RECENTLY RELEASED U.S. DOD PHOTOS

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

150617-M-OM669-022 USTKA, Poland (June 17, 2015) Amphibious assault vehicles landat Ustka, Poland for the BALTOPS 2015 amphibious landing. U.S. Marines and service members from Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, the U.S. Navy and the U.S. Army who comprise the BALTOPS Combined Landing Force and Combined Amphibious Task Force conducted the amphibious landing. BALTOPS, an annually recurring multinational exercise designed to enhance flexibility and interoperability, as well as demonstrate resolve of allied and partner forces to defend the Baltic region. (U.S. Marine Corps photo by 1st Lt. Sarah E. Burns/Released).

150617-N-QI595-185 PACIFIC OCEAN, (June 17, 2015) The aircraft carrier USS John C. Stennis (CVN 74) breaks away from a replenishment-at-sea while the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force training vessel JDS Shimayuki (TV-3513) receives fuel from the Military Sealift Command fleet replenishment oiler USNS Yukon (T-AO 202). The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force destroyer JDS Yamagiri (DD-152) and the training vessel JDS Kashima (TV-3508) transit behind. John C. Stennis is undergoing fleet replacement squadron carrier qualifications off the coast of Southern California. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Marco A. Villasana Jr./Released)

FRANK ROSE MAKES REMARKS ON MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Enhancing Regional Missile Defense Cooperation
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Washington, DC
April 7, 2015

Introduction

Thank you for that kind introduction, and thanks for having me here today.

By way of introduction, while I am the Assistant Secretary for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, my work at the State Department is focused on enhancing strategic stability around the world. Arms control, verification and compliance are some of the tools we use to enhance strategic stability and reassure our allies and partners that we will meet our security commitments.

Missile defense is another tool to do just that. At the State Department, I am responsible for overseeing a wide range of defense issues, including missile defense cooperation with our allies and partners around the world. In this capacity, I served as the lead U.S. negotiator for the missile defense bases in Romania, Turkey, and Poland.

So I’m pleased to be here today to discuss our efforts at enhancing missile defense cooperation with our allies and partners, one of the key goals outlined in the 2010 Ballistic Missile Defense Review. Now you have already heard from Elaine Bunn and General Todorov about our missile defense policy and operations. So instead, let me focus my remarks on three areas: 1) significant progress we have been made implementing the European Phased Adaptive Approach (or EPAA) and NATO missile defense; 2) cooperation on missile defense with allies and partners outside of Europe, and 3) I’ll conclude with a few points on Russia and missile defense.

Before I do that, I do want to reiterate one point that you undoubtedly heard from Elaine and Ken: the President’s Fiscal Year 2016 budget protects and enhances our important missile defense priorities such as the European Phased Adaptive Approach and reflects the high priority we place on these efforts. As such, the U.S. commitment to NATO missile defense and the sites in Romania and Poland remains “ironclad.”


European Phased Adaptive Approach

With that, let me now take a few moments to discuss where we are with regard to overall implementation of the EPAA, the United States’ national contribution to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (or NATO) missile defense system. In 2009, the President announced that the EPAA would “provide stronger, smarter, and swifter defenses of American forces and America's Allies,” while relying on “capabilities that are proven and cost-effective.” Since then, we have been working hard to implement his vision and have made great strides in recent years.

I just returned from Turkey and Romania last week and had the opportunity to discuss our progress with these two key partners.

Turkey was the first country to receive EPPA elements in Phase 1 with the deployment of an AN/TPY-2 radar to that country in 2011. At the same time, we began the start of a sustained deployment of an Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) -capable multi-role ship to the Mediterranean. With the declaration of Interim BMD Capability at the NATO Summit in Chicago in May 2012, the radar in Turkey transitioned to NATO operational control.

Additionally, Spain agreed in 2011 to host four U.S. Aegis BMD-capable ships at the existing naval facility at Rota as a Spanish contribution to NATO missile defense.

In February 2014, the first of four missile defense-capable Aegis ships, USS DONALD COOK, arrived in Rota, Spain. A second ship, USS ROSS joined her in June. During 2015, two more of these multi-mission ships, USS PORTER and USS CARNEY will forward deploy in Rota.

These multi-mission ships will conduct maritime security operations, humanitarian missions, training exercises, and support U.S. and NATO operations, including NATO missile defense.

Currently, we are focused on completing the deployment of an Aegis Ashore site in Romania as part of Phase 2 of the EPAA. Romania’s strong support for the timely completion of the arrangements needed to implement this deployment and Romania’s provision of security and its infrastructure efforts have been superb.

In October 2014, the U.S. Navy held a historic naval support facility establishment ceremony at the missile defense facility on Deveselu Airbase Base in Romania. This ceremony established the naval facility and installed its first U.S. commander. Currently, this site is on schedule to be completed by the end of this year and when operational, this site, combined with BMD-capable ships in the Mediterranean, will enhance coverage of NATO from short- and medium-range ballistic missiles launched from the Middle East.

And finally there is Phase 3. This phase includes an Aegis Ashore site in Poland equipped with the new SM-3 Block IIA interceptor. This site is on schedule for deployment in the 2018 time frame. For example, the President’s FY16 budget request includes approximately $200 million for the establishment of the site. The interceptor site in Poland is key to the EPAA: when combined with other EPAA assets, Phase 3 will provide the necessary capabilities to provide ballistic missile defense coverage of all NATO European territory in the 2018 time frame.

So, as you can see, we are continuing to implement the President’s vision for stronger, smarter, and swifter missile defenses in Europe.


National Contributions to NATO Missile Defense

I would also like to highlight the efforts of our NATO Allies to develop and deploy their own national contributions for missile defense. A great example is that today, Patriot batteries from three NATO countries are deployed in Turkey under NATO command and control to augment Turkey’s air defense capabilities in response to the crisis on Turkey’s south-eastern border.

Voluntary national contributions are foundation of the NATO missile defense system, and there are several approaches Allies can take to make important and valuable contributions in this area.

First, Allies can acquire fully capable BMD systems possessing sensor, shooter and command and control capabilities.

Second, Allies can acquire new sensors or upgrade existing ones to provide a key ballistic missile defense capability.

Finally, Allies can contribute to NATO’s ballistic missile defense capability by providing essential basing support, such as Turkey, Romania, Poland, and Spain have agreed to do.

In all of these approaches, however, the most critical requirement is NATO interoperability.

Yes, acquiring a ballistic missile defense capability is, of course, good in and of itself.

But if the capability is not interoperable with the Alliance then its value as a contribution to Alliance deterrence and defense is significantly diminished.

It is only through interoperability that the Alliance can gain the optimum effects from BMD cooperation that enhance NATO BMD through shared battle-space awareness and reduced interceptor wastage.


Missile Defense Developments in Other Regions

Let me turn now to some of the other regions of the world. The United States, in cooperation with our allies and partners, is continuing to bolster missile defenses in other key regions, such as the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific, in order to strengthen regional deterrence architectures.

In the Middle East, we are already cooperating with our key partners bilaterally and multilaterally through fora such as the recently established U.S.-Gulf Cooperation Council (or GCC) Strategic Cooperation Forum (or SCF).

At the September 26, 2013, SCF, Secretary Kerry and his Foreign Ministry counterparts reaffirmed their intent, first stated at the September 28, 2012, SCF, to “work toward enhanced U.S.-GCC coordination on Ballistic Missile Defense.”

Several of our partners in the region have expressed an interest in buying missile defense systems, and some have already done so. For example, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) has contracted to buy two Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (or THAAD) batteries that, when operational, will enhance the UAE’s national security as well as regional stability.

The UAE also has taken delivery of its Patriot PAC-3 batteries, which provide a lower-tier, point defense of critical national assets. We look forward to advancing cooperation and interoperability with our GCC partners in the months and years ahead.

Additionally and separately, the United States maintains a strong defense relationship with Israel, and our cooperation on missile defense has resulted in comprehensive missile defense architecture for Israel. Israeli programs such as Iron Dome, the David’s Sling Weapon System, and the Arrow Weapon System, in conjunction with operational cooperation with the United States, create a multilayered architecture designed to protect the Israeli people from varying types of missile threats.

