FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Press Availability in Paris, France
Press Availability
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Chief of Mission Residence
Paris, France
November 5, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Well good evening, and thank you for being here. It’s a pleasure for me to be back in Paris on my way to the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Beijing. And in the meantime, I was able to have a number of important and constructive meetings here today, particularly with Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius of France and also with Foreign Minister Nasser Judeh of Jordan.
I want to express my appreciation to Minister Fabius for his generous welcome and for his hosting us here today in Paris, and I’m particularly pleased with the extent and breadth of the discussion that we were able to have.
I’m also able to welcome – though she isn’t here right now because she was presenting her credentials in Monaco today – but I want to welcome our new ambassador to France, Jane Hartley and just mention I know Jane. And whether it’s been as a top staffer at the Department of Housing and Urban Development or at the White House, in the private sector, she comes here with a huge understanding of our country and the values that we stand for, and also with a huge commitment to public service which has been enduring over a long period of time. And we’re delighted to have her in Paris, finally, to continue and to deepen the partnership with the oldest alliance that the United States has.
Foreign Minister Fabius and I covered a lot of ground in our discussion this afternoon, and we went through – particularly focused on, among other things, the nuclear negotiations with Iran, our shared fight against ISIL, the complications of Syria, the challenges of Syria, the Mideast peace process itself; as well as other subjects such as turning the tide on Ebola, the situation in Lebanon, and of course, the larger issues of a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace; and particularly the challenge of Ukraine and the implementation of the Minsk agreement.
Nowhere is the mission of a Europe that is whole and free and at peace more clear at this particular moment than in the challenge of Ukraine. The United States and France remain deeply committed to Ukraine’s sovereignty, to its territorial integrity. And the parliamentary elections in Ukraine last month were a very bold and very clear statement about the choice for change that the people of Ukraine have made. They want an inclusive, accountable government, and they made it clear that they also want a future that was connected to Europe. They want a European future, as well as respect for their sovereignty and their right of choice.
As I discussed with President Poroshenko, who I talked to while I was flying here yesterday, we are concerned, obviously, about the lack of follow-through on some aspects of the Minsk agreement. And I particularly urged President Poroshenko to take the next step by naming a broadly inclusive governing coalition and articulating a concrete reform agenda in order to address the voters’ demands that they expressed in their election for a transparent, open government; a clean, modern judiciary; long-term energy security; and strengthening the investment climate, among other priorities.
We also talked about the need to continue to take the high road of adhering to the Minsk agreement, and not to fall into the possibility invited by measures taken by Russia to engage in a tit-for-tat process. I think President Poroshenko could not have been more clear about his determination to maintain that high moral ground, to continue to press for the implementation of Minsk, to continue to press for the ability of the people of Ukraine to determine their future, and he expressed his desire to honor the special law with respect to the separatist’s desires within Luhansk and Donetsk, but he wants to do so within the context of the process that had been agreed upon. It is essential to resolving the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the country’s other challenges that they take transparent political steps to bring people to the political process in a way that resolves the conflict, not exacerbates it.
By contrast, unlawful voting in eastern Ukraine over the weekend is a blatant violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and the Minsk agreement. And President Obama has been clear, as have I during my conversations with Foreign Minister Lavrov, that neither the United States nor the international community will recognize the results. The only legitimate local elections in Donetsk and Luhansk will be those that conform with Ukrainian law and with the Minsk agreement, and that is where the focus of Ukrainians, Russians, and the international community should be.
We also call on Russia and its proxies in eastern Ukraine to end the violence around Mariupol and the Donetsk airport and to enforce the ceasefire and to begin working in good faith on restoring Ukrainian control over the international air border. And the President and I have repeatedly said if the Minsk agreement is fully implemented, sanctions can be rolled back; and if it isn’t and violations continue, pressure will only increase. The choice is Russia’s.
So Foreign Minister Fabius and I also spent a good deal of time discussing the EU-coordinated P5+1 nuclear negotiations with Iran. The United States and France remain in lockstep with our international partners on the importance of making certain that Iran does not have a pathway to a nuclear weapon. This is the policy of the international community, of everybody, and of the United Nations as expressed through a number of United Nations Security Council resolutions.
With the November 24th deadline rapidly approaching, I will travel to Oman later this week to meet with Foreign Minister Zarif and Cathy Ashton. A unified P5+1 has put on the table creative ideas to be able to achieve our objective, and now we will see if Iran is able to match the public words that they are prepared to prove to the world that they have a peaceful program, to match those words with the tough and the courageous decisions that need to be made by all of us. The time is now to make those decisions.
