UNDER SECRETARY GOTTEMOELLER'S SPEECH TO UN ON NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

69th United Nations General Assembly First Committee General Debate

Speech

Rose Gottemoeller

Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security 

New York, NY

October 7, 2014

As Delivered

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations, Ambassador Courtenay Rattray, on your election as Chair of the First Committee during its 69th session. The United States pledges to support your leadership and the work of this committee. We are sure that together we can make this a session that puts us on the right path for the 2015 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference (RevCon).

As we begin our work, it is important to remember why we are here. We are, as I have said many times, travelling on a long and difficult road. We are facing obstacles – today more clearly than in years past – that slow the pace of progress. We press ahead, because we know that only by continuing our committed, serious work on reducing the threat posed by weapons of mass destruction can we achieve safety and security for generations to come.

That is what motivates and guides U.S. policy. That is the sentiment behind President Obama’s 2009 speech in Prague. That is what we sincerely hope guides the path of every nation represented here. While we have accomplished much over the past five years, we have no intention of diverting from our efforts to reduce the role and numbers of nuclear weapons, increase confidence and transparency, strengthen nonproliferation, and address compliance challenges.

Mr. Chairman, on this last point, let me stress that compliance with global agreements is an essential part of international peace and security. That is why the United States is once again sponsoring its triennial resolution on “Compliance with nonproliferation, arms limitation and disarmament agreements and commitments,” which seeks to strengthen the global consensus on this topic. We welcome maximum co-sponsorship and support, and hope that it will be adopted without a vote.

Mr. Chairman, we should view the challenges that face us today as a potent reminder that our work is more important than ever. First and foremost, we must all provide unyielding support for the cornerstone of the nonproliferation regime, the NPT.

Achieving a successful RevCon in 2015 is a priority for the United States. We encourage all parties to join with the United States to advance realistic and achievable objectives. The NPT binds nations to a common interest in preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear weapons use. The challenges to the NPT are real, but the treaty is far too important to fail or be held hostage to impractical demands or political agendas that will not command consensus.

Some question U.S. support for nuclear disarmament. This is a mistake. We remain firmly committed to Article VI of the NPT and to achieving the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. The United States has made clear our readiness to discuss further nuclear reductions with the Russian Federation, but progress requires a willing partner and good environment.

The United States will continue to make it clear that arms control regimes and their corresponding nuclear reductions have served the world well for more than 40 years. The United States and Russia, of course, have special responsibilities to protect and preserve those regimes, as our countries still possess over 90% of the global nuclear stockpile.

A critical part of this regime is the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). The United States is deeply concerned about Russia’s violation of its obligations under this landmark treaty. We believe that the INF Treaty benefits the security of the United States, our allies, and Russia. For that reason, we urge Russia to resolve our concerns, return to compliance, and ensure the continued viability of the Treaty.

Now is the time to move forward, not back to postures reminiscent of the Cold War. Despite these challenges, the United States and Russia continue to implement the New START Treaty successfully. When we complete implementation, deployed nuclear weapons will be at their lowest levels since the 1950s. This translates to an 85% reduction to the U.S. nuclear weapon stockpile from its Cold War peak. That is indisputable progress in disarmament.

As we consider future reductions, our focus must be on responsible measures that can be trusted and verified. We will learn from our past experience – successes and disappointments – and continue to move ahead with each step building on the last. Actually, perhaps we do ourselves a disservice when we think about disarmament as a metaphorical ladder – one that must be climbed in a linear fashion. Perhaps we are better off thinking in terms of how creeks and streams connect to form rivers. Over time, those mighty rivers are irreversible; they cut through massive and seemingly impenetrable stone on the way to their final destination. In those terms, one can see how the myriad of tasks in front of us will connect to each other and steadily but surely form an irreversible path towards disarmament.