In the Asia-Pacific, we are continuing to cooperate through our bilateral alliances and key partnerships.

For example, the United States and Japan already are working closely together to develop the SM-3 Block IIA, which will make a key contribution to the EPAA as well as being deployed elsewhere in the world. We also recently completed the deployment of a second AN/TPY-2 radar to Japan, which will enhance the defense of both the U.S. and Japan. And finally, we are continuing to work on enhancing interoperability between U.S. and Japanese forces, which will be aided by recent changes to the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines, which we expect to complete soon.

We also continue to consult closely with Australia. For example, as a result of U.S.-Australia Foreign and Defense ministerial-level consultations over the past year, the United States and Australia have established a bilateral BMD Working Group to examine options for potential Australian contributions to the BMD architecture in the Asia-Pacific region.

Additionally, we are also consulting closely with the Republic of Korea as it develops the Korean Air and Missile Defense system, which is designed to defend the Republic of Korea against air and missile threats from North Korea. The Republic of Korea recently announced its plans to purchase Patriot PAC-3 missiles, which will enhance its capability to defend against the North Korean ballistic missile threat.


A Constraint Free Missile Defense

Finally, let me say a few things about missile defense and Russia.

Prior to the suspension of our dialogue as a result of Russia’s illegal actions in Ukraine, Russia continued to demand that the United States provide it “legally binding” guarantees that our missile defense will not harm or diminish its strategic nuclear deterrent. These guarantees would have been based on criteria that would have limited our missile defenses and undermined our ability to stay ahead of the ballistic missile threat.

The Ballistic Missile Defense Review is quite clear on our policy: U.S. missile defense is not designed nor directed against Russia and China’s strategic nuclear forces.

However, at the same time, we have also made it clear that we cannot and will not accept legally-binding or other constraints that limit our ability to defend ourselves, our allies, and our partners.

The security of the United States, its allies and partners is our foremost and solemn responsibility. As such, the United States will continue to insist on having the flexibility to respond to evolving ballistic missile threats, free from obligations or other constraints that limit our BMD capabilities.


Conclusion

Let me conclude by saying that we have made a great deal of progress on missile defense cooperation with allies and partners around the world over the past several years. This was a key goal of the 2010 Ballistic Missile Defense Review.

In Europe, implementation of the EPAA and NATO missile defense is going well. For example, the missile defense radar in Turkey has been operating since 2011, and the Aegis Ashore site in Romania is scheduled to become operational later this year.

In the Middle East, we are continuing to work bilaterally and multilaterally with our partners in the GCC to deploy effective missile defense. For example, later this year the United Arab Emirates will take delivery of its first THAAD battery.

Furthermore, we continue to work with Israel to expand its multilayered architecture to protect it from missile threats.

In the Asia-Pacific, we are working actively with our allies to enhance our missile defense capabilities in the region. On that note, we recently completed deployment of second missile defense radar in Japan, which will enhance the defense of both the U.S. and Japan.

Finally, we continue to oppose Russia’s attempts to impose limitations on our missile defenses that would limit our ability to defend ourselves, our allies, and our partners.

Suffice to say, defense of our allies and partners through assistance on missile defense cooperation is and will remain a key priority of the U.S. Government.

Thank you and I look forward to your questions.

DOD VIDEO: TROOPS TO IRAQ, PLANES TO POLAND

DOD PHOTOS: U.S. PREPARES ARMOR ASSETS IN POLAND FOR OPERATION ATLANTIC RESOLVE

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. soldiers prepare to unload their armor assets from a rail line as part of Operation Atlantic Resolve near Drawsko Pomorskie, Poland, Sept. 28, 2014. U.S. Army photo by 2nd Lt. Benton Conque.

U.S. soldiers prepare to unload armor assets that have arrived near Drawsko Pomorskie, Poland, and will be used as part of Operation Atlantic Resolve, Sept. 28, 2014. U.S. Army photo by 2nd Lt. Benton Conque.

SECRETARY HAGEL GIVES PRAISE TO LATVIA FOR DEFENSE SPENDING

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

Hagel Praises Latvia’s Efforts to Boost Defense Spending

DoD News, Defense Media Activity

WASHINGTON, July 3, 2014 – Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel met at the Pentagon today with Latvia’s Minister of Defense Raimonds Vējonis and congratulated him for the Baltic nation’s progress toward increasing defense spending.

Both leaders also discussed steps that have been taken to demonstrate U.S. and allied commitment to the Baltic region as well as ongoing efforts to provide a persistent presence in the area, ranging from augmented NATO air policing to the deployment of company-size rotational forces to the Baltic states and Poland, according to a statement issued after the meeting by Pentagon Assistant Press Secretary Carl Woog.

Latvia joined NATO on March 29, 2004.

Woog’s statement reads as follows:

Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel met with Latvia’s Minister of Defense Raimonds Vējonis here today. Secretary Hagel congratulated Minister Vējonis on recent progress Latvia has made towards increasing their defense spending.
Among the topics discussed were efforts taken to date to demonstrate U.S. and allied commitment to the Baltic region as well as ongoing efforts to provide persistent presence in the area, ranging from augmented NATO air policing to the deployment of company-size rotational forces to the Baltic states and Poland. Secretary Hagel said we would continue to work with NATO to broaden support -- a focal point of efforts at the NATO Summit.

Finally, Secretary Hagel and Minister Vējonis discussed further opportunities for regional cooperation as discussed in last August’s Baltic Summit at the White House. The secretary stressed that the U.S. will continue to work with the Baltic States to support regional cooperation, interoperability with allies and long-term defense modernization.

REMARKS: INNOVATION FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT SIGNING CEREMONY IN WARSAW, POLAND

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks at the Innovation Framework Agreement Signing Ceremony With Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski

Remarks

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Warsaw, Poland

June 3, 2014

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you so very much, Minister, and thank you, Secretary of State, and now, if I could please ask you to deliver your statements. The first to speak is going to be Minister Radoslaw Sikorski.

FOREIGN MINISTER SIKORSKI: (Via interpreter) Mr. Secretary of State, John, it’s so very good to see you back in Warsaw, and we’re extremely happy that the United States of America have sent the strongest possible delegation to our celebrations of the – of freedom and the presentation of the freedom award to Mr. Mustafa Dzhemilev. Our concentrations were concentrated on the country of origin of Mustafa Dzhemilev, Ukraine, and it is with great satisfaction that we welcome the situation that the international scene is agreeing on wanting to support Ukraine, and the question – and seeing – and the situation of sending in the support to Ukraine – or the support for these efforts to Ukraine, this is something that should – and Poland and the United States should continue to cooperate for democracy in the world, for transatlantic security.

But we’ve also talked about issues pertaining to climate and also things pertaining to how we can save the climate of the planet for future generations. We also do count and would also be happy if we can continue the strengthening of the presence of American troops in our region so as to – so that the feeling of safety and security in the entire NATO territory becomes a balanced one. We do have a lot of expectations vis-a-vis tomorrow’s speech by President Obama as well as the NATO Summit in Wales in September.

So again, thank you so very much for your visit to the ministry. We’re so very happy to see the American delegation in Warsaw.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) And now the statement is going to be delivered by Secretary John Kerry.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much, Radek, Mr. Foreign Minister. It’s a pleasure for me to be here. I’m particularly pleased to be able to join President Obama, who will be with us momentarily, in order to celebrate a remarkable 25 years. And there’s a reason that so many leaders are coming here to Poland to join in this celebration today. It really marks a moment in human history where people were able to embrace their future, to choose for themselves, to liberate themselves from the yoke of oppression and tyranny, and to define their future.

And no country has grabbed that mantle with as much energy and excitement and focus and vision as Poland. Poland was a leader in this effort and remains a leader in this effort. So we are here today because this remains a new moment of challenge for all of us. Events in Ukraine have unfortunately unleashed forces that we had all hoped had been put away, were behind us. And so it requires new vigilance and it requires clear commitment. President Obama will speak very, very definitively to that in the course of his meetings here and tomorrow in his address celebrating these 25 years.

