U.S. AMBASSADOR PRESSMAN'S REMARKS TO UN ON SITUATION IN JERUSALEM

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks by Ambassador David Pressman, U. S . Alternate Representative to the United Nations for Special Political Affairs, at a Security Council Open Debate on the Middle East, October 29, 2014

Ambassador David Pressman

Alternate Representative to the UN for Special Political Affairs 

New York, NY

October 29, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Madam President, and thank you, Under-Secretary-General Feltman for your briefing.

We are deeply concerned by the deteriorating situation in Jerusalem, especially over the last two weeks. We are living in a time of tremendous turmoil in the Middle East. It is a time that requires brave leadership. A time that requires hard choices – choices that advance peace; choices that advance stability; choices that advance security.

This is a time that calls for responsible decisions by leaders and people of both sides, as well as the international community, to advance the goals of security and peace.

The current situation is only made more difficult by actions that pollute the atmosphere for peace and further undermine trust on both sides. We continue to urge all to refrain from actions, including settlement activity and unhelpful rhetoric by either side, that will only further escalate tensions.

The deterioration of the situation in Jerusalem, at a time when so many are eager for signs of progress towards peace, is deeply troubling.

It’s hard to imagine sites more sensitive than those in Jerusalem and, today, we are very concerned by recent tensions surrounding the Temple Mount / Haram al-Sharif. It is absolutely critical that all sides exercise restraint, refrain from provocative actions and rhetoric, and preserve the historical status quo on the Temple Mount / Haram al-Sharif – in word and in practice.

That’s why Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s recent statements expressing his commitment to maintain the status quo there and not to make any changes at the site are so important. We welcome the Prime Minister’s comments.

The continued commitment by Israelis, Palestinians, and Jordanians to preserve the historic status quo at the holy site is critical. Any decisions or actions to change it would be both provocative and dangerous. We urge the leaders of all three parties to exercise decisive leadership and work cooperatively together to lower tensions and discourage violence, alleviate restrictions on Muslim worshipers, and reinvigorate long-standing coordination mechanisms and relationships that have served over the decades to preserve the historic status quo as it pertains to religious observance and access to the site. These arrangements are essential for maintaining calm at this important and holy site.

Israel’s recently announced plans to advance a project to construct more than 1,000 housing units in East Jerusalem are deeply concerning. Beyond these recent developments, we have also seen reports that Israeli authorities met today and discussed the approval of dozens of projects aimed to expand settlement infrastructure in the West Bank – including water projects, electricity grid expansion, and road construction – along with so-called “legalization” of outposts the Israeli government itself considers illegal. The United States is deeply concerned by these developments. We urge all parties to refrain from provocative actions, including settlement activity by Israeli authorities. Settlement activity will only further escalate tensions at a time that is already tense enough.

The United States views settlement activity as illegitimate. And we have made unambiguously clear our opposition to unilateral steps that may prejudge the future of Jerusalem, just as we have made clear our opposition to any unilateral attempts to make end-runs around the hard work of negotiations.

Against this backdrop, the cycle of violence continues. The unconscionable attack at the Jerusalem tram stop last week that killed a young baby who was a United States citizen is unconscionable. We condemn it in the strongest possible terms. We express our deepest condolences to the family of the child who was killed and the second victim, who succumbed to her wounds. We also express our sympathies to those injured in the attack and hope for their full recovery.

The United States also expresses its deepest condolences to the family of the 14 year-old American citizen who was killed by Israeli Defense Forces during the clashes in Silwad on October 24th. We have called on the Israeli authorities to conduct an expeditious and transparent investigation into this incident and we expect them to do so.

In this especially fraught environment, it is critical that all parties restore calm and that hard choices are made to de-escalate tensions and re-engage in the hard work of negotiations. Unilateral actions and short-cuts are no substitute for the difficult work that peace will require.

Our goal must be to lay the groundwork for a negotiated agreement that will lead to two states living side-by-side in peace and security. As we have said before, the two-state solution is the only viable way forward and negotiations are the means by which this conflict will ultimately be resolved. If the parties are willing and committed to go down this path – in both words and in deeds – then we stand ready to support them every step of the way.

Thank you, Madam President.

U.S. UNITED NATIONS REP. SAMANTHA POWERS MAKES REMARKS

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Samantha Power

U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 

New York, NY

October 21, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Madam President. I’d also like to thank the Secretary-General for joining us today and for briefing us on his recent trip to the region.

We are living in a time of tremendous turmoil in the Middle East; a time that demands brave and decisive leadership by both regional leaders and the international community. Across the region, we see the need for hard choices. In Syria, the international community must summon the collective resolve to stop the Assad regime’s monstrous atrocities, as well as the horrors of ISIL, and find a political solution to the conflict. In Lebanon and Iraq, political leaders must strengthen the institutions necessary to honor the aspirations of their people and to defeat violent extremist threats. And Israeli and Palestinian leaders must recognize that there is no alternative to a negotiated peace and invest the political will to build it. I will discuss each of these critical issues today, in turn.

We have seen how failures in leadership can help foster the conditions in which extremist groups thrive. By failing to make the hard choices necessary to address the grievances of its Sunni population, Iraq’s former leaders helped to create conditions that ISIL exploited. The consequences have been horrifying. To cite just one example: earlier this month, ISIL announced strict rules on what can be taught in universities in Mosul, one of the cities it now controls. When Iraqi university professors rejected these restrictions and boycotted, ISIL declared that any professor who did not return to work would be executed.

More than three years ago, Bashar al-Assad lost legitimacy to lead when he responded to peaceful protests with brutal violence. Atrocities committed by his regime – atrocities of the kind and scale this world has rarely seen – played a key role in spurring the emergence of ISIL and other terrorist groups, and Assad’s indiscriminate attacks on his own people continue to this day.

Last month, the OPCW released its second report, which found “compelling confirmation that a toxic chemical was used as a weapon, systematically and repeatedly,” in three opposition-held villages in northern Syria. The OPCW concluded with confidence that chlorine was used. Witnesses described the attacks as being carried out by helicopters, which only the Assad regime possesses.

The consequences of Assad’s actions have been staggering. More than 200,000 Syrians killed. Nearly 11 million Syrians in need of humanitarian assistance. And yet, despite the valiant efforts of international humanitarian groups, UN agencies, and others, the Assad regime is deliberately obstructing the delivery of crucial assistance to millions of people in dire need. The regime declares itself the antidote to the horrors of ISIL, but its chemical and barrel bomb attacks, its use of starvation as a tool of war, are every bit as indifferent to the fate of innocents and every bit as grotesque.

One community subjected to the Assad regime’s merciless attacks has been Palestinians in the refugee camp of Yarmouk, which the regime has sealed since July 2013. The 18,000 residents who remain there have been relying on untreated groundwater and a single well for drinking water for nearly a month. Just yesterday, a spokesman for UNRWA issued a statement that began: “UNRWA was not cleared to distribute humanitarian assistance in Yarmouk today, 20th of October.” The day before, UNRWA’s statement began: "UNRWA was not cleared to distribute humanitarian assistance in Yarmouk today, 19 October.” UNRWA notes that since July this year, there has been a steady and significant decline in the quantity of food and other essential items, such as medicine, that the Agency has been able to offer to the Palestinians in Yarmouk. That on any day – let alone so many days – the Assad regime is not allowing aid to flow to the Palestinians suffering in Yarmouk shows extreme cruelty. The international community must be more vocal in its condemnation of these unspeakable tactics. And when the Syrian government hails its leadership on behalf of the Palestinian people, they should be reminded by all of us of the people living in Yarmouk.

Three million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries to escape the regime’s and extremist groups’ violence – up to 80% of them women and children. The threat posed by ISIL is felt across the region, but especially in Iraq and Syria. And foreign fighters and Syrian nationals who have been recruited and trained to fight in ISIL and other terrorist groups pose a threat to countries far from the battlefield.

Among the countries most severely impacted are Iraq and Lebanon. For example, 180,000 Iraqis fled the city of Heet, in Anbar province, as it fell to ISIL in recent weeks. They are among an estimated 1.8 million Iraqis displaced just this year. Lebanon has taken in 1.2 million Syrian refugees – over a quarter of the country’s population – placing immense pressure on its already strained resources.

We know what we must do: we must defeat ISIL and other terrorist groups. We must hold accountable all those in the Assad regime responsible for its widespread atrocities. And we must mitigate the suffering of the Syrian people. But we wholeheartedly agree with the Secretary-General that a political solution is absolutely essential to address the root causes of extremism in Syria, and to address the legitimate aspirations and grievances of its people. A political solution is not an enshrinement of the status quo. The majority of Syrians will not accept being ruled by a regime that has used sarin and chlorine to suppress its own people.