There is no way to skip to the end and forgo the hard work of preparing for the technical and political disarmament challenges that lie ahead. For example, we can all acknowledge that verification will become increasingly complex at lower numbers of nuclear weapons, while requirements for effectiveness will increase. All of us – every nation here – should be devoting ample time and energy to address this challenge right now. As a start, I recommend reviewing the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s recent research on future verification mechanisms, and encourage everyone to attend our October 14 side event on the topic.

Mr. Chairman, the United States is continuing its engagement with the P5 on the issue of disarmament. Collectively, we have created a consensus NPT Reporting Framework, first demonstrated at this year’s NPT PrepCom, and we continue to work on a P5 Glossary that will increase mutual understanding. Ongoing P5 work on critical Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) inspection techniques will help enhance that Treaty’s verification regime.

The United States is pleased that the United Kingdom will host the sixth annual P5 conference early next year. I want to stress that speed is less important than results in this process. The regular interactions and cooperation that are happening now is the foundation on which future P5 multilateral negotiations on nuclear disarmament will stand.

Patience and persistence is needed from all parties both among and beyond the P5. That is why the United States is interested in engaging non-nuclear weapon states in order to increase transparency and engagement in the disarmament process. Such collaboration can help us ensure the nearly 70-year record of non-use of nuclear weapons continues forever.

As we consider the agenda for the 2015 RevCon, it is important to focus on all three pillars of the NPT. The United States will seek a balanced review that addresses each.

Ensuring NPT safeguards are upheld and nuclear energy remains in peaceful use are no less important to disarmament as future nuclear reductions. Treaty violations should never be tolerated and demand our attention. That is because NPT pillars are mutually reinforcing and implementation of each is a shared responsibility.

Mr. Chairman, as we approach the 2015 RevCon, the United States will be focusing its efforts on a number of other issues. We will be supporting legally binding assurances against use or threat of use of nuclear weapons in the context of Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty Protocols. We were pleased to sign the Protocol to the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone in May. We will continue to work with ASEAN toward signature of the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone Treaty Protocol. Bringing into force the protocols of all five regional zones is a top priority.

Along with our P5+1 partners, the United States will continue to seek concrete, verifiable steps to ensure that Iran’s nuclear program is exclusively peaceful.

The United States is eager to launch negotiations on a Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT) – an agreement recognized to be a vital and necessary step in multilateral nuclear disarmament. Nations that continue to block these negotiations should consider how their actions increase nuclear dangers and impede nuclear disarmament.

This year, through a resolution from this body, and under Canada’s leadership, a UN Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) on FMCT was convened. It is our hope that the GGE and its final report will finally break this impasse and allow us to proceed with the negotiation of this important treaty.

The United States will continue to create the conditions that will help us ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Energy Ernie Moniz have both recently emphasized the need for this Treaty to finally enter into force.

While we are focused on CTBT ratification in the United States, we call on the seven other Annex 2 States to complete their ratification processes without delay. The time for action is now. The United States asks that all CTBT Signatories continue their commitment to support an effective, operational, and sustainable verification system for the Treaty. We also look forward to participating in the upcoming CTBT Integrated Field Exercise in Jordan.

Mr. Chairman, the United States is also focusing on the long-term sustainability of space. We believe irresponsible behavior in space, such as the testing or use of debris-generating ASAT systems, threatens the security, safety, economic well-being, and space science activities of all nations. We are pleased that the report from the UN GGE on Transparency and Confidence-Building Measures for outer space activities was endorsed by consensus by the United Nations General Assembly. It provides a valuable roadmap for practical, near-term solutions, such as an International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities.

On the subject of conventional arms control and disarmament, the United States recently announced that we will not use anti-personnel landmines (APL) outside the Korean Peninsula, nor will we assist, encourage, or induce anyone outside the Korean Peninsula to engage in activity prohibited by the Ottawa Convention. We will also undertake to destroy APL stockpiles not required for the defense of the Republic of Korea. The United States will continue our diligent efforts to pursue solutions that would be compliant with and ultimately allow us to join the Ottawa Convention. At the same time, we are proud to be the world’s single largest financial supporter of humanitarian mine action.

