged, or it were repeated, people would begin, I think to question the willingness of the United States to stay the course, or its ability to. But that’s not the case, and I don’t think that will be the case. We will get beyond this moment.
And the President wants Ambassador Froman and Secretary Pritzker and myself to make it clear to people that we remain as committed as ever to this robust shift in the Asia rebalance, and that’s why the three of us are out here. And as I said, I just had a very successful 2+2 meeting, a meeting with the defense secretary and the foreign secretaries of Japan and the United States.
We are now here. I am not here for five hours. I’m not here for one day. I’m here for five days. And I go from here to Malaysia and to the Philippines and to Brunei, and, all told, I’ll be out in this part of the world for about almost two weeks. So I think that is a significant statement about the United States presence, about the President’s commitment, and I am absolutely confident that when we get this moment of political silliness behind us, we will be back on track, that the world will respect and want to be part of.
AMBASSADOR FROMAN: Indira, all I’d add on the TPP question is that, as Secretary Kerry indicated in other areas, this is a long-term engagement. The U.S., including the President, has been deeply engaged in this initiative from the start. It’s a key part of our rebalancing agenda, of the economic component of the rebalancing agenda. And we’ve been here for the last several days meeting around the clock as ministers and negotiators making significant progress on the negotiations. Of course, we wish the President were here to lead the meeting of TPP leaders later in the week, but Prime Minister Key of New Zealand has agreed to chair on his behalf. And the leaders are all looking forward to engaging on this issue because they know it’s an important initiative, and they very much see it as a key part of U.S. engagement in the region.
MS. PSAKI: Thanks, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all very much. Good to be with you.
Thank you.
Friday, August 23, 2013
DEFENSE SECRETARY HAGEL MAKES ANOTHER VISIT TO ASIA
FROM: U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
Growing Engagement, Cooperation Mark Hagel's Second Asia Visit
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service
HONOLULU, Aug. 23, 2013 - Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel arrived here yesterday on the first leg of a trip to the Asia-Pacific region to meet with counterparts and leaders from several countries and to attend a defense ministers meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN.
This is the secretary's second trip to the region since June.
Before visiting Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and the Philippines in the days ahead, Hagel stopped at Marine Corps Base Hawaii-Kaneohe Bay here to thank 200 Marines and sailors for their service to the nation and to honor their part in President Barack Obama's strategic U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific region.
"This rebalance is not only about our security interests in this area, it's about a partnership of prosperity for this region of the world -- over 6 billion global citizens today," the secretary said.
Threats that confront the world today are not unique to a region, a country, a religion or an ethnic group, he added. The threats are universal and they make alliances even more important than they have been in the past.
"You are all part of it," Hagel told the Marines and sailors. "You are at the front end, ... the cutting edge, ... and what you do and how you do it is particularly important as to how the world sees America and how they view our ... intentions."
On Aug. 25 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, a senior defense official said, Hagel will meet with his recently appointed counterpart, Defense Hishammuddin Tun Hussein. Hagel first met with Hishammuddin in June at the annual Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. During the meeting, both leaders emphasized the importance of working bilaterally and multilaterally toward greater stability in Southeast Asia. They also discussed cyber issues and transnational threats.
"Malaysia-U.S. defense ties have dramatically improved over the last several years," the defense official said. "We're doing a lot more cooperative activity, [and] we're doing a lot more together. This is an opportunity for them to really touch base on the bilateral defense relationship and see where we're headed in the years ahead."
Hagel also will meet with Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak to discuss overall defense relations and regional issues, including Hagel's recent consultations with Chinese Defense Minister Gen. Chang Wanquan, "which I think will be of great interest throughout the region," the defense official said.
Later in the week, in Jakarta, Indonesia, Hagel will meet with his Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, whom the secretary also met with during the Shangri-La Dialogue. There, they reaffirmed the importance of deepening ties in support of the U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership, an initiative of Presidents Barack Obama and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono calling for closer ties between the two governments and societies.