We commend the efforts of UN Special Envoy for Syria, Staffan de Mistura, who is working urgently to build support for a political solution by engaging multiple stakeholders. The Special Envoy met with Iran over the weekend and is meeting with Russia today – countries whose influence will be critical to reaching this long-sought solution.

Given the massive suffering that Syria’s crisis is causing, and the threat it poses to our collective security, leaders in the region must be part of these efforts to forge a political solution. But regional leaders also must address problems closer to home, which impact the rights of their people and are a source of the suffering, disenfranchisement, and intolerance that feeds groups like ISIL.

Yet, some leaders still choose to put short-term interests ahead of the tough decisions needed to best serve their people. Others take divisive steps when they could instead build consensus. The international community stands ready to help address the region’s challenges, but we need partners to exert the political will and courage to seek real solutions.

In Iraq, newly elected leaders must break from the sectarian style of leadership that defined the tenure of the Maliki government, and build institutions that represent the whole nation, rather than advancing one group’s interest at the expense of another’s.

In Lebanon, the position of president has been vacant for nearly five months, during a time when the country faces considerable security, economic, and humanitarian challenges. Lebanon’s political leaders must come together urgently to select a president.

We have seen leaders within these countries willing to choose unity over division and to make great sacrifices for their people. In August, the Lebanese Armed Forces and Internal Security Forces fought bravely to defend the city of Arsal from extremists. They served and died for their country – not for any one religious sect. In Iraq, Prime Minister Abadi is taking steps to form a more inclusive government, establishing the country’s first complete cabinet since 2010. He is also moving toward decentralizing power and granting greater authority to provinces.

Real leadership is also required to advance Israeli-Palestinian peace. The most recent wave of violence was devastating, both in terms of its enormous human toll and because it was avoidable. Preventing another round of violence requires leaders who are willing to make difficult choices and commit to the hard work of negotiations.

We commend Egypt for helping broker a ceasefire agreement. The Gaza reconstruction conference raised $5.4 billion and reaffirmed the international community’s commitment to rebuilding the lives of Palestinians in Gaza who have suffered so much during and since the recent crisis. The United States is providing $212 million in assistance to the Palestinian people for relief and reconstruction, atop the $118 million announced in September.

Of course, as has been said, aid and assistance cannot produce peace in the Middle East – leadership and compromise are needed. For reconstruction not to be required again in the future, there must be a real change on the ground. Even the most durable of ceasefires is not a substitute for real security for Israel or for an independent state for the Palestinians.

This is only more difficult to achieve when both sides continue to take actions that may be politically popular with domestic constituencies, but that come at the expense of advancing the cause of peace. We continue to urge all parties to refrain from such actions, including unilateral steps at the United Nations, Israeli settlement activity, and provocations at the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, where we urge all sides to respect the status quo of this holy site.

The United States remains fully committed to achieving a negotiated final-status agreement allowing two states to live side-by-side in peace and security. This is the only viable way forward, and if the parties are willing to go down this path – and are genuinely dedicated to the hard work of peace – we stand ready to support them.

Together, we can and we must support those taking the courageous steps to strengthen the Middle East in these immensely troubling times. The cause of peace in the region and the dignity of its people depend on it.

Thank you.

BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BECOME FIRST EUROPEAN PARTNER IN GPOI TO ACHIEVE FULL TRAINING CAPABILITY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

Office of the Spokesperson

Washington, DC

September 29, 2014

The United States congratulates Bosnia and Herzegovina for becoming the first European partner in the U.S. Department of State-led Global Peace Operations Initiative (GPOI) to achieve the significant milestone of Full Training Capability, establishing the country’s certified self-sufficiency to train peacekeeping personnel for UN and regional peace operations. In doing so, Bosnia and Herzegovina demonstrates its commitment to promoting international peace and security by helping meet the growing global demand for military and civilian personnel needed to stabilize post-conflict countries around the world.

Bosnia and Herzegovina was among the founding partners of GPOI, an initiative started in 2005 to train military and police units to serve in both UN-led and regional peacekeeping missions, supply essential non-lethal equipment, and refurbish peacekeeping training facilities. In addition to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s contribution of military personnel to UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, as well as to coalition operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, its GPOI-supported Peace Support Operations Training Center has helped train military, police, and civilian personnel from 48 countries in accordance with the current UN standards. We applaud Bosnia and Herzegovina’s continued national investment in peacekeeping and look forward to building on our GPOI partnership to save lives and help set the stage for post-conflict recovery around the world.

To date, GPOI, administered by the Department’s Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, has helped train more than 270,000 peacekeepers from among its 69 partner nations and organizations; supported 52 national and regional peace operations training centers and three regional headquarters worldwide; and facilitated the deployment of more than 197,000 personnel from 38 countries serving in 29 peacekeeping operations around the world.

PRESIDENT OBAMA'S REMARKS ON EBOLA

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

September 25, 2014

Remarks by President Obama at U.N. Meeting on Ebola

United Nations Building

New York City, New York

11:15 A.M. EDT

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Mr. Secretary-General, thank you for bringing us together today to address an urgent threat to the people of West Africa, but also a potential threat to the world.  Dr. Chan, heads of state and government, especially our African partners, ladies and gentlemen:  As we gather here today, the people of Liberia and Sierra Leone and Guinea are in crisis.  As Secretary-General Ban and Dr. Chan have already indicated, the Ebola virus is spreading at alarming speed.  Thousands of men, women and children have died.  Thousands more are infected.  If unchecked, this epidemic could kill hundreds of thousands of people in the coming months.  Hundreds of thousands.

Ebola is a horrific disease.  It’s wiping out entire families.  It has turned simple acts of love and comfort and kindness -- like holding a sick friend’s hand, or embracing a dying child -- into potentially fatal acts.  If ever there were a public health emergency deserving an urgent, strong and coordinated international response, this is it.

But this is also more than a health crisis.  This is a growing threat to regional and global security.  In Liberia, in Guinea, in Sierra Leone, public health systems have collapsed.  Economic growth is slowing dramatically.  If this epidemic is not stopped, this disease could cause a humanitarian catastrophe across the region.  And in an era where regional crises can quickly become global threats, stopping Ebola is in the interest of all of us.

The courageous men and women fighting on the front lines of this disease have told us what they need.  They need more beds, they need more supplies, they need more health workers, and they need all of this as fast as possible.  Right now, patients are being left to die in the streets because there’s nowhere to put them and there’s nobody to help them.  One health worker in Sierra Leone compared fighting this outbreak to “fighting a forest fire with spray bottles.”  But with our help, they can put out the blaze.

Last week, I visited the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which is mounting the largest international response in its history.  I said that the world could count on America to lead, and that we will provide the capabilities that only we have, and mobilize the world the way we have done in the past in crises of similar magnitude.  And I announced that, in addition to the civilian response, the United States would establish a military command in Liberia to support civilian efforts across the region.

Today, that command is up and it is running.  Our commander is on the ground in Monrovia, and our teams are working as fast as they can to move in personnel, equipment and supplies.  We’re working with Senegal to stand up an air bridge to get health workers and medical supplies into West Africa faster.  We’re setting up a field hospital, which will be staffed by personnel from the U.S. Public Health Service, and a training facility, where we’re getting ready to train thousands of health workers from around the world.  We’re distributing supplies and information kits to hundreds of thousands of families so they can better protect themselves.  And together with our partners, we’ll quickly build new treatment units across Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone, where thousands will be able to receive care.

Meanwhile, in just the past week, more countries and organizations have stepped up their efforts -- and so has the United Nations.  Mr. Secretary-General, the new UN Mission for Ebola Emergency Response that you announced last week will bring all of the U.N.’s resources to bear in fighting the epidemic.  We thank you for your leadership.

So this is all progress, and it is encouraging.  But I want us to be clear:  We are not moving fast enough.  We are not doing enough.  Right now, everybody has the best of intentions, but people are not putting in the kinds of resources that are necessary to put a stop to this epidemic.  There is still a significant gap between where we are and where we need to be.  We know from experience that the response to an outbreak of this magnitude has to be fast and it has to be sustained.  It’s a marathon, but you have to run it like a sprint.  And that’s only possible if everybody chips in, if every nation and every organization takes this seriously.  Everybody here has to do more.

International organizations have to move faster, and cut through red tape and mobilize partners on the ground as only they can.  More nations need to contribute critical assets and capabilities -- whether it is air transport, or medical evacuation, or health care workers, or equipment, or treatment.  More foundations can tap into the networks of support that they have, to raise funds and awareness.  More businesses, especially those who already have a presence in the region, can quickly provide their own expertise and resources, from access to critical supply chains to telecommunications.  And more citizens -- of all nations -- can educate themselves on this crisis, contribute to relief efforts, and call on their leaders to act.  So everybody can do something.  That’s why we’re here today.