It’s a pleasure for me to be able to come back here and join with my friend Radek not just in this reaffirmation of U.S.-Polish solidarity, but also to make clear that we have a vision that we are going to be working on that will bring us still closer in the future. It is not a vision against anyone or anything; it’s a vision for – for the Polish people, for Europe, for the world, for how we deal with the creation of full democracy, full respect for people and their rights, and most importantly, all of us together meeting our responsibilities to each other. Whether it is the security of Ukraine, the energy stability of Europe, our response to climate change, no one nation can respond to any of these things alone.

So we’re particularly pleased to have signed the U.S.-Polish innovation program today. When I was last here, I met a bunch of young researchers, innovators, who showed me what they had done with robotics to create a rover capacity for exploration, whether in outer space or elsewhere. And this is the future of Poland, it’s the future for all of us. What we signed today will bring U.S. and Polish researchers, entrepreneurs, innovators, financers, educators together in an effort for us to be able to encourage the discoveries that will make life better and create jobs for our people.

We’re excited about it. We think that building on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, the TTIP – this has the opportunity to provide new jobs, new economic energy to Europe, the United States, and to set higher standards for trade. So what we sign today is really part of this larger vision for the economic future, and I’m really delighted to be back here and to celebrate these extraordinary 25 years. Thank you.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Thank you, gentlemen. Thank you to you all, and this will be the end of our meeting.

PRESIDENT OBAMA'S REMARKS ON FREEDOM DAY ANNIVERSARY

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

Remarks by President Obama at at 25th Anniversary of Freedom Day

 Castle Square

Warsaw, Poland

12:10 P.M. CET

     PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Hello, Warsaw!  (Applause.)  Witaj, Polsko!  (Applause.)   

Mr. President; Mr. Prime Minister; Madam Mayor; heads of state and government, past and present -- including the man who jumped that shipyard wall to lead a strike that became a movement, the prisoner turned president who transformed this nation -- thank you, Lech Walesa, for your outstanding leadership.  (Applause.)   

Distinguished guests, people of Poland, thank you for your extraordinary welcome and for the privilege of joining you here today.  I bring with me the greetings and friendship of the American people -- and of my hometown of Chicago, home to so many proud Polish Americans.  (Applause.)  In Chicago, we think of ourselves as a little piece of Poland.  In some neighborhoods, you only hear Polish.  The faithful come together at churches like Saint Stanislaus Kostka.  We have a parade for Polish Constitution Day.  And every summer, we celebrate the Taste of Polonia, with our kielbasa and pierogies, and we’re all a little bit Polish for that day.  (Applause.)  So being here with you, it feels like home.  (Applause.)           

Twenty-five years ago today, we witnessed a scene that had once seemed impossible -- an election where, for the first time, the people of this nation had a choice.  The Communist regime thought an election would validate their rule or weaken the opposition.  Instead, Poles turned out in the millions.  And when the votes were counted, it was a landslide victory for freedom.  One woman who voted that day said, “There is a sense that something is beginning to happen in Poland.  We feel the taste of Poland again.”  She was right.  It was the beginning of the end of Communism -- not just in this country, but across Europe.

The images of that year are seared in our memory.  Citizens filling the streets of Budapest and Bucharest.  Hungarians and Austrians cutting the barbed wire border.  Protestors joining hands across the Baltics.  Czechs and Slovaks in their Velvet Revolution.  East Berliners climbing atop that wall.  And we have seen the extraordinary progress since that time.  A united Germany.  Nations in Central and Eastern Europe standing tall as proud democracies.  A Europe that is more integrated, more prosperous and more secure.  We must never forget that the spark for so much of this revolutionary change, this blossoming of hope, was lit by you, the people of Poland.  (Applause.) 

History was made here.  The victory of 1989 was not inevitable.  It was the culmination of centuries of Polish struggle, at times in this very square.  The generations of Poles who rose up and finally won independence.  The soldiers who resisted invasion, from the east and the west.  The Righteous Among the Nations -- among them Jan Karski -- who risked all to save the innocent from the Holocaust.  The heroes of the Warsaw Ghetto who refused to go without a fight.  The Free Poles at Normandy and the Poles of the Home Army who -- even as this city was reduced to rubble -- waged a heroic uprising. 

We remember how, when an Iron Curtain descended, you never accepted your fate.  When a son of Poland ascended to the Chair of Saint Peter, he returned home, and here, in Warsaw, he inspired a nation with his words -- “there can be no just Europe without the independence of Poland.”  (Applause.)  And today we give thanks for the courage of the Catholic Church and the fearless spirit of Saint John Paul II.  (Applause.)   

We also recall how you prevailed 25 years ago.  In the face of beatings and bullets, you never wavered from the moral force of nonviolence.  Through the darkness of martial law, Poles lit candles in their windows.  When the regime finally agreed to talk, you embraced dialogue.  When they held those elections -- even though not fully free -- you participated.  As one Solidarity leader said at the time, “We decided to accept what was possible.”  Poland reminds us that sometimes the smallest steps, however imperfect, can ultimately tear down walls, can ultimately transform the world.  (Applause.)  

But of course, your victory that June day was only the beginning.  For democracy is more than just elections.  True democracy, real prosperity, lasting security -- these are neither simply given, nor imposed from the outside.  They must be earned and built from within.  And in that age-old contest of ideas -- between freedom and authoritarianism, between liberty and oppression, between solidarity and intolerance -- Poland’s progress shows the enduring strength of the ideals that we cherish as a free people.

Here we see the strength of democracy:  Citizens raising their voices, free from fear.  Here we see political parties competing in open and honest elections.  Here we see an independent judiciary working to uphold the rule of law.  Here in Poland we see a vibrant press and a growing civil society that holds leaders accountable -- because governments exist to lift up their people, not to hold them down.  (Applause.)   

Here we see the strength of free markets and the results of hard reforms -- gleaming skyscrapers soaring above the city, and superhighways across this country, high-tech hubs and living standards that previous generations of Poles could only imagine. This is the new Poland you have built -- an economic “Miracle on the Vistula” -- Cud nad Wisłą.  (Applause.)    

Here we see the strength of free nations that stand united. Across those centuries of struggle, Poland’s fate too often was dictated by others.  This land was invaded and conquered, carved up and occupied.  But those days are over.  Poland understands as few other nations do that every nation must be free to chart its own course, to forge its own partnerships, to choose its own allies.  (Applause.)

This year marks the 15th anniversary of Poland’s membership in NATO.  We honor Polish service in the Balkans, in Iraq and Afghanistan.  And as Americans, we are proud to call Poland one of our strongest and closest allies.  (Applause.)  

This is the Poland we celebrate today.  The free and democratic Poland that your forebears and some who are here today dreamed of and fought for and, in some cases, died for.  The growing and secure Poland that you -- particularly the young people who are here today -- have enjoyed for your entire lives.

It’s a wonderful story, but the story of this nation reminds us that freedom is not guaranteed.  And history cautions us to never take progress for granted.  On the same day 25 years ago that Poles were voting here, tanks were crushing peaceful democracy protests in Tiananmen Square on the other side of the world.  The blessings of liberty must be earned and renewed by every generation -- including our own.  This is the work to which we rededicate ourselves today.  (Applause.) 

Our democracies must be defined not by what or who we’re against, but by a politics of inclusion and tolerance that welcomes all our citizens.  Our economies must deliver a broader prosperity that creates more opportunity -- across Europe and across the world -- especially for young people.  Leaders must uphold the public trust and stand against corruption, not steal from the pockets of their own people.  Our societies must embrace a greater justice that recognizes the inherent dignity of every human being.  And as we’ve been reminded by Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, our free nations cannot be complacent in pursuit of the vision we share -- a Europe that is whole and free and at peace.  We have to work for that.  We have to stand with those who seek freedom.  (Applause.)        