In Singapore, the defense leaders also reviewed progress made in recent years to increase exercises, training and regular defense policy dialogues.
"With Indonesia, we also have a significant increase in defense cooperation over the last several years," the senior defense official said.
From Sept. 5 to Sept. 13, the United States and Indonesia will co-chair a counterterrorism ground exercise agreed upon by the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting plus eight countries, or ADMM Plus, the defense official said.
ASEAN was formed in 1967. Its 10 member states are Burma, Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Defense ministers from these nations are attendees of the annual ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting, or ADMM. The ADMM-Plus is made up of the 10 ASEAN members and its eight dialogue partners: the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India, New Zealand and Russia.
In Jakarta, Hagel will meet with Yudhoyono, a respected leader with great influence in the region, the defense official said. "He's entering his last year in office," the official added, "so it's a nice opportunity to thank Indonesia for a lot of tremendous cooperation over the last several years."
The ADMM Plus meeting begins Aug. 28 in Brunei. This is only the second time the full 18-member ADMM Plus ministerial meeting will be held, and another senior defense official said it's important for the United States to be there for two reasons.
The first, he said, the forum is proving to be extremely action focused.
"The ADMM countries have three multilateral exercises this year, [and] one of our focuses in the rebalance to Asia is shifting from a history of almost [all] bilateral engagements to do more multilateral engagements, to do more with groups of countries to meet common challenges," he said. "ADMM is giving us a very good way to do that."
Brunei recently hosted a major humanitarian assistance-disaster response-military medicine exercise that included all 18 of the countries that will be at the ADMM Plus meeting, the official said, and will involve more than 3,000 personnel.
"We see those as part of the wave of the future -- how common challenges are going to be handled in this region," he explained. "So being at ADMM is an opportunity to continue focusing with this group of countries on doing those kinds of action-oriented [activities] on the defense side."
The second reason, the official said, is that ADMM offers a good opportunity to engage with partners all in one place.
"The secretary will be able to have bilateral engagements ... [and] he'll also see a few other of his ministerial counterparts for short side meetings," the official said.
After the ADMM Plus meeting, the secretary's final stop will be Manila in the Philippines.
There, Hagel will talk with President Benigno S. Aquino III, Defense Minister Voltaire Gazmin and Foreign Secretary Albert F. del Rosario about ongoing negotiations for a framework agreement that would allow U.S. forces to operate on Philippine military bases and in Philippine territory and waters to help build Philippine armed forces capacity in maritime security and maritime domain awareness.
"The negotiations just got underway a week ago and will be ongoing for some time," the defense official said.
Growing Engagement, Cooperation Mark Hagel's Second Asia Visit
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service
HONOLULU, Aug. 23, 2013 - Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel arrived here yesterday on the first leg of a trip to the Asia-Pacific region to meet with counterparts and leaders from several countries and to attend a defense ministers meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN.
This is the secretary's second trip to the region since June.
Before visiting Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and the Philippines in the days ahead, Hagel stopped at Marine Corps Base Hawaii-Kaneohe Bay here to thank 200 Marines and sailors for their service to the nation and to honor their part in President Barack Obama's strategic U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific region.
"This rebalance is not only about our security interests in this area, it's about a partnership of prosperity for this region of the world -- over 6 billion global citizens today," the secretary said.
Threats that confront the world today are not unique to a region, a country, a religion or an ethnic group, he added. The threats are universal and they make alliances even more important than they have been in the past.
"You are all part of it," Hagel told the Marines and sailors. "You are at the front end, ... the cutting edge, ... and what you do and how you do it is particularly important as to how the world sees America and how they view our ... intentions."
On Aug. 25 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, a senior defense official said, Hagel will meet with his recently appointed counterpart, Defense Hishammuddin Tun Hussein. Hagel first met with Hishammuddin in June at the annual Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. During the meeting, both leaders emphasized the importance of working bilaterally and multilaterally toward greater stability in Southeast Asia. They also discussed cyber issues and transnational threats.