And even as we meet the urgent threat of Ebola, it’s clear that our nations have to do more to prevent, detect and respond to future biological threats -- before they erupt into full-blown crises.  Tomorrow, in Washington, I’ll host 44 nations to advance our Global Health Security Agenda, and we are interested in working with any country that shares this commitment.

Just to emphasize this issue of speed again.  When I was down at the CDC -- and perhaps this has already been discussed, but I want to emphasize this -- the outbreak is such where at this point more people will die.  But the slope of the curve, how fast we can arrest the spread of this disease, how quickly we can contain it is within our control.  And if we move fast, even if imperfectly, then that could mean the difference between 10,000, 20,000, 30,000 deaths versus hundreds of thousands or even a million deaths.  So this is not one where there should be a lot of wrangling and people waiting to see who else is doing what.  Everybody has got to move fast in order for us to make a difference.  And if we do, we'll save hundreds of thousands of lives.

Stopping Ebola is a priority for the United States.  I've said that this is as important a national security priority for my team as anything else that's out there.  We'll do our part.  We will continue to lead, but this has to be a priority for everybody else.  We cannot do this alone.  We don't have the capacity to do all of this by ourselves.  We don't have enough health workers by ourselves.  We can build the infrastructure and the architecture to get help in, but we're going to need others to contribute.

To my fellow leaders from Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea, to the people of West Africa, to the heroic health workers who are on the ground as we speak, in some cases, putting themselves at risk -- I want you to know that you are not alone.  We’re working urgently to get you the help you need.  And we will not stop, we will not relent until we halt this epidemic once and for all.

So I want to thank all of you for the efforts that are made. But I hope that I'm properly communicating a sense of urgency here.  Do not stand by, thinking that somehow, because of what we've done, that it's taken care of.  It's not.  And if we don't take care of this now we are going to see fallout effects and secondary effects from this that will have ramifications for a long time, above and beyond the lives that will have been lost.

I urge all of you, particularly those who have direct access to your heads of state, to make sure that they are making this a top priority in the next several weeks and months.

Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

END
11:25 A.M. EDT

SECRETARY KERRY'S STATEMENT REGARDING CHLORINE USE IN SYRIA

 FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

OPCW Report and Ongoing Concerns with Chemical Weapons Use in Syria

Press Statement

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Washington, DC

September 21, 2014

The OPCW’s Fact-Finding Mission investigating chlorine use in Syria recently released a second interim report that concludes with a high degree of confidence that chlorine was used as a weapon “systematically and repeatedly” in attacks on three villages in northern Syria earlier this year. The report cites witness accounts indicating helicopters were used in the attacks—a capability the opposition lacks. This strongly points to Syrian regime culpability.

The OPCW report raises serious questions about the Syrian regime’s compliance with its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) and UN Security Council Resolution 2118 as well as its willingness to continue using chemical weapons to kill or injure the people of Syria.

The OPCW Fact-Finding Mission also referenced a spate of reports about additional attacks in late August, “with accounts of the incidents bearing a strong resemblance to those that are now confirmed as having been chlorine attacks.” This finding, coupled with deep concerns regarding the accuracy and completeness of Syria’s declaration to the OPCW, raises especially troubling concerns that continued chemical attacks on the Syrian people by the regime could occur. The United States is gravely concerned about the findings in this report, which point to a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention. The Assad regime must know that it will be held to account for such use in the international community.

U.S. UNITED NATIONS REPRESENTATIVE'S REMARKS TO SECURITY COUNCIL ON UKRAINE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at a Security Council Briefing on Ukraine

Samantha Power

U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 

New York, NY

September 19, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Under-Secretary-General Feltman, for your informative briefing. Thank you, Ministers Timmermans, Bishop, and Asselborn for being here and signaling the importance of this issue with your presence.

First, on behalf of the United States, let me once again convey our condolences to the loved ones of the victims of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17. We do not presume to grasp the depth of your grief. But we mourn the lives of those you lost.

We convene today for an update on the investigation into a crime that abruptly ended too many lives. The purpose of the investigation is to determine the truth about what brought down that plane.

Now, for any investigation to be credible, we all agree that it must be thorough, impartial, and professional. Ukraine and the whole international community turned to the Dutch Safety Board because we believed it was more than capable of meeting these standards.

The Board’s preliminary findings reflect its independence and its expertise. Those findings, submitted to the Security Council on September 9th, include the following:

- First, the aircraft was brought down by, “a large number of high-energy objects that penetrated the aircraft from the outside.”

- Second, there were no engine warnings, aircraft system warnings, or distress messages detected.

- Third, the damage to the aircraft is, “not consistent with any known failure mode of the aircraft, its engines, or systems.”

- And fourth, the only planes identified in the report that were in the vicinity of Flight MH 17 were commercial aircraft.

Based on those preliminary findings, one can rule out that Flight MH 17 was brought down by a bomb on board. It was not. Russian claims that the flight was brought down by a Ukrainian fighter jet are also not supported by evidence in the report. Moreover, ground photography is consistent with the expected damage from a surface-to-air missile, but does not correspond with the damage that short-range, air-to-air missile from a smaller warhead would produce. These facts are important because they contradict the fiction that has been propagated by Russia.

The Dutch Safety Board’s findings are consistent, however, with evidence gathered by a group of countries, including the United States, pointing to the fact that Flight MH 17 was shot down by a surface-to-air missile fired from territory controlled by Russian-backed separatists.

Russia called for today’s meetings under the pretense of being briefed on the status of the investigation. The representative of the Russian Federation today has appealed for what he calls a “objective and transparent investigation.”

But in its intervention today, Russia made clear its real intention is not to learn about the investigation, but to discredit it. Russia is seeking to play the role of forensic aviation investigator but cannot do so in an impartial and objective manner.

Russian-backed separatists denied access to the crash site for days after Flight 17 was downed. Russian-backed separatists then restricted access after initially letting outside officials in.

This is not consistent with an objective and transparent investigation.

The representative of the Russian Federation today complained about the timeliness of the voice recordings being processed. Yet telephone conversations intercepted by the Ukrainian government indicate that the commander of a pro-Russian separatist unit told local state emergency service employees that Moscow wanted to find the black boxes; and he enlisted the support of these local officials to help recover the boxes.

This is not consistent with the desire to ensure the sanctity of the recordings that, today, the Russian representative professes a desire to protect.

The Russian representative says that the report does not contain “convincing information.” In order to be convinced of facts, one must acknowledge them. In order to be convinced of truth, one must allow it to be surfaced. One can be convinced if one confronts the facts as they are established and proven, not as one may wish they were.

It’s time to allow facts, however inconvenient, to be uncovered. And it is time to stop all attempts to undermine the credibility of a thorough, impartial, and independent investigation that the international community has no reason to doubt.

Russia does not have the track record to play the credible investigator here. Russia has repeatedly misled this Council, its own people, and the world about its support for illegal armed groups and its own military incursions into Ukraine. Just read the transcripts of the previous 24 Security Council sessions on Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in Crimea, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to Crimea. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in eastern Ukraine, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to eastern Ukraine.

The Dutch Safety Board that has been delegated the authority by Ukraine, in line with ICAO standards, to investigate this crash. If Russia has evidence that it believes can help identify who shot down Flight MH 17, it has a responsibility to share that information with the independent investigators.

Too many lives have been lost and this conflict has gone on for too long. It is time for Russia to bring its intervention to an end. That is why we fully support the ceasefire and agreement signed in Minsk, which aims to de-escalate the conflict that has taken approximately 3,000 lives. We fully support a negotiated political solution to this crisis, as we have asserted since Russia’s incitements created the conflict. We welcome reports that Russia is decreasing its troop levels in eastern Ukraine – even if Russia continues to deny that its troops were there in the first place. And we welcome Russia’s recent statements expressing support for the ceasefire.

However, we cannot lose sight of the fact that the crisis in eastern Ukraine, just like the occupation and annexation of Crimea before it, was manufactured by Moscow. And no country should support carving off pieces of sovereign Ukraine and handing them to the aggressors. The territorial integrity of Ukraine is non-negotiable.

Ukraine has demonstrated remarkably good faith in meeting its commitments. This week – notwithstanding the aggression against the state by the separatists and by Russian forces – Ukraine’s parliament passed legislation granting certain districts in eastern Ukraine special status that includes greater self-governance, economic control, and Russian language rights.

Now it is Russia’s turn. Russia must immediately withdraw all of its forces and equipment from Ukraine, including Crimea, and cease all forms of support and training for separatist groups. Russia and the separatists it backs must release all of their hostages and prisoners. Russia must finally close its borders to the flow of soldiers, separatists, tanks, artillery, and other machinery of war, and it must grant Ukraine control over its own border. Russia and the groups it backs must create an environment that allows the OSCE to fulfill its monitoring and verification mandate.