I know that throughout history, the Polish people were abandoned by friends when you needed them most.  So I’ve come to Warsaw today -- on behalf of the United States, on behalf of the NATO Alliance -- to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to Poland’s security.  Article 5 is clear -- an attack on one is an attack on all.  And as allies, we have a solemn duty -- a binding treaty obligation -- to defend your territorial integrity.  And we will.  We stand together -- now and forever -- for your freedom is ours. (Applause.)  Poland will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  But not just Poland -- Estonia will never stand alone.  Latvia will never stand alone.  Lithuania will never stand alone.  Romania will never stand alone.  (Applause.)  

These are not just words.  They’re unbreakable commitments backed by the strongest alliance in the world and the armed forces of the United States of America -- the most powerful military in history.  (Applause.)  You see our commitment today. In NATO aircraft in the skies of the Baltics.  In allied ships patrolling the Black Sea.  In the stepped-up exercises where our forces train together.  And in our increased and enduring American presence here on Polish soil.  We do these things not to threaten any nation, but to defend the security and territory of ourselves and our friends. 

Yesterday, I announced a new initiative to bolster the security of our NATO allies and increase America’s military presence in Europe.  With the support of Congress, this will mean more pre-positioned equipment to respond quickly in a crisis, and exercises and training to keep our forces ready; additional U.S. forces -- in the air, and sea, and on land, including here in Poland.  And it will mean increased support to help friends like Ukraine, and Moldova and Georgia provide for their own defense.  (Applause.) 

Just as the United States is increasing our commitment, so must others.  Every NATO member is protected by our alliance, and every NATO member must carry its share in our alliance.  This is the responsibility we have to each other.    

Finally, as free peoples, we join together, not simply to safeguard our own security but to advance the freedom of others. Today we affirm the principles for which we stand. 

We stand together because we believe that people and nations have the right to determine their own destiny.  And that includes the people of Ukraine.  Robbed by a corrupt regime, Ukrainians demanded a government that served them.  Beaten and bloodied, they refused to yield.  Threatened and harassed, they lined up to vote; they elected a new President in a free election -- because a leader’s legitimacy can only come from the consent of the people.

Ukrainians have now embarked on the hard road of reform.  I met with President-elect Poroshenko this morning, and I told him that, just as free nations offered support and assistance to Poland in your transition to democracy, we stand with Ukrainians now.  (Applause.)  Ukraine must be free to choose its own future for itself and by itself.  (Applause.)  We reject the zero-sum thinking of the past -- a free and independent Ukraine needs strong ties and growing trade with Europe and Russia and the United States and the rest of the world.  Because the people of Ukraine are reaching out for the same freedom and opportunities and progress that we celebrate here today -- and they deserve them, too.

We stand together because we believe that upholding peace and security is the responsibility of every nation.  The days of empire and spheres of influence are over.  Bigger nations must not be allowed to bully the small, or impose their will at the barrel of a gun or with masked men taking over buildings.  And the stroke of a pen can never legitimize the theft of a neighbor’s land.  So we will not accept Russia’s occupation of Crimea or its violation of Ukraine’s sovereignty.  (Applause.)   Our free nations will stand united so that further Russian provocations will only mean more isolation and costs for Russia. (Applause.)  Because after investing so much blood and treasure to bring Europe together, how can we allow the dark tactics of the 20th century to define this new century?

We stand together because we know that the spirit of Warsaw and Budapest and Prague and Berlin stretches to wherever the longing for freedom stirs in human hearts, whether in Minsk or Caracas, or Damascus or Pyongyang.  Wherever people are willing to do the hard work of building democracy -- from Tbilisi to Tunis, from Rangoon to Freetown -- they will have a partner in our nations.  For in the struggles of these citizens we recall our own struggles.  In their faces we see our own.  And few see this more clearly than the people of Poland.

The Ukrainians of today are the heirs of Solidarity -- men and women like you who dared to challenge a bankrupt regime.  When your peaceful protests were met with an iron fist, Poles placed flowers in the shipyard gate. 

Today, Ukrainians honor their fallen with flowers in Independence Square.  We remember the Polish voter who rejoiced to “feel the taste of Poland again.”  Her voice echoes in the young protestor in the Maidan who savored what she called “a taste of real freedom.”  “I love my country,” she said, and we are standing up for “justice and freedom.”  And with gratitude for the strong support of the Polish people, she spoke for many Ukrainians when she said, “Thank you, Poland.  We hear you and we love you.”  (Applause.)   

Today we can say the same.  Thank you, Poland -- thank you for your courage.  Thank you for reminding the world that no matter how brutal the crackdown, no matter how long the night, the yearning for liberty and dignity does not fade away.  It will never go away.  Thank you, Poland, for your iron will and for showing that, yes, ordinary citizens can grab the reins of history, and that freedom will prevail -- because, in the end, tanks and troops are no match for the force of our ideals. 

Thank you, Poland -- for your triumph -- not of arms, but of the human spirit, the truth that carries us forward. There is no change without risk, and no progress without sacrifice, and no freedom without solidarity.  (Applause.) 

Dziękuję, Polsko!  God bless Poland.  (Applause.)  God bless America.  God bless our unbreakable alliance.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

                        END             12:28 P.M. CET

REMARKS: PRESIDENT OBAMA AND POLAND'S PRIME MINISTER TUSK

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Tusk of Poland

Chancellery of the Prime Minister
Warsaw, Poland

2:25 P.M. CET

PRIME MINISTER TUSK:  (As interpreted.)  Mr. President, I’m very happy that again here in Warsaw we had the opportunity to talk about Polish-American relations.  And with great satisfaction, I observed that so much has changed around us, but our relations and the nature of our relations remain the same -- it remains so very good and of such fundamental significance as it was in the past when we spoke for the first time.

It was no coincidence in the fact that we began our meeting with my thanks to the very speedy and also very effective reaction of the United States to the Ukrainian crisis.  And we’re talking about the American reaction to the very situation in the region, but also in terms of support for Poland, which is both political -- and we do remember that on this key day, when Crimea was subject to annexation, we remember the visit of Vice President Biden here to Warsaw, but we also highly appreciate your practical decisions about the support given to the Polish defense capabilities.  And for that we’re truly thankful, because that’s not always so frequent in contemporary times.

We’ve exchanged information of our strategic cooperation.  I informed Mr. President about our readiness and something that President Komorowski has also mentioned about our readiness to strengthen the Polish defense capabilities.  We will also try to convince our European allies -- also at the meeting at the NATO Summit in Wales – we’ll try to convince them to a common European effort for a common European defense and solidarity.

It was with great satisfaction that we welcome the announcement of Mr. President about the readiness to increase the engagement and the plus-billion dollars dedicated to this part of the world.  It was also with satisfaction that I heard from Mr. President this is just another step and that this is not the end, and that in terms of the strategic perspective we will continue to talk about the evermore intense cooperation and presence in this part of Europe -- the presence of NATO in this part of Europe.

Our relations really, really do not require any repair, so we really did not have the need to talk about Polish-American relations.  But our opinions about Ukraine and the situation in the entire region, and also in terms of energy cooperation, these opinions are in line.  I’ve informed Mr. President about our Polish mission of the European energy union so as to increase the independence of Europe in terms of a single energy supply point.  And I think that is also a domain where we see possibilities of practical cooperation.  And I’m very happy that Mr. President has also declared his personal engagement so as to increase this possibility of energy diversification in Europe.

Again, thank you very much, Mr. President.  I did say at the beginning that a friend in need is a friend indeed.  And I reiterate I’m sure that the experiences of recent months and also our talks here on the symbolic date of our 25th anniversary of freedom, these talks were not just symbolic and were not referring to the history.  And I think that this is the most important thing in our relations -- that we appreciate the same values and we like the same symbols, but at the same time we both want to go in the similar direction.  And the United States is the best partner we could ever imagine.

Thank you so very much, Mr. President. 