We are also pleased that the Arms Trade Treaty will enter-into-force before the end of this year. As a signatory, we are working with Mexico and other interested States in pursuit of a successful first Conference of States Parties that will lay the groundwork for a Treaty that lives up to all of our expectations.

I would like to thank all those here who aided in the effort to remove chemical weapons from Syria. Through an unprecedented collaboration of nations and international organizations, we collected, removed, and ultimately destroyed 1,300 tons of chemical weapons and precursors from Syria. Very serious issues with Syria still must be resolved, including the reports of systematic use of chlorine gas in opposition areas. The fact remains that through cooperation, the international community was able to significantly reduce the threat posed by chemical weapons in the region. The framework we developed can serve as a guide for future WMD nonproliferation cooperation.

In sum, it is not enough to have the will to pursue nonproliferation and disarmament; we have to have a way to pursue nonproliferation and disarmament. We will require all the tools we have available: diplomacy, law, science, technology, economic cooperation, and more. We will have to eschew needless arguments, vanity, and political games. We will need the courage and the tenacity to keep chipping away at this problem, day after day, month after month, year after year.

It will not be easy. Just as there is no single solution to our global fight against violent extremism, no single initiative, no matter how noble or well-intentioned, can end the threat from weapons of mass destruction by itself. In both cases, we must commit ourselves to active and engaged cooperation, and, most importantly, we must seek the cooperation and support of people outside of these walls, and outside of our capitals. The global public must both understand the significant humanitarian impacts of weapons of mass destruction and the achievable way we can reduce and then eliminate them.

We are under no illusions – we know there is disagreement on the right path ahead. Instead of focusing on what divides us, I would again ask everyone to remember why we are here and what we are charged with doing. We can and must reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction. By focusing on our mutual commitments to the NPT and other established international agreements, we can succeed.

Mr. Chairman, we must succeed and the United States is ready to do its part.

Thank you.

U.S. PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE MAKES REMARKS ON EBOLA TO UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at a General Assembly Session on Ebola

10/10/2014 04:50 PM EDT

Samantha Power

U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations 

New York, NY

October 10, 2014

Thank you, Mr. President, for your leadership, for convening this extremely timely meeting. And thank you to Deputy Secretary General Eliasson, Special Envoy Nabarro, and Special Representative Banbury for your work, for your briefings, for your clear call to action, and above all, for the dedicated service of you and your staff.

Minister Gwenigale and Minister Fofanah and our distinguished colleague from Guinea, you are on the front lines of this struggle. We are humbled by the brave efforts of your people and stand by you as you face this unprecedented challenge. Everyone in this room must heed the urgent calls you have made today.

This is our 4th time convening at the highest levels of the United Nations to respond to the Ebola crisis. At the first Security Council meeting on September 18th, 134 nations came together to pass a resolution pledging to tackle this deadly outbreak with urgency and vigor – the greatest number of co-sponsors in the UN’s history.

Since then, some countries have punched far above their weight. Cuba – a country of just 11 million people – has already sent 165 health professionals to the region and plans to send nearly 300 more. Timor-Leste pledged $2 million to the effort – what the Prime Minister Gusmao called an act of “Fragile-to-Fragile” cooperation, from one conflict-affected country to others.

Under President Obama’s lead, the United States has contributed more than $156 million to fighting Ebola and deployed more than 100 experts from our CDC. We’re committed to sending 4,000 U.S. forces to the region – a number that will continue to adapt to mission requirements. These forces will oversee the construction of 17 100-bed Ebola Treatment Units, establish a regional training hub where we will train up to 500 local health care providers each week, and provide crucial logistic support to the complex regional operation.