There is one very important imperative we must remember, which brings us back to why we convened today: truth. Two hundred and ninety-eight innocent people were killed on July 17th. The international community has identified an independent investigative body to uncover the truth about what happened to Flight MH 17. Today, we join the chorus of member states in reiterating our full support for the Dutch Safety Board’s investigation and we reject Russia’s efforts to disparage it or hinder its progress. The next step is the pursuit of justice. And when those responsible for this horrific crime are eventually identified, they will be punished.

Thank you.

U.S. STATEMENT ON IRAQ: MADE IN CAPACITY AS SECURITY COUNCIL PRESIDENT

FROM:   U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Samantha Power

U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 

New York, NY

September 19, 2014

Note: This is issued in the United States’ capacity as President of the Security Council

The Security Council welcomes the newly formed Government of Iraq and calls on the international community to support its efforts to strengthen further democratic institutions, to maintain security and combat terrorism and to create a safe, stable and prosperous future for the people of Iraq. The Security Council reaffirms its support for the independence, sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity of Iraq and reaffirms further the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

The Security Council underscores the need for all segments of the Iraqi population to participate in the political process and engage in political dialogue. The Security Council is encouraged by the Iraqi Government’s commitment to resolve longstanding issues through an inclusive political process and consistent with the Iraqi Constitution and look forward to implementation of this commitment through its new national agenda. The Security Council encourages Iraq’s leaders to accelerate implementation of this agenda and national reconciliation to address the needs of Iraq’s diverse communities.

The Security Council also urges Member States to work closely with the Government of Iraq to identify how best the international community can aid implementation of the new Iraqi agenda. The Security Council reaffirms its full support for the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq in advising and assisting the Iraqi people and the Government of Iraq in strengthening democratic institutions and advancing inclusive political dialogue.

The Security Council strongly condemns attacks by terrorist organizations, including the terrorist organization operating under the name “Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant” (ISIL) and associated armed groups, in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon and emphasizes that this large-scale offensive poses a major threat to the region. The Security Council expresses again its deep outrage about all Iraqis as well as nationals of other states who have been killed, kidnapped, raped, or tortured by ISIL, as well as its recruitment and use of children. The Security Council stresses the need that those who have committed or are otherwise responsible for violations of international humanitarian law or violations or abuses of human rights in Iraq must be held accountable, noting that some of these acts may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Security Council stresses the need for those responsible for such violations of international humanitarian law or violations or abuses of human rights to be held to account, and calls upon the Government of Iraq and the international community to work towards ensuring that all perpetrators are brought to justice.

The Security Council welcomes the Government of Iraq’s efforts, in association with local and regional authorities, to combat the terrorist threat facing all Iraqis, including members of its ethnic and religious minorities, notably Yezidis and Christians, and women from all communities who have been particularly targeted by ISIL.

The Security Council reaffirms that all parties, including ISIL, associated armed groups, and other militias, must respect the human rights of the Iraqi people and abide by all applicable obligations under international humanitarian law, including those protecting the civilian population, by which both official Iraqi forces and member states that assist them must also abide.

The Security Council also recognizes the steps taken to address the urgent humanitarian needs of those displaced by the current conflict. The Security Council calls for an intensification of these efforts by all parties and urges all Member States to continue to fund the UN humanitarian appeals.

The Security Council urges the international community, in accordance with international law to further strengthen and expand support for the Government of Iraq as it fights ISIL and associated armed groups. The Security Council welcomes the “International Conference on Peace and Security in Iraq” that took place in Paris on September 15, 2014 and the summit-level meeting of the Security Council responding to the global threat posed by foreign terrorist fighters that is scheduled for September 24.

The Security Council stresses that terrorism can only be defeated by a sustained and comprehensive approach involving the active participation and collaboration of all States, as well as international and regional organizations, to impede, impair, isolate and incapacitate the terrorist threat.

The Security Council reiterates the urgent need to stop any direct or indirect trade in oil from Iraq involving ISIL with the aim to put an end to financing terrorism.

The Security Council supports Iraq’s further economic, social, political and diplomatic integration into the region and the international community and calls upon regional states to engage more actively to facilitate this process. The Security Council recognizes that the situation that now exists in Iraq is significantly different from that which existed at the time of the adoption of Resolution 661 (1990), and further recognizes the importance of Iraq achieving international standing equal to that which it held prior to the adoption of Resolution 661 (1990).

The Security Council reiterates that no terrorist act can reverse the path toward peace, democracy and reconstruction in Iraq, which is supported by the people and the Government of Iraq, and by the international community.

U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL'S REMARKS AT UN SECURITY COUNCIL ON MINUSTAH

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at the Security Council Debate on MINUSTAH

AS DELIVERED 

Thank you, Special Representative Honoré, for your briefing and for your leadership. And thank you to all the dedicated women and men who are serving in MINUSTAH, who are working with you to build a more secure and stable Haiti.

The troop and police contributors to Haiti, many of whom we have heard from – several of whom we will soon hear from – have made a world of difference in the lives of the Haitian people. The whole international community is grateful.

When the Council met to discuss Haiti in March, there was cautious optimism that the signature of the El Rancho Accord and the dialogue mediated by the Episcopal Conference would help break the country’s political stalemate, and lead to long-overdue elections. So it is deeply disappointing, as other Council members have pointed out, that five months later, so little progress has been made toward that goal. Haiti still doesn’t even have an electoral law, leading the country’s provisional electoral council to declare recently that Haiti will not be able to hold elections on October 26, 2014, the date the government had set.

Many of Haiti’s elected leaders have worked tirelessly to seek a political compromise and have offered meaningful concessions toward that end, including with regard to the composition of the electoral council and the cabinet. But a group of six senators seems intent on holding elections hostage to partisan concerns, even going so far as to prevent a debate on the electoral law. Legislators in a democracy have a responsibility to defend their constituents’ rights. But when elected officials take advantage of democracy’s checks and balances to cynically block debate and elections altogether, they stand in the way of addressing citizens’ real needs.

And the needs of Haiti’s citizens, as we all know, are real – very, very real. Massive progress has been made to find homes for the one and a half million people displaced by the 2010 earthquake, but 70,000 people are still displaced. And much work remains to be done to provide for citizens’ basic needs – like electricity, quality schools, and access to doctors. Haitians expect their government to provide for these needs, and are understandably frustrated when they are not met.

So our message to all of Haiti’s politicians is clear: come together to pass an electoral law, and hold free, fair, and inclusive elections in respect of constitutional deadlines. Every UN member state should join that call and we are heartened that so many have done so.

Despite the political deadlock in Haiti, there has been encouraging progress on other fronts. We welcome the ongoing expansion and professionalization of the Haitian National Police. Police have shown an increased capacity to maintain public order while respecting people’s rights. We also recognize MINUSTAH’s efforts to strengthen Haiti’s justice sector, such as seeking to improve the capacity of judges and prosecutors, and increasing access to legal aid. Haiti’s prison system needs urgent fixing. Haiti’s prisons, which have a capacity of around 6,000 people, currently house over 10,000. And nearly 80 percent are awaiting trial.

Let us be clear: our work in Haiti is not finished. But just because significant development and political challenges persist does not make MINUSTAH the solution to all of them, nor does it mean that the mission should be kept just as it is. We have to right-size MINUSTAH to fit Haiti’s evolving needs. We agree with our colleagues that decisions about the size and configuration of the force should be conditions-based. And like our friends in the region who have given so much to Haiti’s recovery, we are a neighbor of Haiti’s and we have a deep and demonstrated interest in Haiti’s security and the growth and success of its democracy. The United States agrees with the Secretary General’s determination – based on a thorough review – that conditions support further consolidating MINUSTAH’s military component in the upcoming mandate. We agree with the Special Representative that support from MINUSTAH’s robust police component to Haiti’s National Police is still critically necessary. And a smaller military component must stand ready to assist – on short notice – anywhere that unrest overwhelms the combined capacity of Haitian and UN police. With continued, robust MINUSTAH support, we look to Haiti’s government to assume greater responsibility for security, including for elections.

We are committed to discussing with partners how MINUSTAH should be adjusted. We believe that the Secretariat, the SRSG, and the Force Commander have taken the facts on the ground into account, and they have concluded that conditions support the adjusted force levels recommended by the Secretary-General.

In conclusion, Haiti has real needs. It has been through so much and it faces tremendous challenges. We as an international community continue to experiment and to learn and to adjust around the most effective ways to help the Haitian people address those very real needs. We will continue to do so as Haiti continues to move along the path to self-sufficiency. Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY MAKES REMARKS IN ANKARA, TURKEY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Press Availability in Ankara, Turkey

Remarks

John Kerry

Secretary of State

Ankara, Turkey

September 12, 2014

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you for being patient. I appreciate it very, very much. And good evening to all.