"Malaysia-U.S. defense ties have dramatically improved over the last several years," the defense official said. "We're doing a lot more cooperative activity, [and] we're doing a lot more together. This is an opportunity for them to really touch base on the bilateral defense relationship and see where we're headed in the years ahead."
Hagel also will meet with Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak to discuss overall defense relations and regional issues, including Hagel's recent consultations with Chinese Defense Minister Gen. Chang Wanquan, "which I think will be of great interest throughout the region," the defense official said.
Later in the week, in Jakarta, Indonesia, Hagel will meet with his Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, whom the secretary also met with during the Shangri-La Dialogue. There, they reaffirmed the importance of deepening ties in support of the U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership, an initiative of Presidents Barack Obama and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono calling for closer ties between the two governments and societies.
In Singapore, the defense leaders also reviewed progress made in recent years to increase exercises, training and regular defense policy dialogues.
"With Indonesia, we also have a significant increase in defense cooperation over the last several years," the senior defense official said.
From Sept. 5 to Sept. 13, the United States and Indonesia will co-chair a counterterrorism ground exercise agreed upon by the ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting plus eight countries, or ADMM Plus, the defense official said.
ASEAN was formed in 1967. Its 10 member states are Burma, Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Defense ministers from these nations are attendees of the annual ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting, or ADMM. The ADMM-Plus is made up of the 10 ASEAN members and its eight dialogue partners: the United States, China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India, New Zealand and Russia.
In Jakarta, Hagel will meet with Yudhoyono, a respected leader with great influence in the region, the defense official said. "He's entering his last year in office," the official added, "so it's a nice opportunity to thank Indonesia for a lot of tremendous cooperation over the last several years."
The ADMM Plus meeting begins Aug. 28 in Brunei. This is only the second time the full 18-member ADMM Plus ministerial meeting will be held, and another senior defense official said it's important for the United States to be there for two reasons.
The first, he said, the forum is proving to be extremely action focused.
"The ADMM countries have three multilateral exercises this year, [and] one of our focuses in the rebalance to Asia is shifting from a history of almost [all] bilateral engagements to do more multilateral engagements, to do more with groups of countries to meet common challenges," he said. "ADMM is giving us a very good way to do that."
Brunei recently hosted a major humanitarian assistance-disaster response-military medicine exercise that included all 18 of the countries that will be at the ADMM Plus meeting, the official said, and will involve more than 3,000 personnel.
"We see those as part of the wave of the future -- how common challenges are going to be handled in this region," he explained. "So being at ADMM is an opportunity to continue focusing with this group of countries on doing those kinds of action-oriented [activities] on the defense side."
The second reason, the official said, is that ADMM offers a good opportunity to engage with partners all in one place.
"The secretary will be able to have bilateral engagements ... [and] he'll also see a few other of his ministerial counterparts for short side meetings," the official said.
After the ADMM Plus meeting, the secretary's final stop will be Manila in the Philippines.
There, Hagel will talk with President Benigno S. Aquino III, Defense Minister Voltaire Gazmin and Foreign Secretary Albert F. del Rosario about ongoing negotiations for a framework agreement that would allow U.S. forces to operate on Philippine military bases and in Philippine territory and waters to help build Philippine armed forces capacity in maritime security and maritime domain awareness.
"The negotiations just got underway a week ago and will be ongoing for some time," the defense official said.
Tuesday, January 29, 2013
STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS REMARK'S ON 'EMERGING GLOBAL ECONOMIC ORDER'
 |
| Photo: Taj Mahal. Credit: U.S. State Department. |
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
The New Emerging Global Economic Order: Taking the U.S.-India Example
Remarks
Robert D. Hormats
Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment, Bureau of Economic, Energy and Business Affairs
Agra, India
January 28, 2013
As prepared for delivery
Thank you for that wonderful greeting. I am honored to accept your invitation to participate in the Partnership 2013 Summit. For me this is an excellent opportunity to learn from so many distinguished women and men from across India and from around the world. To be back in Agra, against the backdrop of one of the great works of art and love of mankind, the TajMahal, is a distinct and profound pleasure. I am always happy to be in India. On Saturday, I fulfilled a long held wish, when I was able to witness Republic Day in all of its splendor. It is a remarkable event that I will long remember.