And now, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Dzień dobry.  I want to thank you, Prime Minister Tusk, for your warm welcome.  It’s good to be back in this hall.  I’ve said a lot today already about why we think Poland is so important, why the alliance between the United States and Poland is so important, but perhaps during my remarks here I can say a little bit about why the economic progress that we’ve seen in Poland is so important.  Economic growth wasn’t inevitable just because Poland achieved its political freedom.  It wasn’t easy.  Reforms here in Poland have been hard and have not been without sacrifice.  But as you drive through Warsaw, you see that Poland is a country on the move, one with one of the largest and fastest-growing economies in Europe, a manufacturing powerhouse, and a hub of high-tech innovation. 

In fact, the last time I was here, Donald gave me a gift -- the video game developed here in Poland that’s won fans the world over, “The Witcher.”  I confess, I’m not very good at video games, but I’ve been told that it is a great example of Poland’s place in the new global economy and it’s a tribute to the talents and the work ethic of the Polish people, as well as the wise stewardship of Polish leaders, like Prime Minister Tusk.

As I did with President Komorowski, I reiterated to the Prime Minister our rock-solid commitment to Poland’s security, outlined for him the announcement I made earlier today about bolstering security to our NATO allies in Eastern Europe, and made clear that the United States is ready to deepen our defense cooperation as Poland modernizes its military.

As the Prime Minister indicated, we spent a lot of time on Ukraine.  Mr. Prime Minister, you’ve been a strong voice in conveying Poland’s solidarity to the Ukrainian people.  And Poland has been a great partner to Ukrainian civil society groups, and Polish diplomacy has played a critical role earlier this year in preventing even more violence. 

Poland is joining us in providing Ukraine with critical economic assistance.  And my conversation with the Prime Minister illustrated again that our countries are absolutely united in the need to stand with the Ukrainian people as they move forward, and that is not just with respect to their territorial integrity and security, but also with respect to the kinds of economic reforms that are going to be needed. 

As Ukrainians undertake the hard work of political and economic reform, Poland is going to have an important role to play in sharing the lessons of its own success, as Poland has with other countries in Eastern Europe and Central Europe and around the world. 

And one of the areas we discussed was energy.  Obviously, this has created significant vulnerabilities throughout Europe, particularly Eastern and Central Europe.  And we highlighted the need for greater energy security in Europe, which Prime Minister Tusk has championed, but we also agreed that it’s going to be critical for Ukraine to embark on effective efforts to reform its energy sector and diversify its supply of natural gas.  Just to give one example, Ukraine’s economy requires about three times as much energy to produce the same amount of output as Poland’s does.  And it’s very hard for Ukraine then to be competitive and to be successful if, in fact, it is that inefficient when it comes to energy.  So these are areas where I think we can make great progress.  Donald’s ideas on how Europe can reduce its energy risks by diversifying, investing in renewables, and upgrading energy infrastructure are ones that I think are important for everybody to listen to.

Poland is, for example, making an important investment that will allow the world’s liquefied natural gas, LNG, to travel to Europe.  For our part, the United States has already approved licenses for natural gas exports, which will increase global supplies and thereby benefit partners here in Europe.  I also mentioned to the Prime Minister the importance of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, T-TIP, the trade agreement that we are negotiating currently between the United States and Europe.

Poland has been a supporter of an ambitious T-TIP agreement.  And I indicated to him one of the benefits of a strong trade agreement is that it is much easier for me to approve natural gas exports to countries with which we already have a free trade agreement. 

So, last point -- we discussed in the context of energy the issue of climate change.  The United States just took major steps to propose new standards that would result in significant reductions in carbon emissions from our power plants.  This has to be a global effort.  Poland hosted a successful U.N. climate summit conference last year.  As we work to shape a strong global climate agreement this year -- or next year, rather -- it’s important for the United States and the EU to set an example by committing to ambitious goals to reduce emissions beyond 2020.  And if we’re thinking seriously about energy diversification, energy efficiency, we can combine those two efforts in ways that make us not only more politically secure and economically secure but also more environmentally secure. 
                                            
So let me just thank once again Prime Minister Tusk for his outstanding leadership, and let me thank the Polish people for their outstanding example.  I’m confident that the friendship that we’ve established over the years will only be strengthened.   And although it’s wonderful to have friends when things are going good, the Prime Minister is absolutely right that it’s especially important to have friends when things are tough.  And we don’t have a better friend anywhere in the world than Poland.  So we’re grateful for that.

Thank you.

END               
2:32 P.M. CET

U.S., POLAND FIND NEW WAYS MILITARIES CAN COOPERATE

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel hosts a press briefing with Poland’s Minister of National Defense Tomasz Siemoniak at the Pentagon, April 17, 2014. DOD photo by Marine Corps Sgt. Aaron Hostutler.  

U.S., Poland Defense Leaders Find New Areas for Cooperation

By Cheryl Pellerin

American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, April 17, 2014 – Amid deep concerns about the situation in Ukraine, the defense leaders of the United States and Poland met at the Pentagon today and identified new areas in which their militaries can work together, including special operations, air force cooperation, and more exercises and training.

Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel and Poland’s Minister of National Defense Tomasz Siemoniak held discussions that Hagel described as being “focused on reinforcing our solidarity and our partnership for the future of the Polish-U.S. defense relationship, especially in light of the situation in Ukraine and its impact on European security.”

During a joint news conference after their meeting, Hagel told reporters this a critical time for the NATO alliance and the Polish-U.S. bilateral relationship, adding that it is also an opportunity to capitalize on the strong relationship the United States and Poland have built together over 25 years.
“The solidarity and partnership roadmap we discussed today identified new areas where we can work together, including special operations forces, air force cooperation, and additional exercises and training,” the secretary said.
“It will also look at how we can further build onto our joint aviation detachment and air missile defense collaboration.”

In recent weeks, the United States has augmented Poland’s aviation detachment with 12 F-16 aircraft and 200 support personnel from Aviano Air Base in Italy, the secretary said, noting that the department is committed to maintaining the augmented presence through the end of 2014.

“This is a clear demonstration of America's bilateral commitment to Poland and to our other NATO allies in the region. The United States is also encouraging other NATO allies to contribute to the detachment,” Hagel said.

“Minister Siemoniak and I agreed,” the secretary added, “that it would be useful to open up the aviation detachment so that other nations in the region can participate.”
One example is Romania, Hagel said, the latest NATO member to acquire F-16s. Such a regionalized approach will help strengthen Poland and its neighbors, he added.

On air and missile defense, Hagel noted that as Poland explores options for its own new capabilities, the Defense Department should take advantage of the chance to work with Poland more closely, leveraging cutting-edge technology and enhancing NATO capability to benefit the entire transatlantic alliance.
“As Poland continues to invest in defense and military modernization,” he added, “the United States will increasingly look to Poland as a leader in the region and in NATO.”

The relationship between the U.S. and Poland and their shared commitment to NATO are critical to stability in Europe, the secretary said, adding that recent events underscore that the alliance and commitments to the alliance are as important as ever.

“As you all know,” Hagel said, “Secretary [of State John F.] Kerry is meeting now in Geneva with his counterparts from Russia, Ukraine and the [European Union]. We fully support these efforts to find a political solution and remain deeply concerned about Russia's ongoing destabilizing activities in eastern Ukraine. De-escalation has been our focus and Russia must take steps to make that happen.”
The United States continues to stand with Ukraine, he added, noting that earlier this morning he called Ukraine Acting Defense Minister Mykhaylo Koval to tell him that President Obama has approved more nonlethal military assistance for health and welfare items and other supplies.

“These supplies include medical supplies, helmets, sleeping mats and water purification units for Ukraine's armed forces,” Hagel said, “as well as shelters, small power generators and hand fuel pumps for Ukraine's state border guard service. The United States will continue to review additional support that we can provide to Ukraine.”