I’m very pleased to be back here in Turkey, where I have had a series of productive meetings through the course of the day with President Erdogan and Prime Minister Davutoglu and my new counterpart, Foreign Minister Cavusoglu, who I’ve actually gotten to know pretty well in a frequency of meetings in the last week or so beginning with the Wales summit, and then we met in Jeddah at the coalition meeting yesterday and then again today.

The importance of coming here to Turkey to follow up on the meeting yesterday should be obvious to all because we confront very significant challenges in Iraq and Syria, and obviously the border of Turkey, the numbers of refugees coming into Turkey and Turkey’s role is very, very critical. We share a partnership with Turkey that is essential, and Turkey plays a key role in bolstering security and stability in the entire region, and together we literally work to pursue those goals every single day.

There are few countries, also, that have felt the ripple effect of the crises in Syria and Iraq as much as Turkey has. Since 2011 Turkey has opened its doors to roughly 1.3 million Syrian refugees, and more recently they’ve had a huge influx of Iraqi refugees who are fleeing ISIL.

The United States and indeed the entire international community are very grateful for Turkey’s generosity in providing shelter and care, food, to these refugees. We’re committed to helping to provide relief for the millions of people who have lost their homes, their health, their dignity, in the Syrian conflict. And we have contributed very significant amounts of humanitarian assistance, and today I am proud to announce that we are going to contribute even more to the 2.9 billion that we have already contributed to the United States – to the UN since the conflict started. And today we’re announcing an additional $500 million, about 50 million of which will come here to Turkey in order to assist Turkey in providing the humanitarian assistance that I described.

Today’s announcement marks the single largest tranche of funding that we have contributed to date, and the reason for this is that this is the largest humanitarian crisis in recent history. But even with this initial assistance from the United States, the humanitarian response to the Syrian crisis remains largely underfunded. And with the international community preparing to meet in New York to convene for the annual United Nations General Assembly meetings, and with the Syrian donors conference in Kuwait on the horizon in October, we hope very, very much that other nations will follow our lead and contribute even more to improving what is unquestionably one of the worst humanitarian disasters in history.

In the meetings that we had today we also discussed the U.S. commitment to protecting Turkey’s security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. We agreed that today ISIL is one of the greatest threats to Turkey’s security and the security of the entire region and beyond. I have reiterated the United States commitment to working with the broadest coalition of international partners possible to eliminate the ISIL threat once and for all.

So let me be very clear about the U.S.-Turkey relationship in this coalition. Turkey and the United States will stand together against any challenges in the region, including all terrorism. Within the coalition there are many ways that Turkey can help in this effort, and we will continue our conversations with our military and other experts spending time to define the specific role that Turkey will play.

In the meantime, I’m very happy to make an announcement: that the United States has asked one of our most respected and experienced military experts, General John Allen, to join the State Department to serve as Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. In this role, General Allen will help build and sustain the coalition so it can operate across multiple lines of effort in order to degrade and ultimately destroy ISIL. General Allen is a patriot and a remarkable leader. He is a Marine and by “is,” I mean “is,” because as a Navy man I have to admit that retired or not once a Marine, always a Marine. His extraordinary career in the military speaks for itself. Whether as the top commander of NATO’s ISAF forces in Afghanistan during a critical period from 2011-2013, or as a deputy commander in Anbar during the Sunni awakening, or as a thinker, scholar, and teacher at the U.S. Naval Academy. And he has done significant public service out of uniform since he returned to civilian life. His commitment to country and to service has really been enduring.

Most recently we worked together very closely in designing new approaches to meet the long-term security needs of the state of Israel, and I could not be more pleased than to have General Allen coming on board now fulltime at the State Department. He’ll be joined by a terrific team, including Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Brett McGurk who is here with us now, who will serve as General Allen’s deputy senior envoy with the rank of ambassador. Not only has Brett been back and forth to Baghdad and Erbil almost every single month this past year, but he has also spent a number of years over the past decade posted in Iraq as a top advisor to three different ambassadors. And he has been a partner to even more. He’s one of our most – our foremost experts really on Iraq, and he will be integral to this effort’s success. And both General Allen and Ambassador McGurk will work very closely with Assistant Secretary of State Anne Patterson, who is not just a three-time ambassador and an ambassador of recent time to both Pakistan and to Egypt, but also one of our nation’s top diplomats deeply respected in the region, and she will continue to lead our diplomacy throughout the Middle East.

So we have a superb team in place to lead our work in the coalition to take on ISIL and to help the innocent people of Iraq and Syria and elsewhere to be able to rebuild their lives. And we will continue to consult closely with our partners In the days and weeks ahead, including in the very near term at the UN General Assembly later this month where Foreign Minister Cavusoglu and I will co-chair the fifth ministerial meeting of the Global Counterterrorism Fund and one of the biggest contributors to the ISIL threat happens to be the steady flow of foreign fighters making their way into Iraq and Syria in order to fight alongside ISIL. These people who are deciding to make that choice to go there and fight are men and women who regrettably carry passports from countries all over the world, which entitles them therefore to travel without a visa.

So a primary focus of that taskforce meeting in New York at UNGA will be on building the political and the financial support throughout the international community in order to track, stop, and prevent foreign fighters from joining ISIL.

Let me close by again thanking the Government of Turkey for their ongoing partnership, not only on Syria and Iraq but also on the other areas that we discussed today. We had a very broad discussion about the region, including some of the frozen conflicts and other challenges that we face, and particularly about Libya, with an agreement that we will all meet again in New York at the United Nations General Assembly with a broader group of people in order to focus on the Libya situation.

We look forward to continuing our work with Turkey and with others in order to promote peace, security, and stability in this region, as well as around the world. And we particularly look forward to the efforts in the days ahead to define and finalize the steps that each country will take in concert with others in order to degrade and ultimately defeat ISIL.

I’d be happy to take a few questions.

MS. PSAKI: The first question is from Barbara Plett of BBC.

QUESTION: Thanks. Mr. Kerry, could you tell us what specific commitments Turkey has made as part of its role in the coalition? And in particular, could you clarify the status of the Incirlik base? Will the Americans be allowed to use the base to launch military operations in this campaign or have the Turks said no, you can’t?

And then a completely different question to round this up. We have reports on American networks that the Foley family was pressured by the U.S. Government, including the State Department, not to pay ransom. Is that true?

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me deal, first of all, with the question of not just Turkey but any country at this point. It is entirely premature and frankly inappropriate at this point in time to start laying out one country by one country what individual nations are going to do. We are, as I said, continuing the conversation because this needs to be coordinated and there needs to be clear definition and a lot of details are being worked out by the experts in each of the sectors where they need to be worked out – that includes financial, closing off routes of finance, which involves treasury departments and finance ministers of various countries. The intel community obviously has a component in this, the Department of Defense has a component in it, the State Department, in terms of diplomacy and communications, and all of that is being coordinated. That’s precisely why I announced General John Allen today and Ambassador Brett McGurk, who will assume their roles immediately to help coordinate that.

At the appropriate time, every role will be laid out in detail, but I can tell you that the full range of activities that are necessary, that President Obama articulated in his speech are being addressed and all of the participants are defining the ways in which they’re going to contribute to this effort to degrade and defeat ISIL.

Let me just say that I am really taken aback – surprised, I guess, is the word, by this comment with respect to the Foley family. And I can tell you that I am totally unaware and would not condone anybody that I know of within the State Department making such statements. So I don’t know about it. But I will tell you this: Diane Foley and John Foley are extraordinary people. They’re an extraordinary family. And she did an amazing job on behalf of her family to try to do everything possible, leaving no stone unturned in order to try to bring Jim back safely. I worked previously in the effort to help Jim get freed when he was previously taken hostage. And everybody is heartbroken that we were not able to do it.

I and others in the government worked as hard as we know how to reach out to country after country – dozens of countries were talked to in an effort to try to create some avenue of success. And as everybody knows, President Obama ordered a risky but very important and necessary effort to try to rescue these hostages. I sat through that mission, watching every moment of it, waiting for word of a rescue and holding our breath because our people were on the ground performing very difficult tasks.

Tragically, obviously, we were not successful in finding them. So my heart goes out to the family. I know how difficult this is, and all I can say to you is I know of no one who issued such a construction. I have no knowledge of it.

MS. PSAKI: All right. The next question will be from Nicolas Revise from AFP.

QUESTION: Thank you very much, Mr. Secretary. I’d like to ask you about ISIL in Iraq and Syria. Who is on board with the United States among its European partners, not only for military action in Iraq but also for possible strikes in Syria? We have conflicting report of statements already from the British about what they are willing to do in Syria, and we have not very clear position from the French saying that they are ready to, if needed, to strike in Iraq but not in Syria. So what kind of military assistance can you expect from your European allies, or are you going to continue to take action alone?