But more countries need to step up. And those of us who have made commitments need to dig deeper and deliver faster. According to the UN’s financial tracking service, only 24 countries have pledged $1 million or more to the effort. Twenty-four countries. The Secretary General has said we need 20 times the international aid that has been pledged so far.

The need is growing, and it is growing fast. The longer we wait to meet it, the bigger the gaps grow, and the harder the epidemic gets to control. In Guinea and Sierra Leone, the number of infections is projected to double every month; in Liberia, infections are projected to double every 2 weeks.

We are facing the challenge of a generation. Every government, every organization, every business, every individual, needs to determine what the absolute maximum is that it can do, and then reach further. That is the only way that we can collectively bend the horrifying curve of this epidemic’s projected growth.

By failing to step up, the world is letting down every one of the courageous individuals on the front lines of this crisis. When we fail to provide doctors and nurses with more clinics and beds, they are the ones who have to turn away sick children, women, and men. Yet we have only a quarter of the beds that we need in Liberia and Sierra Leone. When we fail to ensure burial teams have the protective suits they need, they and their families are the ones who get sick. Yet more than 400 health care workers have been infected, and at least 232 of them have died. We are asking too much of these people. We have to ask much more of ourselves.

As the world’s response lags, Ebola’s spread is having a devastating impact beyond the individuals it infects. Its victims include children’s education in Sierra Leone, where schools have been closed since July. We know what is needed: more nurses, more doctors, more health workers and technicians, more treatment units with more beds and more labs, more protective gear, more medevac capacity, and more money to meet rising costs. As my Ugandan colleague has just described, we also need more education - much more education. If we provide these things, we can curb the spread of this deadly epidemic.

There is no better evidence of the potential to turn the tide than the infected patients who have already been cured in Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone, thanks to adequate medical care. For example, in just one Ebola Treatment Unit run by Médecins Sans Frontières in Paynesville, Liberia, 236 infected people have been cured. When discharged, patients are given a certificate affirming that they are healthy.

Recently, I watched a video of a woman being discharged from an MSF clinic. Her name was Jenneh Kromah. She had lost her sister and brother to Ebola, but thanks to MSF’s intervention, she survived her infection. After giving Jenneh her certificate, a doctor took off his protective glove and took hold of her hand: a simple, human gesture – but one that could be deadly when someone is infected. That touch, and the dignity and recovery it represents, should give all of us hope.

Until we are also thinking, though, about the taxi or bus that brought Jenneh to the clinic; or the family members who share her home and may also have been exposed to the virus; or all of the other people she may have come into contact with before arriving at the clinic; until we track all of those people and places, and so much more, victories like Jenneh’s and MSF’s will be pyrrhic ones.

And until we can promise the same dignified, quality attention that Jenneh received to every infected person in the affected countries, we will never get ahead of the outbreak. Until then, we will keep falling behind when we need to be surging ahead. The consequences of inaction, or of not enough action, are unacceptably high. And we have a responsibility to come together to meet this challenge.

Thank you.

U.S. OFFICIALS REMARK'S TO UN HIGH-LEVEL MEETING ON SOUTH SUDAN

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

UN General Assembly High-level Meeting on South Sudan

Thomas A. Shannon, Jr.

Counselor to the Department 

New York, NY

September 25, 2014

AS DELIVERED

Madame Chair, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Attendees, I am very pleased to represent Secretary of State John Kerry at this very important gathering. There are many pressing issues facing the United Nations today and I applaud the organizers for giving visibility and attention to South Sudan where the political, security, and humanitarian aspects are having enormous regional and international consequences.

I would like to join Madame Chair in expressing our regret that President Kiir is not here with us today, and respectfully request that his excellency, the Foreign Minister of South Sudan, to express that regret to the President.