During today’s meeting, the secretary said, he and Siemoniak agreed that Russia's aggression has renewed their resolve to strengthen the NATO alliance.
NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen yesterday announced a series of measures the alliance would undertake to demonstrate this resolve.
The measures, developed by Supreme Allied Commander Air Force Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, the secretary added, include more air policing sorties over the Baltics, more allied ships in the Baltic and in the eastern Mediterranean seas, and military staff deployments to enhance NATO's readiness training and exercises.
“NATO is also updating its defense plans and the United States has offered additional planners to help with that effort, Hagel said. “We're also assessing what additional contributions we can offer to reinforce our allies in central and eastern Europe.”

The measures are not meant to provoke or threaten Russia, he added, but to demonstrate NATO's continued dedication to collective defense.
“Article V [of the North Atlantic Treaty] is clear that an attack against any one NATO ally will be considered an attack against all members of NATO. The United States is fully committed to meeting its Article V responsibilities,” Hagel said.

Today’s meeting was the second between Hagel and Siemoniak this year.
Their first was in January in Poland when Hagel and Siemoniak visited the joint aviation detachment at Powidz Air Base where American and Polish airmen train and work side by side.

President Barack Obama and Polish President Bronisław Komorowski agreed in 2010 to strengthen the U.S.-Polish security partnership through increased cooperation between both nations’ air forces.

The first full-time stationing of U.S. troops in Poland was established in 2012 with an aviation detachment at Lask Air Base, about 90 minutes from Powidz.
In addition to strengthening cooperation, the aviation detachment allows Poland to host other allied air force elements and serve as a regional hub for air training and multinational exercises.

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS AT U.S..-EU ENERGY COUNCIL MEETING

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks at the U.S.-EU Energy Council Meeting

Remarks

John Kerry
Secretary of State

Brussels, Belgium

April 2, 2014

---

Deputy Secretary Dan Poneman and I are very, very pleased to be here for the 5^th U.S.-EU Energy Council today, and I’m particularly happy to join High Representative Cathy Ashton who is doing a superb job in my judgment wearing a lot of hats and helping to fight fires in many places, as well as lead our efforts in the Iran nuclear talks. I’m delighted to be here with Commissioner Oettinger and Giannis Maniatis – thank you very much. We’re happy to be here with you also representing the EU presidency.

I think the difficulties of the recent days underscore the imperative to what brings us here today: energy security – not just for Ukraine but all across Europe – that it frankly requires a major amount of transatlantic cooperation and transatlantic leadership. And that’s why President Obama asked us to come together with our European partners in order to tackle these challenges head-on.

It really boils down to this: No nation should use energy to stymie a people’s aspirations. It should not be used as a weapon. It’s in the interest of all of us to be able to have adequate energy supplies critical to our economies, critical to our security, critical to the prosperity of our people. And we can’t allow it to be used as a political weapon or as an instrument for aggression. So we are taking important steps today in order to make it far more difficult for people to deploy that tool.

And we’re working in lock-step to help Ukraine bring natural gas in from Poland and Hungary and develop a route through Slovakia. Ukraine is committed to do its part. And through their recent commitments to the IMF they’ve agreed to act on energy subsidies and to make their energy market more competitive. This is critical, obviously.

The United States and the EU have a lot of work to do in order to diversify our energy supplies. We’re working on it very hard in the United States. President Obama’s implemented a climate action plan, and Europe – no group of nations have done more than the European community to try to move on this front. But we, all of us, have to make certain that we are not dependent on one single source of energy.

So our agenda today, or at least part of it, is going to be to look at how do we get more natural gas through what folks call the Southern corridor, from Azerbaijan to Turkey and on to Europe. There are also other opportunities, including LNG terminals planned across Europe, and pipelines that can get gas to customers.

I think it’s fair to say that American entrepreneurship is hard at work trying to help change this equation. Our new capacities as a gas producer and the approval of seven export licenses is going to help supply gas to global markets, and we look forward to doing that starting in 2015. And we will supply more gas than all of Europe consumes today.

So whether it’s confronting the immediate energy challenges in Ukraine, which is critical, or the absolute imperative of all of us meeting the challenge of climate change, which in the latest IPCC report we see underscored for its importance, we’re going to have a partnership – with a partnership between the United States and Europe is absolutely vital in this effort.
So we couldn’t be more pleased than to have leaders like Representative Ashton and Commissioner Oettinger alongside us today to begin this work, and we look forward to a really healthy, productive discussion. Thank you.

BRIEFING: VP BIDEN TRAVELS TO POLAND AND LITHUANIA

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE

Background Press Briefing by a Senior Administration Official on the Vice President's Trip to Poland and Lithuania

Aboard Air Force Two
En Route Warsaw, Poland

11:24 P.M. EST 

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  This is on background as  a senior administration official, and given the late hour, I’m going to beg your forgiveness for keeping it short.

So the Vice President is making stops in Warsaw and Vilnius first and foremost to reassure our allies who are deeply concerned about Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine and what the broader implications of those actions might be.

Connected to that, to reassure our allies and reaffirm our Article 5 commitments, to highlight some of the tangible steps that we’ve taken in recent days to make that commitment even more real, to discuss further steps that we’ll be taking in the days and weeks ahead, and also to talk about how to strengthen the alliance so that NATO emerges from this crisis even stronger than it went into it.

He’ll also look for the opportunity to consult on how to deal with the evolving situation in Ukraine, especially as these leaders head into the EU leaders meeting on Thursday. 

If Russia continues to flout international law, how to continue to impose costs, building on what the EU and the United States did today in terms of sanctions to deepen Russia’s political and economic isolation and sharpen the choice for Russia’s leaders, including Putin; how to support Ukraine and the Ukrainian people as they try to stabilize their economy and move towards elections and choose their own future, including the institutions that they seek to join; and how to pursue diplomacy that could potentially deescalate the situation if Russia were to choose to pull back and take a different course.  So he’ll have the chance to consult with leaders who have deep experience with both Ukraine and Russia and a perspective on both what is happening in Crimea and in Ukraine, and what’s happening Brussels, so that they can compare notes and make sure that we remain as coordinated in the days ahead as we’ve been up until now.

And he’ll also have the opportunity to talk about longer term issues, including energy security in Europe that includes diversification of supply and the creation of conditions where energy can't be a tool or a lever for any kind of political gain or political cost by another country.

Q    (Inaudible) energy sanctions, no?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  No.  I was saying that they’ll discuss energy security and included in that over the medium and long term, diversification in energy supply so that energy can't be used as a political tool to impose costs.

Q    Not sanctions?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Not sanctions, no.  No, no, that -- obviously, they’ll discuss the issue of ongoing sanctions, but that's not what I’m referring to with energy diversification. 

And transatlantic trade.  Obviously, we have negotiations for the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership underway, and they’ll have a chance to compare notes on that.

And then finally, there’s a series of bilateral issues with each of these countries.

Now, I realize that I just walked through all the issues without doing the basic laydown, so returning to that before opening it up for a few questions:  Tomorrow in Warsaw, he’ll meet with Prime Minister Tusk first, and then President Komorowski, and have statements after each of those meetings.

And then he’ll meet with President Ilves of Estonia, who is in Poland on a state visit.  And then the following day, he’ll meet with the Presidents of Lithuania and Latvia in Vilnius and also have the opportunity to confer with them in a trilateral format as well, and then he’ll do a statement with both of those leaders together in Vilnius.

So with that I’m happy to take a few questions.

Q    We’re going to Poland, is there any reconsideration of the U.S. position on missile defense as it pertains to increased antagonism from Russia?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  The question is, is there any consideration of a change to U.S. missile defense connected to this crisis I guess would be the synopsis of the question.  And the answer is that we’ve made clear from the beginning that the European-phased, adaptive approach to ballistic missile defense has never been about Russia.  It’s been about emerging ballistic missile threats from elsewhere.  And so the Vice President’s intention tomorrow is to reaffirm that everything about our missile defense plans for Europe remain on track.  That's true for Romania and it’s true for Poland.

And he’ll be able to underscore that it’s on schedule and on track by -- he won’t be discussing changes in the missile defense approach tomorrow.