And related to the – if I may, to the upcoming conference in Paris, there is no consensus yet on Iran’s presence. Is the U.S. going to accept to have Iran at the table to continue your diplomatic conversation, or is the U.S. opposing to Iran’s presence in Paris? Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY: Well, again, let me repeat what I said earlier with respect to any announcements about countries. I think France has publicly made clear its willingness to take action in Iraq, as you said, and to use force. And there are other countries that are currently making up their minds, making decisions. But as I said a moment ago with respect to Turkey and other countries, it’s just not appropriate to start laying out, as we are in the process of talking to all these countries, which country is doing what. Next week I’ll be testifying before Congress and we’ll have more of the reports back in as others are talking to various countries and we’ll have a better sense of where we stand on that.

I will tell you this: More than 40 countries had already offered assistance of one kind or another before I left Washington. And those are the – that’s the work that we had done in the previous days in communicating with a host of countries around the world. I think Australia has made it clear that it’s prepared to do things, Canada’s prepared to do things, other countries. But we will lay out what country is doing what, who’s doing what within the coalition, when we have the work done that we just hired General John Allen and Brett McGurk to do. And we will continue to coordinate effectively over the course of the next days.

I have been very, very pleased by the meetings that we’ve had. I read a report today suggesting somehow that there was less than a full-throated measure of support from the Arab nations that were there yesterday. I just don’t agree with that. Last night, I sat for two and a half hours with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia, and we could not have heard a more fulsome commitment to doing anything that is necessary going forward. Similarly, I have heard that and you heard it yesterday and reiterated by other countries who signed the communique in the course of yesterday. And there are others who will continue to sign up over the course of the next days.

So I’m comfortable that this will be a broad-based coalition with Arab nations, European nations, the United States, others contributing to every single different facet of what President Obama laid out as a strategy and fully embracing the need to degrade and destroy ISIL.

MS. PSAKI: Thanks, everyone.

QUESTION: (Inaudible) with respect to Iran?

SECRETARY KERRY: No one has called me and asked me with respect to the presence of Iran, but I think under the circumstances, at this moment in time, it would not be right for any number of reasons. It would not be appropriate, given the many other issues that are on the table with respect to their engagement in Syria and elsewhere. But – so that would be my answer, but I haven’t been asked with respect – and I don’t know specifically where that stands in terms of the French invitations.

QUESTION: Would you mind if I did a quick follow-up on that? I know it’s against the rules, but --

MS. PSAKI: You just did an entire interview yesterday. I think we can --

QUESTION: Well, I mean, I’m sorry, but this has been an issue with Iran that has gone on with many of these types of conferences. I mean, I understand that they – that you have problems with their behavior, but don’t you think engaging them is part of --

SECRETARY KERRY: We are engaged with Iran. We’re engaged in a very deep, serious conversation about their nuclear program with high hopes that it will be possible to change the relationship through an agreement that would meet the international standards that have been set at the United Nations and the questions that have been raised not just at the UN, but by the International Atomic Energy Association[1]. So it’s not the United States; it’s the world that is asking serious questions about Iran’s nuclear program.

Now, Iran has been deeply involved with its forces on the ground in Syria. IRGC forces are on the ground. So there would have to be much greater clarity and understanding of exactly what the purpose was and what the meaning was of any kind of presence, which is the only thing that stands in the way, as well as they’re a state sponsor of terror in various places.

So these are serious issues, and that’s why they need to be approached in a proper way, not a conference like this at this moment, but through a process which we are entirely prepared over a period of time to engage in, or we wouldn’t be engaged in the negotiations that we’re engaged in today.

MS. PSAKI: Okay. Thanks, everyone.

QUESTION: Would you boycott if they were invited?

STAFF: Thank you.

MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.

SECRETARY KERRY: I’m not going to answer hypotheticals.

QUESTION: Do you oppose them just --

STAFF: Thanks, everybody. Thank you very much.

MS. PSAKI: Okay. Thank you.

QUESTION: -- being in this conference or the coalition as a whole. Are you opposed to them being – just being in this conference or in the coalition?

SECRETARY KERRY: There’s no issue with the coalition. That’s not even been raised.


[1] International Atomic Energy Agency

CHRISTOPHER KLEIN'S REMARKS TO UN ON INTERIM ADMINISTRATION MISSION IN KOSOVO

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks by Christopher Klein, Political Minister Counselor, U.S. Mission to the United Nations, at a Security Council Open Debate on the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo

Christopher Klein, Political Minister Counselor

New York, NY

August 29, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you, Special Representative Zarif for your briefing. I would also like to thank Foreign Minister Dacic and Foreign Minister Hoxhaj for your remarks.

Mr. President, the United States notes and welcomes Kosovo’s continued steps toward full integration within the international community. We commend the governments of the Solomon Islands and Togo for their recognition of Kosovo as a sovereign, independent state. We are also very pleased about Kosovo’s acceptance into the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe as its 60th member state. These steps further cement Kosovo’s place within the international community, strengthening Kosovo, the region, and international cooperation.

The United States praises both Serbia and Kosovo for their continued dedication to the EU-facilitated Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue and the implementation of the April 2013 agreement to normalize relations. While the next high-level meetings await government formation in Kosovo, we are encouraged that working level discussions continue, including a planned meeting on September 4 to carry forward the work on integrated border management. Both governments have made difficult but necessary decisions to advance the Dialogue, which remains integral to a stable, peaceful, and prosperous region. We are further heartened by the recent public statements by Serbian officials reaffirming that stability is Belgrade’s key interest in Kosovo.

The process of government formation in Kosovo is underway following successful parliamentary elections in June. We are encouraged by the positive reports from local and international observers on the smooth and orderly conduct of the election and broad participation throughout Kosovo. As Kosovo’s political and party leaders work to form the next government, it is important that the process proceed in line with Kosovo’s laws and constitution; the July 1 and August 26 rulings by Kosovo’s constitutional court should serve as guidelines in this regard. We urge the leaders, parties and Kosovo Assembly members to move lawfully and quickly toward formation of the new government, so that the important work of strengthening Kosovo’s multiethnic democracy can continue. We also welcome the formation of municipal assemblies and the Kosovo Ministry of Local Government Administration’s certification in May of municipal statutes for the four municipalities in the Serb-majority North.

Mr. President, the United States supports freedom of expression and universal human rights, and we denounce those who would turn to violence to sow discord and unrest within their communities. We condemn the violence that occurred during the South Mitrovica demonstration on June 22 regarding barriers on the Austerlitz Bridge. The security services, including the Kosovo police, EULEX, and KFOR, merit praise for their swift and appropriate response, which prevented further escalation. The violence and tensions over the Mitrovica bridge underscore the enduring sensitivity of these issues and the need for continued, constructive dialogue to resolve differences.

In a broader context, stability and security – both regionally and globally – benefit from rule of law and strong, democratic institutions in Kosovo. Mr. Zarif, you mentioned interconnectedness. We commend Kosovo authorities for their efforts to address the problems of violent extremism and the initiative of the Kosovo police and judiciary in apprehending suspected foreign fighters and their supporters in June and August. President Jahjaga has publicly reinforced that Kosovo will not become a terrorist haven, and that Kosovo institutions will not permit terrorists to endanger peace, stability, and constitutional order. We welcome the initiative of several countries in the region, including Kosovo and Serbia, to put in place legislation penalizing the recruitment and participation of its citizens in foreign armed conflicts. We call on all states in the region to cooperate more closely on countering the common threat of violent extremism.

Finally, Mr. President, we are pleased with the agreement between the European Union and Kosovo to extend the mandate of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo until June 2016. EULEX and KFOR continue to make essential contributions to the international community’s work in Kosovo.

Thank you.

REMARKS BY ASSISTANT SECRETARY COUNTRYMAN ON EFFORTS TO ELIMINATE SYRIAN CHEMICAL WEAPONS

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Efforts of the United Nations and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to Accomplish the Elimination of Syrian Chemical Weapons

Remarks

Thomas M. Countryman
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation

Senate Foreign Relations Committee

Washington, DC

March 26, 2014

---

Chairman Menendez, Ranking Member Corker, and Members of the Committee; thank you for the opportunity to testify today about international efforts to support the United Nations (UN) and the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) in the complete and verifiable elimination of the Syrian chemical weapons program. While we have made important progress in the past months toward the elimination of Syria’s chemicals weapons program, considerable work remains to be done to ensure the Asad regime can never again use these terrible weapons against its own people, or threaten our regional and international partners with them.