I recently traveled to Nairobi and Addis Ababa to discuss with our African friends a great many issues of mutual interest, including the events taking place in South Sudan. As many of you know, the political and humanitarian crisis is sure to worsen if fighting continues between the Government of South Sudan and opposition forces. The two are inextricably linked. As a result of the fighting, more than 40 percent of the population requires emergency humanitarian assistance. 1.7 million people have been forced from their homes, including nearly 100,000 individuals who are seeking refuge at UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) compounds in fear for their safety should they leave. The thousands of deaths in South Sudan that have occurred since the parties signed the Cessation of Hostilities agreement in January are deeply troubling, and unnecessary.

Resolving the conflict will require serious negotiations toward a political solution that honors the commitments made on May 9 and June 10 to implement the Cessation of Hostilities agreement and establish a transitional government of national unity. Despite IGAD’s efforts, we have yet to see the two factions come to an agreement on the substantive political issues.

If the talks in Bahir Dar do not result in the parties moving from finger pointing to real negotiations and concessions needed for peace, it is evident that greater external pressure will be needed. South Sudan’s neighbors and the international community need to speak with one voice and should not hesitate to use tools that will increase pressure on both parties. The purpose of these tools is to compel the government and opposition forces to shape and outline the tasks of a transitional government. Punitive measures, including multilateral targeted sanctions on individuals who have undermined peace and security in South Sudan, is one such instrument. The United States has acted accordingly by sanctioning on September 18 two South Sudanese individuals.

The humanitarian situation that we are witness to is a man-made catastrophe and a direct outgrowth of the intransigence of the Government of South Sudan and opposition forces. If security issues are not properly addressed, if the violence continues, and if humanitarian access remains hindered, a large-scale food insecurity crisis is unavoidable in 2015. The Government of South Sudan and opposition forces must cooperate fully with the humanitarian relief effort. They should stop arbitrary and needless obstruction and delays of humanitarian relief activities. We strongly condemn the attacks on IDPs and aid workers. Forced military recruitment of refugees, IDPs, humanitarian staff and especially of children must end immediately. While we welcome the reversal of policies that would have limited foreign aid workers and humanitarian access to critical infrastructure at Juba airport, these policies should never have been contemplated in the first place, especially not in the midst of the ongoing humanitarian disaster.

UNMISS has an important role to play on the ground, including in addressing the humanitarian crisis. It will be essential for the mission to be proactive in implementing the revised UN Security Council mandate as it relates to protecting civilians while building conditions to allow internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return home. The United States supports SRSG Løj’s efforts to manage and resource the mission in accordance with the mandate and to maintain active coordination with and force protection to the IGAD Monitoring and Verification Mechanism.

The United States is committed to the people of South Sudan and is the leading humanitarian assistance donor, having allocated more than $636 million in humanitarian assistance this fiscal year. We are grateful to our international partners, including members of the NGO community, for their contributions and efforts to address the crisis. Despite these combined efforts, additional resources will be needed to continue life-saving aid operations that are desperately needed. To date, the international community has contributed only about half of the $2.5 billion the United Nations is calling for to meet critical humanitarian needs of both South Sudanese who have been affected and those who have fled as refugees. We urge other donors to join us in seizing the moment and responding robustly to prevent the worst possible consequences. Our call also extends to the Government of South Sudan since the ultimate price is now being paid for by the South Sudanese people. It is high time the Government of South Sudan and opposition forces heed the call of neighbors and the international community to prevent needless suffering and to make peace. Such actions are emblematic of leadership and responsible governance that the people of South Sudan so desperately need.

Thank you very much, Madame Chair.

THE U.S. AT THE UN HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL 22ND SESSSION

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Key U.S. Outcomes at the UN Human Rights Council 22nd Session
Fact Sheet
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
March 25, 2013

The 22nd Session of the Human Rights Council (HRC) underscored the importance of robust engagement at the Council, where the United States continues to work with a diverse range of countries from all regions of the world to address urgent human rights concerns. This was the first session of the United States’ second term on the Council, after our re-election by the General Assembly in New York last November. U.S. leadership helped to keep the Council at the forefront of international efforts to promote and protect human rights. We continue to engage strategically with the goal of making the HRC a more effective and credible multilateral forum for promoting and protecting human rights. At the same time, the Council’s biased and disproportionate focus on Israel remains a major challenge, as exemplified by the annual Item 7 resolutions. As a member of the Council, our mission remains to emphasize key human rights issues while vigorously opposing efforts to shield human rights violators.