I first came to India as a young man. I traveled the Grand Trunk Road and discovered for myself "incredible India" – long before that term became a common one. My month-long journey on buses and trains – and sometimes on top of buses and trains – was one I have never forgotten. I saw up close and in action this country’s vibrant democracy, and rich, diverse, creative society. I was left with a deep and enduring affection for both India’s people and its indomitable spirit.
It is common knowledge that we are in the midst of an historic realignment in the locus of economic growth and demographics globally. Emerging economies in South and East Asia in particular are making, and are projected to continue to make, historical gains.Some in the developed world may find this threatening. I view the growing regional linkages and rapid economic growth in Asia as an opportunity to expand the economic pie and create additional growth for all.
A New Silk Road linking Central and South Asia as well as an Indo-Pacific Economic Corridor linking the rapidly expanding economies of South and Southeast Asia would help unlock and expand markets for global goods and services.
I will speak more about regional economic integration on Wednesday, in Delhi. But today I want to focus on the role industrialized countries and emerging economies can play together in the rapidly changing global economic order.
I believe nations like mine can seize this opportunity to develop new sets of cooperative relations with emerging economies to increase trade, encourage closer cultural ties, boost energy production and reliability, address environmental challenges, and improve global stability. We seek new partnerships to address the needs of the 21st century.
The burgeoning U.S.-India economic relationship is a prime example of how this is unfolding. I am not a believer in a zero sum game. The more we, and other nations represented here, can cooperate in ensuring a fair, transparent, rules based trading and financial system, with broadly shared responsibility, the more we all will prosper. The New Global Economic Order will require both the utilization of current institutions, but also pragmatic bilateral and regional cooperation.
The depth and breadth of U.S.-India ties make this relationship a model for discussing Global Partnerships for Enduring Growth – the theme of our conference. I’d like to discuss why we take this relationship so seriously.
As President Obama told the Indian parliament last year, the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, rooted in common values and interests. We not only welcome India as a strong and influential participant in the world economy, we fully support it. I would say the same about the nations of ASEAN and others in this region. Indeed, we see ASEAN and India as two of the strongest pillars of the global economies in the 21st century.
When people ask why the United States is so interested in expanding its ties with India, my response is three-fold – One, our ties make geo-strategic sense. Two, they make geo-economic sense. And three, and most importantly, our citizens will benefit from it.
In India, Prime Minister Singh has labeled this the "Decade of Innovation." He concurrently established the National Innovation Council to create policies that support medium-to-long term innovation in India. As the Government of India notes in its draft National IPR strategy, "for innovation to create any impact, it is imperative to take the idea from the mind to the laboratory to the market."But to do that, innovators in areas such as information technology, pharmaceuticals, and clean energy need assurance that their ideas will be protected throughout that process. This is not only for them. It encourages more innovation and investment in these and other sectors. That is why we strongly support working together with India and other nations of Asia to ensure a strong intellectual property rights system that will encourage high-technology innovations, providing wide-spread benefits to all of our nations.
We also encouragethe Indian government and all of our trading partners to considera range of market-based solutions that can better support jobs and growth, while creating a level playing field.Predictable and clear policies will encourage businesses to expand, and to devote the long-term capital and resources required for further growth.Working together, the United States and India can realize the kind of innovation our leaders envision.Science, technology, and the environment are areas characterized by mutual interest and expanding cooperation.
Our collaborative effort in agriculture includes efforts to stop food loss between the farmer and the consumer, increasing prosperity for both. Such losses are enormous and a great tragedy. This can be prevented by cold chain storage and other methods. Companies are willing to invest in such systems if given the right opportunities and a welcoming environment.