Just last year, the regime did not even publicly acknowledge that it possessed chemical weapons, despite having used them on multiple occasions, including in attacks that killed over 1,400 people. Today, OPCW inspectors on the ground in Syria, with UN support, have conducted full inspections of Syria’s declared chemical weapons-related sites, and have verified the functional destruction of the chemical weapons production, mixing, and filling equipment at those sites. In addition, as of today, more than 49 percent of Syria’s declared chemical weapons materials slated for destruction outside of Syria have been removed, including all of Syria’s declared sulfur mustard agent, and the OPCW has verified the destruction in Syria of 93 percent of Syria’s declared isopropanol, a binary component of the nerve agent sarin. But that’s not good enough. Syria has yet to remove 65 percent of its most dangerous (Priority 1) declared chemicals. We must continue to work with the international community to maintain pressure on the Asad regime to remove all of these chemicals as urgently as possible.

The international community has established a firm legal framework, through UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 2118 and decisions of the OPCW Executive Council, to ensure that this immense undertaking is completed in a transparent, expeditious, and verifiable manner, with a target for destroying all of Syria’s declared chemicals by June 30 of this year.
The progress made in the past months has been achieved by diplomacy backed by a willingness to use military force. It remains critically important, as this process continues, that members of the international community continue to monitor closely the Syrian regime’s compliance with its Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)-related obligations. Syria’s obligations are clear, and we will continue to underscore the importance of the Asad regime’s continued cooperation. The Security Council decided in UNSCR 2118 to impose Chapter VII measures in the event of non-compliance with the resolution.

While we have made progress, the task before us remains considerable. After months of Syrian foot dragging, we have made clear to the Asad regime that the internationally agreed upon schedule for chemical weapons destruction is simply not up for negotiation; the regime has all the equipment that it needs and has run out of excuses. We remain focused on underscoring the need for Syria to move forward rapidly with transporting chemical weapons materials to the port of Latakia for removal, consistent with its responsibilities under the CWC and UNSCR 2118. The next few weeks are critical in the removal effort, and we and the rest of the world are watching. We have, of course, also been in contact with Syrian opposition leaders, updating them throughout this process, and confirming their commitment that they will not interfere with the activities of the international elimination effort.

With the continuing support of the international community, and the dedicated commitment of the OPCW-UN Joint Mission, we believe the Syrians are capable of completing the removal effort by late April. The international community continues to work toward the June 30 target date for the complete elimination of the program. While Syrian delays have placed that timeline in some danger, we continue to believe they remain achievable.

The path ahead is not an easy one. Syria has missed several intermediate target dates, including most recently the target date for the destruction of chemical weapons production facilities. The regime must meet all chemical weapons destruction obligations, including for the physical destruction of chemical weapons production facilities, consistent with the CWC. The OPCW is currently advising Syria on an appropriate facilities destruction plan. It is essential that Syria accept its recommendations, and submit a revised facilities destruction plan for consideration by the OPCW Executive Council at its next scheduled meeting.

The United States and the international community have provided extensive assistance to the international effort to eliminate the Syrian chemical weapons program. There are no more excuses on the part of the Asad regime for not meeting the agreed timeline. We continue to encourage all countries to make whatever contribution they can to this important undertaking – whether that contribution is financial, technical, or in-kind – to enable the OPCW and UN to complete their missions. The United States has led by example in providing tens of millions of dollars in assistance to the OPCW-UN Joint Mission, including the provision of containers, trucks, forklifts and other materials necessary for the safe transportation of chemical weapons materials in Syria. The State Department’s Nonproliferation and Disarmament Fund has provided eight million dollars in financial and in-kind assistance to the OPCW inspection team, including armored vehicles, training, protective equipment, and medical countermeasures. Most significantly, the United States is also contributing unique capabilities to the elimination effort through the Department of Defense’s provision of a U.S. vessel, the Motor Vessel (M/V) Cape Ray, equipped with deployable hydrolysis technology to neutralize at sea Syria’s highest priority chemical weapons materials (sulfur mustard agent and the sarin precursor chemical, DF).

While U.S. contributions to the elimination efforts are significant, this is ultimately a mission that reflects a remarkable international division of labor. Many of our international partners are participating and providing financial and in-kind assistance that is critical to the effort’s success: Danish and Norwegian ships (with Finnish and British support) are removing chemical weapons materials from the Syrian port of Latakia. Russia and China are assisting with security in Syrian territorial waters for the port loading operations. Italy has agreed to provide a port to allow transloading operations from the Danish cargo ship to the Cape Ray. The United Kingdom has agreed to destroy nerve agent precursor chemicals through commercial incineration. Germany has agreed to destroy the by-product resulting from neutralization of the sulfur mustard agent aboard the M/V Cape Ray as an in-kind contribution. Countries like Japan, Canada, the European Union and many other states have made generous financial contributions. Companies in the United States and Finland have been awarded contracts from the OPCW for the destruction of the remaining materials.

As the removal and elimination process continues, we will also continue to fully support the OPCW’s verification and inspection efforts, to ensure the accuracy and completeness of Syria’s declaration. We have never taken the Asad regime at its word, and will continue to press for a robust verification regime to ensure the absence of undeclared materials and facilities. We approach this process with our eyes wide open, and will insist on international verification.

The path ahead will not be smooth, given the unprecedented scope and timeline for the mission. But we remain resolute in addressing these challenges, given the high stakes for the Syrian people, the region, and the world. Thank you again for the opportunity to discuss this important issue with you. I look forward to your questions and to consulting with you closely as we continue our efforts to verifiably eliminate Syria’s chemical weapons program.

G-7 STATEMENT ON UKRAINE

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 
G-7 Leaders Statement

We, the leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States and the President of the European Council and President of the European Commission, join together today to condemn the Russian Federation’s clear violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, in contravention of Russia’s obligations under the UN Charter and its 1997 basing agreement with Ukraine.  We call on Russia to address any ongoing security or human rights concerns that it has with Ukraine through direct negotiations, and/or via international observation or mediation under the auspices of the UN or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.  We stand ready to assist with these efforts.

We also call on all parties concerned to behave with the greatest extent of self-restraint and responsibility, and to decrease the tensions.

We note that Russia’s actions in Ukraine also contravene the principles and values on which the G-7 and the G-8 operate.  As such, we have decided for the time being to suspend our participation in activities associated with the preparation of the scheduled G-8 Summit in Sochi in June, until the environment comes back where the G-8 is able to have meaningful discussion.

We are united in supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and its right to choose its own future.  We commit ourselves to support Ukraine in its efforts to restore unity, stability, and political and economic health to the country.  To that end, we will support Ukraine’s work with the International Monetary Fund to negotiate a new program and to implement needed reforms.  IMF support will be critical in unlocking additional assistance from the World Bank, other international financial institutions, the EU, and bilateral sources.

REMARKS ON UKRAINE BY U.S. UN AMBASSADOR POWER

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks by Ambassador Samantha Power, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, at a Security Council Stakeout on Ukraine
Samantha Power
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 
New York, NY
March 1, 2014
AS DELIVERED

Good evening. Today in the Council, the United States renewed its call for the international community to support the newly formed government of Ukraine and prevent unnecessary violence.

Unfortunately, the Russian Federation Council's authorization of the use of military force in Ukraine is as dangerous as it is destabilizing. It is past time for the threats to end. The Russian military must pull back.

It is ironic that the Russian Federation regularly goes out of its way in the Security Council chamber to emphasize the sanctity of national borders and sovereignty. Today, Russia would do well to heed its own warnings. Russia's actions in Ukraine violate Russia's commitment to protect the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence of Ukraine, and pose a threat to international peace and security. We have said from the outset that we recognize and respect Russia's historical ties to Ukraine. But instead of engaging the government of Ukraine and international institutions about its concerns for ethnic Russians, it ignored both and has instead acted unilaterally and militarily.

The United States, again, calls for the immediate deployment of international observers from either the OSCE or United Nations to Crimea and other parts of Ukraine to provide transparency about the movement and activities of military and para-military forces in the region and to defuse the tension between groups. The best way to get the facts, to monitor conduct and to prevent any abuses is to get international monitors and observers - including from UN and OSCE - on the ground as soon as possible. We are also working to stand up an international mediation mission to the Crimea to begin to deescalate the situation, and to facilitate productive and peaceful political dialogue among all Ukrainian parties.

Less than one week since the sun set on the Sochi Olympics, we are at a critical moment. The United States considers the current actions by Russia in Ukraine as unacceptable behavior for a G-8 member. The United States will stand with the people of Ukraine and the Ukrainian government in Kyiv. And as the President has said, intervention by the Russian military will be both a grave mistake and have costs and consequences.

With that, I'll take a couple questions.

Reporter: James Bays from Al Jazeera. I know that President Obama has been speaking to President Putin. President Putin now has this authorization, but there's clearly now a gap before he decides whether he's going to use it. Just, explain to us if you can on camera what is the message from the U.S. to President Putin right now?