Q    Are there some additional steps that NATO is looking at taking or that the Vice President will discuss with these countries separate from missile defense that involve movements towards borders, toward Ukraine that address what’s going on?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So I’ll leave it to the Vice President to discuss some of this tomorrow.  He will be talking about further steps that the United States can take and that NATO can take as an alliance to further shore up the security of Poland and the Baltics and other NATO allies, to increase training exercises and other things like that.  But I won’t go into further detail at this point.

I would highlight that one of the things he’ll be able to underscore are steps that we’ve just taken in the past few days including augmenting the Baltic air policing mission by adding additional fighter jets in Estonia, and by augmenting the aviation detachment in Poland by adding a complement of fighters there as well.

Q    A complement of what?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Fighters.

Q    Fighters, thanks.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  And he’ll also discuss both of those moves, which have now been completed just in the past few days.

And at the same time that he’s in the region, General Breedlove, in his capacity as EUCOM commander, will be meeting with the chiefs of defense of Central and Eastern Europe in Croatia to discuss a range of security issues.

Q    (Inaudible)?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I believe it has.

Q    Even as Poland -- even as we’re helping Poland with increased air assets, Tusk has still been very aggressive with his rhetoric in terms of what Poland wants to do unilaterally, so what aspect of this trip will be the Vice President going to talk to Tusk about talking him off the ledge on perhaps some unilateral actions that the Poles or any of the other Baltic nations that he’s speaking with might want to do on their own?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  When you say unilateral actions, what do you mean?

Q    Tusk has been talking about bolstering their own missile defense system within the country of Poland, as well as their own military assets, so in terms of what these individual countries might do by themselves is what I mean.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So I think the Vice President is going to focus on both what the specific U.S. commitments have been and will continue to be to Poland’s defense, but chiefly in the context of NATO as a whole because his view -- and I think it’s shared by the Prime Minister and the President -- is that NATO is at its strongest when all 28 allies are pulling together.  So the Vice President will want to discuss with both the Prime Minister and the President in Poland how we can strengthen the alliance commitments to Poland, not just the United States, but all the other allies, as well, including Western European allies, and how we can look forward to the summit in Wales later this year to think about strengthening Article 5 commitments, as well as the host of other security issues that the NATO alliance faces.

So I think the Vice President is really going to look at this set of security questions very much in an alliance context.

Q    One more thing about natural gas shipments.  That's sort of become a bit of a talking point.  Will the Vice President have a specific message related to U.S. efforts to accelerate the ability for us to engage in LNG trade with Europe?  And how relevant is it to these leaders that we’re going to be meeting?  Would that be something that they would welcome and ask for?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So for tonight’s purposes I would just say that he’ll be talking about the range of issues related to energy diversification, which includes alternative forms of energy -- nuclear, shale, alternative sources of supply.  And as respects the question of what the United States can do, we’re obviously looking at what the United States can do domestically that serves both U.S. interests and European interests.

But in terms of more specifics, we’ll have an opportunity to talk further in the next couple days.

Q    Can you talk a little bit, what will be their assessment of the threat these countries are under for retaliation for sanctions that have already been applied?  Like we keep reading that they're nervous -- what’s your assessment of how much risk they face?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I think it will be interesting to hear from them how they assess the issue of sanctions.  Each of these leaders in the Baltics and in Poland have been strong supporters of ensuring that there are costs for flagrant violations of international law, and they’ll be continued advocates for that we expect at the Europe leaders meeting on Thursday.

But of course, they're close neighbors with Russia, and they have economic relationships with them, so that will obviously be part of the discussion.  But we can also talk more about that after we’ve had the chance to consult with them tomorrow.

END
11:36 P.M. EST

U.S. INCREASES AIR OPERATIONS IN POLAND

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Will Beef Up Air Operations in Poland
By Jim Garamone
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Mar. 10, 2014 – More U.S. F-16 Fighting Falcons will deploy to Poland in the coming days and weeks, a Pentagon official said here today.
Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel and Polish Defense Minister Tomasz Siemoniak spoke yesterday, and Siemoiniak thanked the secretary for looking at options for basing, said Army Col. Steve Warren, a Pentagon spokesman.

“No decision [have been made] on numbers yet,” he added. “That decision has not been finalized.”

U.S. European Command would provide the aircraft once a decision is made, the colonel told reporters.

The decision has been made to increase the size of the U.S. aviation detachment in Poland, Warren said. Ten U.S. Air Force personnel are stationed at Lask Air Base in Poland, “but there is no permanent jet presence there,” he added.

The airmen support quarterly rotations of U.S. F-16s and C-130s for joint training with the Polish air force. They are part of the 52nd Fighter Wing based in Spangdahlem, Germany.

Typically, there are four annual aircraft rotations to the air base, with at least two weeks of flying per rotation.

“What we are doing is reassuring our allies that we are there for them,” Warren said. “This is an important time for us to make it crystal clear to all our allies and partners in the region that the United States of America stands by them.”
This is just one of the visible actions the United States has taken since the Russian incursion into Ukraine. The United States sent six more F-15C Eagle aircraft to beef up the air policing mission in the Baltics. In addition, the USS Truxton has been deployed to the Black Sea.

These are examples, Warren said, of U.S. commitments to allies and partners in the region.

SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY MAKES REMARKS IN WARSAW TO MEMBERS OF AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks to American Chamber of Commerce Participants
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Bristol Hotel
Warsaw, Poland
November 5, 2013

SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Thank you very much, Joseph. Thank you. Appreciate it. Let me see if I can make this Kerry-sized. (Laughter.) Anyway, there we go. Thank you. Good morning, everybody – or good afternoon. What is it? I don’t know anymore. (Laughter.)

PARTICIPANT: Afternoon.

SECRETARY KERRY: What?

PARTICIPANT: Afternoon.

SECRETARY KERRY: Afternoon. Good afternoon. And you haven’t eaten yet, right? (Laughter.) Anyway, and it’s very dangerous because I think I’m all that stands between you and your food. (Laughter.) Is it true you’re having a meal?

PARTICIPANT: (Inaudible.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Beg your pardon?

PARTICIPANT: Yes.

SECRETARY KERRY: Okay, once I let you sit down. (Laughter.)

Well, I will not keep you too, too long, but I want to tell you, first of all, what a great honor it is for me to be here in Warsaw, in Poland. Joseph just talked about the remarkable transformation taking place here. It really is extraordinary. And in fact, it’s encouraging and inspirational. I got to walk down the street, the main street this morning, heading towards the old city. And the Ambassador, our good Ambassador, was relating to me sort of the care that went into the rebuilding and the thought about replicating what was. And so you see the beauty even though it’s more modern, obviously, it is reflective of what was there originally and a great, great statement about the spirit of this country and the sort of stubborn refusal, if you will, to be beaten down by history.

So I think it’s a great statement. It’s a great metaphor for a lot of countries today for the possibilities of what can come out of great conflict and tragedy through the determination and the imagination of the human spirit. And that’s kind of part of what we’re here to talk about here a little bit today – the story of Poland, a story really of resistance in many ways to so many different conflicts and occupations and challenges.

And I was saying just a moment ago over at the Embassy that when you hear the name Warsaw you don’t just think of that abstractly, but you think of the Warsaw Pact, the Warsaw Convention, the Warsaw Uprising, the Warsaw Ghetto. I mean, there are great moments of defiance and of transformation affiliated with the name, and more particularly with the spirit and the history. And of course, we in Massachusetts, because of Casimir Pulaski and his historic letter to George Washington when he wrote of his willingness to be there to fight for our own independence, began a great tradition of our countries being unified in our depth of commitment and belief in the human spirit, demonstrated so much through democracy and through the commitment to the power of individuals to be able to make a difference. So we celebrate that, and I thank you because I’ve been in Cairo and Riyadh for two days, so you have given me weather much more accustomed to Massachusetts and my hometown – (laughter) – than 90 degrees at this time of year.

I’m going to try to – let me just talk for a bit about sort of what really brings all of you together, because I have great respect for the work that the Chamber has done. And the companies that have invested here and the relationship at a corporate level in business is really essential to what has helped Poland to be able to be the powerhouse economically that it is today.