MULTILATERAL RESPONSES TO COUNTRY SITUATIONS

Sri Lanka: The United States, along with a group of 41 cross-regional co-sponsors, introduced a resolution that encouraged the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the constructive recommendations of its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) report, as well as recommendations from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, on issues of reconciliation, accountability, human rights, and democratic governance. The resolution, built on a 2012 Council resolution, re-affirmed the Council’s call for the Government of Sri Lanka to fulfill its public commitments to its own people on these longstanding issues of reconciliation and accountability. By adopting the Resolution, the Council reiterated that Sri Lanka must take meaningful action on these areas in order to move forward in the wake of its 27 year civil war.

DPRK: The United States co-sponsored a landmark resolution on North Korea, establishing a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to investigate the grave and systematic violations of human rights in the DPRK. The creation of a COI sends an important message that the global community is paying close attention to the DPRK, not just on the nuclear front, but on the human rights front as well. The resolution was adopted by consensus.

Syria: The Council once again took decisive action regarding the crisis in Syria. The Commission of Inquiry on Syria made a forceful presentation regarding the violations of international law committed by all sides, and highlighted the egregious crimes committed by the Assad regime. The Council voted to extend the mandate of the Commission for one year to investigate ongoing human rights violations in Syria. Sadly, this extended mandate reflects the growing brutality of this crisis, and the COI’s work will aid efforts to document abuses for use in future Syrian led transitional justice and accountability processes. The resolution passed with the strongest level of support so far, with only one country, Venezuela, voting to oppose.

Iran: A cross-regional group of sponsors, including the United States, led the Council in renewing the mandate for the Special Rapporteur on Iran, which passed by the largest vote margin yet--only two "no" votes. Ahmed Shaheed, the former Foreign Minister of the Maldives appointed as the Special Rapporteur on Iran two years ago, continues to work to maintain international attention on Iran’s ongoing and serious violations of human rights. Importantly, the renewal resolution calls on Iran to allow entry for the Special Rapporteur and to cooperate with his work, which Iran so far has refused to do.

Burma: The Council adopted by consensus a resolution that focuses on the human rights situation in Burma by welcoming positive developments and urging further progress. The resolution asks Burma to set a timetable for establishing an office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in the country and renews the Special Rapporteur’s mandate. The resolution also took note of the troublesome situation of ethnic minorities in Rakhine and Kachin states.

Libya: The Council adopted its second technical assistance and cooperation resolution on Libya that will further cement cooperation between the Libyan government and the United Nations to address ongoing problems in the country. The High Commissioner for Human Rights will report on this progress at the 25th session of the HRC.

Mali: The Council adopted by consensus a resolution on the human rights situation in Mali, which calls for an Independent Expert to look into human rights violations and abuses in the entirety of the country. The United States co-sponsored this important resolution, which also calls for the government of Mali to guarantee freedom of expression and to hold free and transparent elections.

Israel: This Council session was once again marred by six separate resolutions targeting Israel under the Council’s biased Agenda Item 7. The United States strongly opposed all six resolutions, including a resolution following up on the report of the Fact Finding Mission on Israeli Settlements, created at the Council last March.

CROSS-CUTTING HUMAN RIGHTS PRIORITIES

Human Rights Defenders: The Council adopted by consensus an important resolution calling on states and the international community to protect human rights defenders and to recognize the legitimacy of their work. The United States, along with 63 other countries, co-sponsored this resolution which reflects one of our most foremost cross-regional human rights priorities.