On the investment side, the U.S. and Indian governments have engaged in Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) negotiations. We’re aiming for a BIT that gives a high level of openness to investment across the economy, provides strong rules on investor protection and transparency, and offers effective means for resolving investment disputes.Our S&T cooperation includes cutting edge work in space science, where we work together on Earth observation satellite projects that help us predict monsoon patterns and respond to natural disasters.
The Clean Energy Finance Center in New Delhi represents U.S. agencies that have mobilized more than $1.7 billion for clean energy projects in India, working in tandem with Indian government and industry partners. We both benefit from our comprehensive strategic dialogue on energy, in light of dramatic changes in technology and in the global energy market . This dialogue takes on even more importancewith the growing role of the Indian Ocean in global energy shipments, regional energy and maritime security, growing power needs, and sustainable clean energy objectives. We seek a broader and deeper dialogue on energy, for similar reasons, with countries in south and east Asia. We do not see the American energy boom as a reason to pull back from engagement, but as an opportunity to expand mutually beneficial engagement.
In addition to business connections, people to people connections are one of our strongest links.
More than 12,000 American alumni of Indian institutions are part of our efforts to strengthen and broaden relations with India.So are the more than three million Indian-Americans living in the United States. And last year, over 100,000 Indian students came to the U.S. to study.
With the increasing connectivity of our universities, our businesses, and our civil societies, we are seeing more engagement than ever. And I think thatincreasingly,state-level and city-level leadersin both countries, see great opportunities for their citizens from new city-to-city and state-to-state partnerships. Theseare creating the next generation, and a deeper level, of economic diplomacy. More and more international economic diplomacy will be the work of mayors, governors, chief ministers and their teams.
For example:
• Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Chauhan recently visited the U.S. to describe his state’s ambitious agriculture reforms, including loan guarantees to farmers, improving irrigation, and "a single window system" for expeditious foreign investment approvals;
• CII—our hosts today—recently brought a delegation of business leaders from the state of Jammu & Kashmir to visit several U.S. cities. J&K has developed cold chain infrastructure with the help of U.S. partners that preserves apples as they go from farm to market, much as Tamil Nadu has done for bananas. Both are very positive examples;
• Kentucky Governor Steve Beshear just announced a 25-year coal deal between American companies and India;
• Washington state’s Governor Christine Gregoire has established partnerships in energy, life sciences, and film; and
• City mayors like San Antonio’s dynamicJulian Castro—who will also be participating at this summit tomorrow—are building ties with new and existing India partners.
• Our Maryland Governor Martin O’Malley led a trade mission to Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, and New Delhi. Thisrepresented the largest ever state trade mission to India. Because Maryland is my home state I am especially proud of this.
In the Third U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, Secretary Clinton welcomed Minister Krishna’s proposal for a "Conversation Between Cities" to take place in 2013 to address "urban challenges and solutions in the 21st Century."
Our states and our cities are the real laboratory test tubes of democracy and creative economic policy —where our citizens are in close and direct contact with their local governments, where our entrepreneurs establish and develop new business that drive employment, and where our institutions of higher education help us all enhance our skills and retrain for new opportunities.
So the robust connections between Indian and American states and cities are a welcome commercial development, and offer both countries more ways to take the strategic partnership to an even more ambitious level. We seek to do the same with others in this region.
While we have come far, we still have more work to do to ensure this relationship achieves its potential. The United States is enormously optimistic about India’s future –
(1) that India’s greater role on the world stage will enhance peace and security;
(2) thatfurther opening India’s markets will pave the way to greater regional and global prosperity;
(3) that Indian advances in science and technology will improve lives and advance human knowledge everywhere; and
(4) that India’s vibrant, pluralistic democracy – where the rights of men and women are equally represented and both have an equal opportunity to succeed and contribute – will produce measurable results and improvements for its citizens.
But our governments cannot assume the relationship will be self-sustaining without mutual effort. This is the challenge we all face today. We have the opportunity to establish a framework for enduring growth for our two countries. And all of our countries together need to establish a series of bilateral and regional partnership for Central Asia, for East Asia, and for connections between them. Now each of us individually and – all of us– need to take the next steps to ensure that this process continues and strengthens.
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