When this organization, the Chamber, opened its doors not too long after Communism collapsed, the country –and indeed the continent and the world – were full of hope for what the future of free markets might be able to be able to bring. But I don’t think any of us could have predicted that it would have been as unbelievably successful and rapid as it has been here in Poland. The economic strength of this country now is truly nothing less than remarkable. And just as – I mean, if you think about it, one generation after the Gdansk shipyard strikes, Poland has become – as Joseph reminded us a moment ago – the sixth largest economy in Europe. It is one of the best places to invest in the world, and it is one of the economic powerhouses of the EU. It is also one of the few transatlantic economies to grow despite the global recession, which is a testament to the Polish people’s innovation and resilience.

And that’s why the United States made our bilateral trade such a priority, because trade has quadrupled here just over the last 10 years. So I just came downstairs from a meeting with a group of young people who represent young Polish innovators, a group that is part of this alumni program of young people chosen by the Ministry of Education. The Polish Government supports them to go and take part in a program at Berkeley and at Stanford. And they’re collaborating with American partners on creative solutions to today’s challenges. And it seems to me that they are a symbol of the way in which the aspirations of young people really unite us rather than divide us, as they do in some other parts of the world. Entrepreneurship, competition, open markets, these words were never associated with Poland’s economy 25 years ago, but today they define it.

That’s the measure of the transformation and that’s what the world means when it talks about an economic miracle which has taken place here. I’m Catholic; I happen to believe in miracles, but this is a different kind. (Laughter.) And it has been really nothing short of phenomenal. It’s taken hard work, and an awful lot of you here in this room really get credit for what is happening here. Several hundred – I think at least 100,000 jobs have been brought here through the companies that are here and represented.

The fast rise – but it’s symbolic of something else, if I can just spend a minute on this. I was recently in South Korea, in the Republic of Korea, and there it struck me how this country that 15 years ago we were giving aid to, is now a donor country giving aid to other countries in the world. We go back to the Marshall Plan, which obviously Poland, because of the occupation, didn’t take part in, but you look at the rest of Europe where it did take hold, and we see how investment and rules of the road and belief in the possibilities of that investment to turn a corner, in fact, produces transformation. And the same is true for Japan. Now all of those places are not just donor countries, but they’re vibrant democracies in places that are contributing to a set of values that the world really respects and admires.

I think that if you look in other places – I was privileged to lead the effort over 10 years to open up our new economic relationship with Vietnam. Back in 1990, when we began that effort, nobody believed it was possible. Now Vietnam is one of the economic powerhouses of the world. We have vibrant investment, and it is a vibrant marketplace, a capitalist marketplace, which is very different from the place it was envisioned to be when I was there in the late 1960s.

So right now, right here in Europe, we believe we’re on the doorstep of another great transformation that could actually make trade more open, make markets more free, make competition stronger, and create more opportunity for jobs. And it even can make a broader base of economic prosperity the hallmark of the next generation in the way that we want it to be.

And of course, I’m talking about the possibilities of TTIP, the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Now, it’s ambitious, but its potential benefits are enormous. I talked this morning with the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister about it. This market could integrate the world’s largest market, the EU, and the single largest economy, the United States, and create a consortium, if you will, of nations all adhering to the highest standards, not the lowest, creating a race to the top, not a race to the bottom.

And a market of that size can have a profound impact on the choices that other countries must begin to make with respect to transparency, accountability, corruption, all of the things that are really the key to attracting investment with the kind of confidence that money seeks, as it has many choices around this planet as to where to go and where to invest. TTIP will improve the rules that govern trade and it will level the playing field.

And by strengthening the rules-based trading and promoting greater transparency and regulations and standards that become more compatible, we will break some of the resistance to trade that exists and encourage this very, very important standardization, which is, in the end, I think, in the interest of everybody. If you know what the rules of the road are and you know the rules of the road are top level, you are much more prone to invest and locate and do business than you are at a place where you know you can’t get a decision from the government because they don’t have those rules or getting that decision from the government may require all kinds of hoops you have to jump through. And for our companies that adhere to the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, that can be a particular challenge against countries where they don’t.

So this is a chance to really even the scale, and I’ll give you a few examples of why it’s important to try to do this, leaving out the question of corruption practices. One of Poland’s most successful retailers in the United States is a company called Inglot Cosmetics. And it has a successful brand of breathable nail polish, something I don’t know anything about, folks. (Laughter.) But I am told that while cosmetic regulations between the EU and the U.S. are similar, they’re still just different enough in order to raise production and administrative costs that make it more difficult for people to be able to sell or compete. In TTIP, we actually save this cosmetic company time and money so that it could focus on developing more innovative products and actually engage more in selling and sales, rather than reacting to a regulative marketplace.

You can take Poland’s famous hams, which are enjoyed at dinner tables all across the United States, or you can look at Massachusetts cranberries and California grapes, which have found a growing market here in this country. These foods could be traded much more easily and cheaply than they are today, and that’s if we ease the tariffs and ease the barriers that make it harder to be able to trade. TTIP will do exactly that.

So more compatible standards could also help auto manufacturers, like General Motors, which produces more than 2 million cars a year in the southern city of Gliwice. And these companies and others like them here in Poland would greatly benefit from an increased, two-way transatlantic capacity.

So bottom line, this really is an historic opportunity. And as you come here today and you break bread in a few minutes and have a chance to talk with each other and everything, think about what you can do to help us energize this process across Europe. For those of you who travel, and most of you do, those of you who engage in a daily basis here, get people excited about this possibility, because TTIP is a political and strategic bet that we’re willing to place on one another.

And more and more – I said this during my nomination hearings, and I believe it to the core, and I’ve watched this evolution over the years in terms of foreign policy – more and more foreign policy is economic policy. And more and more, as countries have less and less cash that they’re throwing around, we will need to partner with the private sector in order to leverage change in countries. And if we can help create the framework by which countries invite companies to come and invest and be involved and streamline decision making, and help with economic zones, qualified economic zones, tax incentive, whatever it takes to create fast decisions, effective availability of workforce, all those kinds of things, that will be the greatest development to policy that there will be.

In the absence of an age when hundreds of billions of dollars would be thrown into a Marshall Plan, the new plan is really the private sector and its investment as people are competing globally to create more middle class. And as more middle class are created, more people will travel, more people will share the purchasing of goods, and more people will, in the end, have a stake in their communities that will lower the threshold of terrorism and the option that people take to choose to be violent in the choices that they make with respect to how they can define their future.

I’m telling you folks, that food vendor in Tunisia who burned himself to death was not part of a religious extremist group. He was not part of any ideology. He wanted to be able to sell his fruit without corruption, without government interference. He wanted to touch his own sense of what the brass ring was. And the same thing in Tahrir Square. Those Egyptian kids, none of them were members of the Muslim Brotherhood, none of them came there with any ideology. They were texting each other and Googling, and using FaceTime and tweet and talking and trying to figure out how to really have part of the future. The same thing in Syria: It began as an effort by young people to be able to touch the future, and then it was co-opted by others with other intent.


So building these bridges of opportunity for people is going to define the future. And I believe that the private sector, business, chambers of commerce, and others are vital instruments of global policy, not American policy, that have ways in which we will reach global aspirations and be able to meet this growing demand by unbelievable numbers of young people bursting, a new baby boom generation, that are going to demand part of that future. Sixty five percent of many countries are under the age of 40, in some countries 60 percent under the age of 25. And if we don’t educate them and provide jobs for them and opportunities, we’re going to have great difficulties.

So I thank you for the privilege of being here with you today. We’ve come a long way in one generation. And for the sake of the next generation, we clearly cannot be satisfied. There’s a huge task ahead of us. Poland is really helping, and you – all of you in this Chamber – are helping to define that road ahead. And we look not just to lecture you or to talk at you, but to partner with you in the effort to make sure that we meet your needs, and through that together meet our needs as global citizens.


Thank you all for the privilege of being with you today. Thank you. (Applause.)