Genocide Prevention Resolution: The United States was a co-sponsor of this important resolution. The resolution emphasized early warning to prevent genocide and underscored the importance of prevention mechanisms to prevent other types of atrocities, issues that are a focus of the U.S. Atrocities Prevention Board.

Freedom of Religion or Belief and Combating Religious Intolerance, Discrimination, and Violence (16/18): The Council extended by consensus the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief. The Special Rapporteur’s most recent report focuses on threats against religious minority communities. In addition, the Council adopted another resolution proposed by the Organization for Islamic Cooperation on combating religious intolerance, discrimination and violence. The resolution outlines positive steps to address these challenges in a manner consistent with protecting the fundamental freedoms of expression and religion.

SYRIAN PRESIDENT ASAD'S SPEECH DRAWS CRITICISM FROM THE U.S.

Syria´s President Hafez al-Asad (sitting on the right side) signing the Federation of Arab Republics in Benghazi, Libya, on April 18, 1971 with President Anwar al-Sadat (sitting left) of Egypt and Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi of Libya (sitting in the centre). The agreement never materialized into a federal union between the three Arab states. From: Wikimedia Commons.

Asad's Speech
Press Statement

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Victoria Nuland
Department Spokesperson, Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
January 6, 2013

Bashar al-Asad’s speech today is yet another attempt by the regime to cling to power and does nothing to advance the Syrian people’s goal of a political transition. His initiative is detached from reality, undermines the efforts of Joint Special Representative Lakhdar Brahimi, and would only allow the regime to further perpetuate its bloody oppression of the Syrian people.

For nearly two years, the Asad regime has brutalized its own people. Even today, as Asad speaks of dialogue, the regime is deliberately stoking sectarian tensions and continuing to kill its own people by attacking Sunni towns and villages in the mixed areas of Jabal Akrad and Jabal Turkmen in Lattakia province.

AsadBrahimi to build international unity behind it and to urge all parties in Syria to take meaningful steps toward its implementation.

U.S. ENVOY SPEAKS TO UN HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT ON NORTH KOREA

Map Credit:  CIA World Factbook.

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

UNGA Third Committee Interactive Dialogue With the Special
Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in the Democratic
People's Republic of Korea (DPRK)
Press Statement
Robert R. King
Special Envoy for North Korean Human Rights Issues
Washington, DC
November 5, 2012


The United States appreciates the report by UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the DPRK, Marzuki Darusman, and finds it regrettable that the DPRK government continues to exclude him from visiting the country. We hope the DPRK will recognize the benefits of cooperating with Mr. Darusman, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and other thematic Special Rapporteurs.

The people of the DPRK continue to suffer from widespread human rights violations. The Special Rapporteur notes reports of the extensive use of political prison camps, poor prison conditions and prisoners being subjected to forced labor, and torture, and has called on the UN General Assembly and the international community to consider setting up a more detailed mechanism of inquiry. We look forward to future reporting on this topic by the Special Rapporteur.

The Special Rapporteur also notes severe restrictions on the rights to freedom of opinion, expression, and assembly, despite constitutional guarantees of these rights. The Special Rapporteur notes deep concerns about several articles in the Criminal Code that are either not in line with international standards or contain vague terms that allow for misinterpretation and abuse by the State.

The United States remains deeply concerned about the well-being of DPRK citizens. Improving conditions for the people in the DPRK requires an integrated and collaborative approach. We welcome the Special Rapporteur’s insights on constructive interventions and how to encourage non-traditional partners to take up the issue of human rights in the DPRK.

SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON ANNOUNCES OVER ONE BILLION DOLLARS WILL BE SPENT ON FOOD SECUREITY

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

Secretary Clinton Announces Pledge From Civil Society Partners to Invest Over One Billion Dollars in Food Security
Media Note

Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
September 27, 2012
On the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, Secretary Clinton announced that members from InterAction have committed to spend over a billion dollars over the next three years to support food security and nutrition worldwide.