Ambassador Power: The message is, pull back your forces. Let us engage in political dialogue. Engage with the Ukrainian government which is reaching out to you for that dialogue. The occupation . . . the military presence in Crimea is a violation of international law and we all need to allow cooler heads to prevail and to negotiate a peaceful way out of this crisis. Military force will never be the answer to this crisis.

Reporter: Ambassador, what are those costs that the United States says that Russia will suffer; and secondly, as a champion of human rights, doesn't it trouble you that there are four senior members of this Ukrainian government who have come from very far right, extremist parties?

Ambassador: I think what you heard from President Obama in the readout that the White House issued is that the United States has already suspended its preparation for the G-8 Summit that was supposed to take place in Sochi. And what I can say is that, again, the political and economic isolation that that represents is only going to deepen as this crisis escalates. And that is why, again, it is incredibly important that an international observer mission get into Ukraine as soon as possible; that all countries embrace the prospect of international mediation, such as that offered by the UN Special Envoy Robert Serry; and that we embrace the fundamental tenets of the UN Charter: territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity of Ukraine, avoiding the use of force, and the threat of force, and returning to the path of peaceful dialogue.

Thank you.

REMARKS: EXECUTIVE COUNCIL OF ORGANIZATION FOR THE PROHIBITION OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks at the 39th Meeting of the Executive Council
Remarks
Robert P. Mikulak
U.S. Permanent Representative to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons 
The Hague, Netherlands
February 21, 2014

Mr. Chairman,

At the last meeting of this Council, the United States expressed deep concern that the effort to remove chemical agent, key precursor chemicals, and other chemicals from Syria had seriously languished and stalled. Many members of this Council expressed the same concerns. Along with the United States, they called upon the Syrian Government to accelerate and expeditiously complete the relocation of these chemicals to the port of Latakia for removal and destruction.

In the three weeks since this Council last met, there has been progress in eliminating the isopropanol in Syria and in transporting limited quantities of the stabilizer hexamine to Latakia. The fact remains, however, that 95.5 percent of Priority One chemicals – CW agent and key binary precursors – remain in Syria as well as 81.1 percent of Priority Two chemicals, well beyond the dates set for removal by the Executive Council. And the Syrian Government continues to put its energy into excuses, instead of actions.

Regrettably, this Council at its January 30th meeting failed to address Syria’s unacceptable delay in completing removal of all designated chemicals. Why? Because a single member of this Council put its own political agenda above the welfare of the people of Syria and the international community. This lapse in leadership was unworthy of this Council and an affront to the dedicated efforts of the OPCW Technical Secretariat and the OPCW-UN Joint Mission to remove chemical weapons from the military arsenal of the Assad regime.


Mr. Chairman,

While this Council was silent, the growing concern of the international community thankfully found its voice at the UN Security Council. On February 6th, the Security Council publicly addressed the Syria CW situation. In particular,

-- The Security Council noted growing concern, with respect to the decision of OPCW Executive Council EC-M-34/DEC.1, dated 15 November 2013, about the slow pace of the removal of the chemical weapons from the territory of Syria, which has placed efforts behind schedule;

-- The Security Council called upon the Syrian Arab Republic to expedite actions to meet its obligation to transport, in a systematic and sufficiently accelerated manner, all relevant chemicals to Latakia for removal from Syrian territory, and in this regard noted the Secretary-General and Joint Mission’s call for the Syrian Arab Republic to intensify its efforts to expedite in-country movements of chemical weapons material;

--The Security Council noted the Secretary-General and Joint Mission's assessment that the Syrian Arab Republic has sufficient material and equipment necessary to carry out multiple ground movements to ensure the expeditious removal of chemical weapons material, and noted the substantial international support already provided for the removal of chemical weapons materials from the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic;

--Finally, the Security Council expressed its commitment to continue to closely monitor compliance with resolution 2118 (2013) with less than five months until the date for completing destruction of 30 June 2014 established in the OPCW Executive Council decision of 15 November 2013, which is a deadline that Security Council members remain committed to seeing met.


Mr. Chairman,

The United States fully supported the press elements by the UN Security Council chairman on February 6th and reaffirms that position today. In that regard, I would like to underscore the final element and make clear the position of the United States. It was the decision of this Council on November 15th that destruction -- not just removal -- of Syrian chemical weapons must be completed by June 30, 2014. Despite Syria’s inaction, the experts in the OPCW’s Operational Planning Group agreed last week that completion of removal and destruction by June 30, 2014 is indeed achievable if action is taken by Syria now.

The international community has put into place everything that is necessary for transport and destruction of these chemicals. Sufficient equipment and material has been provided to Syria. The ships to carry the chemicals away from Syria are waiting. The U.S. ship to destroy CW agent and precursors is now in the region and waiting. Commercial facilities to destroy other chemicals have been selected and contracts awarded; they are waiting. And yet Syria continues to drag its feet.


Mr. Chairman,

The Council should endorse all of the statements made by the President of the UN Security Council on February 6th, and reaffirm the June 30, 2014, date for removal and destruction of all Syrian chemical weapons. Further, this Council should reject Syria’s delaying tactics and insist that an expedited removal schedule be adhered to by the Syrian Government that will provide the international community sufficient time to destroy Syria’s chemical weapons by June 30, 2014.


Mr. Chairman,

At our meeting on January 30th, the United States called this Council’s attention to another serious issue – the destruction of Syrian chemical weapons production facilities (CWPF). Syria has proposed that seven hardened aircraft shelters and five underground structures previously used in connection with the production of chemical weapons be “inactivated,” by rendering them inaccessible. As detailed in a U.S. national paper and underscored by other members of this Council, Syria’s proposed measures would be readily and easily reversible within days. Thus, they clearly do not meet the requirement that such facilities be “physically destroyed” under the Convention and as implemented by the other States Parties that have declared chemical weapons production facilities. In an effort to resolve this impasse, the United States has engaged Syrian officials at the OPCW on several occasions, most recently a week ago. No progress has been made. Syria has flatly rejected U.S. efforts to find compromises for achieving the “physical destruction” requirement.


Mr. Chairman,

The deadline set by this Council for the destruction of Syria’s twelve chemical weapons production facilities is March 15 – just three weeks from today. Apparently, the Syrian Government intends to ignore yet another requirement set by the Council. This Council, however, cannot ignore the completion dates it established in its consensus decisions.

The United States believes the Council needs to address this issue, and we are considering a draft decision for the Seventy-Fifth Session of the Executive Council to address this impending situation. The United States believes this decision needs to have two principal components:

-- First, with respect to the seven hardened aircraft shelters, this Council should require that Syria by March 15 collapse the roofs using precision explosives. The United States has carefully analyzed this approach and concluded that it would meet the Convention standard for physical destruction in an expedited and cost-effective manner.

-- Second, with respect to the five underground structures, this Council, noting the additional technical challenges they entail, should extend the deadline for destruction but only on the condition that specified measures be undertaken by Syria first to inactivate them and then to physically destroy the entire underground structure.


Mr. Chairman,

In about ten days, this Council will convene in regular session and the Syrian CW situation will dominate our deliberations. This intervening period provides an opportunity for the Syrian Government to chart a new course – one that would allow Syria to meet its obligations in accordance with the decisions of this Council and UN Security Council resolution 2118. Over the next ten days, Syria should take the following actions to demonstrate its commitment to complying with its obligations. Syria should begin making substantial and systematic deliveries of liquid Priority One agent and precursors to Latakia. Syria should revise its 100-day transport schedule to embrace the recommendations developed by the OPCW, the UN, and others in the Operational Planning Group to expedite removal. And finally, Syria should withdraw its proposal to merely inactivate its CWPF aircraft shelters and underground structures, and agree to a true destruction plan.


Mr. Chairman,

If Syria does not soon undertake decisive action to fully comply with its obligations, this Council at its March regular session should require Syria to meet the expedited schedule for removal developed by the Operational Planning Group, with the goal of ensuring that the June 30th deadline for removal and destruction will be met. Further, the Council should adopt a decision to reinforce the Convention's requirement that Syrian CWPF aircraft shelters and underground structures be physically destroyed. We must take seriously the decisions of this Council and the requirements of the Convention, even if the Syrian Government does not.


Mr. Chairman,

The weeks ahead will be critical for the success of this historic endeavor. The United States urges Syria to finally make a course correction and fully comply with its obligations. If not, this Council, and indeed the broader international community, will need to consider the steps that will need to be taken to ensure that the promise of our September 27, 2013, decision and UN Security Council resolution 2118 are realized, and chemical weapons are forever removed from the hands of the Assad regime.


Mr. Chairman,

I request that this statement be made an official document of the meeting and posted on the OPCW website and external server.

Thank you, Mister Chairman.