"Civil society organizations are crucial to our success, both in the public and private sector; they have long standing relationships in communities and valuable technical expertise, and they work every single day on their commitment to try to make this world a better place for all of us" remarked Secretary Clinton during an event focused on highlighting progress under Feed the Future, and the importance of civil society organizations as key partners in achieving common food security and nutrition goals in support of country-led priorities.

InterAction, an alliance of 198 U.S.-based civil society organizations, committed its members to spend over a billion dollars of private, non-government funds to improve food security and nutrition worldwide over the next three years. Of that, five U.S.-based organizations, World Vision, Heifer International, Catholic Relief Services, Save the Children and ChildFund International together committed to investing 900 million dollars to advance these goals. They will report progress annually at the time of the UN General Assembly meetings each September.

Feed the Future is the U.S. government’s global hunger and food security initiative. With a focus on smallholder farmers—women and men, and their children—Feed the Future supports partner countries in developing their agriculture sectors to spur broad-based economic growth and improve nutrition.

U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT ON U.N. TRANSPARENCY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Statement on Action Taken on Fifth Committee Resolutions from the First Resumed Session of the 66th GA, General Assembly04/10/2012 08:53 AM EDT
Statement by Ambassador Joseph Torsella, U.S. Representative for UN Management and Reform, on Action Taken on Fifth Committee Resolutions from the First Resumed Session of the 66th GA, General Assembly
Ambassador Joseph M Torsella
U.S. Representative for UN Management and Reform
U.S. Mission to the United Nations New York, NYApril 9, 2012

AS DELIVERED
Mr. President,
We are grateful by strong Fifth Committee action on the Capital Master Plan, but are disappointed in the lack of responsible action on public disclosure of the Office of Internal Oversight Services audit reports, air travel reforms, and other items.
Mr. President,

In particular we note, the Fifth Committee and the General Assembly had an opportunity this session to strengthen the UN’s accountability framework and to promote a more modern, efficient and transparent UN that responsibly stewards resources to deliver better results.  But despite the common ground on a number of important areas related to accountability, many Member States took regrettable and premature action to force a vote on and sidetrack the Secretary General’s change management initiative before it has even begun.  This unnecessary action, on an item not even on the agenda for this session, undermines the Charter authority of the Secretary-General and his successors’ as Chief Administrative Officer of the Organization.

The United States strongly supports a more modern, engaged and efficient Secretariat.  We commend the collegial spirit in which the Secretary General shared his internal Change Management Plan with Member States. We also appreciate the Secretary-General’s commitment to forging relationships based on mutual trust, greater flexibility and accountability as outlined in his Change Plan.  We trust that he will consult, as he and his predecessors have, with Member States where our approval is required.  And we note that the Fifth Committee and General Assembly will have ample opportunity to assert their prerogatives on specific initiatives in the normal course of events.

My delegation, therefore, did not support the draft resolution contained in paragraph 17 of A/66/638/Add. 1, and instead proposed a constructive and balanced amendment, allowing Member States to express their concerns while not unduly constraining the Secretary General’s authority.

The resolution as passed indeed erodes rather than promotes a culture of accountability, by attempting to delay the implementation of approximately 50% of all the recommendations of his Change Management Team, claiming these areas as the uncontested prerogative of the General Assembly.  Just one example illustrates the overreach of that claim: Recommendation 40 simply asks the Secretary General to direct his own senior managers to fly economy class for travel of less than six hours on one continent.

My delegation profoundly regrets that some Member States did not seek to achieve the broadest possible agreement on this issue, even when presented with a compromise chairman’s text.   They have departed from the long-standing principle of consensus-based decision-making in the Fifth Committee by including provisions that a significant number of delegations clearly oppose.  We regret that consensus, the legitimate basis of all Fifth Committee decisions, was not achieved this session despite being so clearly within our grasp.  The United States stands ready to work collaboratively to achieve such consensus in the future, as we have always done in the past.
Thank you, Mr. President.