And during my meetings today with Foreign Minister Fabius and Foreign Minister Judeh, I also discussed the best way to coordinate international efforts against the ISIL threat. The size and strength of ISIL demands a broad-based coalition. The nature of their actions demands a broad-based coalition. And we are working intensively with our partners along five reinforcing lines of effort to shrink ISIL’s territory, cut off its financing, stop the flow of foreign fighters, expose the hypocrisy of its absurd religious claims, and provide humanitarian aid to the victims of its aggression.
More than 60 countries have come forward with critical commitments and many others have expressed strong opposition to ISIL’s campaign of terror and of horror. The world is united against this threat, and President Obama’s strategy will succeed because doing it with allies and partners isn’t just smart, it is absolutely essential and it is the strong way to deal with this challenge. And I will continue to work to build support for the coalition at the APEC meeting in Beijing.
In my conversation with Foreign Minister Judeh, we also discussed the increasing tensions recently in areas across Jerusalem, and particularly surrounding the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount. We condemn the terrorist attack in Jerusalem this morning that killed at least one person when a car was driven wantonly, purposefully into pedestrians. And the confrontation at the al-Aqsa Mosque is also of particular concern where reports of damage are deeply disturbing. Holy sites should not become the sites of tension, and concrete steps need to be taken now by all sides to de-escalate this situation.
We also note the importance of the special role of Jordan in the Muslim holy places in Jerusalem, a role confirmed in the Jordan-Israel treaty of peace. And we obviously believe that peace between Israel and Jordan is central to stability in the region, and we are in touch with both sides on this matter and hope that all parties will draw back and reduce these tensions.
Finally, the United States is committed to intensify every aspect of our engagement in the challenge of Ebola, and we call on our international partners to join in doing the same. We are deeply appreciative of the contributions that so many have made. We’re deeply appreciative of the contributions France has made, and we appreciate the leadership that they are taking particularly with respect to Guinea.
I’ve been making phone calls each day to counterparts in order to try to encourage concrete steps from one country or another. Each country may choose to do something different. But the important point to make is that no one country is going to resolve this by itself. This needs to be a global initiative, a global effort. And we believe that already the steps that we are taking is having impact that can be measured. And literally, we are raising this issue in every single bilateral meeting that we are having.
So I am very proud that the people of the United States have contributed more than $360 million to the response effort; directly to the response, another billion-plus to the military deployment of our folks who are over there now putting themselves at risk in order to build the capacity to be able to help to deal with this. We are delivering support in some very unique ways that only the American military is able to provide.
But we know, as I said a moment ago, even that will not be able to do it on its own. Every country has a contribution to be able to make of people, of money, of humanitarian assistance, medical supplies, beds, airlift. There are countless ways to be able to help, and we hope that more yet will join in that initiative. Everything that we do literally depends on how we all coordinate together, and I want to thank our many partners in this effort for the tremendous contributions from as far away as China and in Asia, to those right in the epicenter in Africa who are helping to fight back.
With that, I’d be very happy to take any questions.
MS. HARF: Great. The first question is from Pam Dockins of Voice of America. And wait, the mike will be coming to you. We only have one mike.
SECRETARY KERRY: Excuse me? Oh, we only have one mike.
PARTICIPANT: (Off-mike.)
SECRETARY KERRY: Good.
QUESTION: Clearly, the Iran nuclear talks were front and center for you today. Can the negotiations go past the November 24th deadline, and what is the likelihood of that happening? Additionally, is there a new urgency to reach an agreement before the new Republican majority in the Senate takes over? And then finally, also, how do you see last night’s election results impacting U.S. foreign policy and America’s standing with the rest of the world?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you. On the issue of the Iran nuclear talks, we are gearing up and targeting November 24th. We’re not talking about or thinking about going beyond that date. That’s a critical date. And we believe it is imperative for a lot of different reasons to get this done. Most people don’t understand why, if you’re simply trying to show that a program is peaceful, it would take so long. People want to know that the transparency and accountability necessary to get this done is on the table, and we ought to be able to reach agreement. So our press is to try to get this done. And I think that it gets more complicated if you can’t. It’s not impossible if you’re not able to, but I think let’s see what happens when we bear down as we are.
An enormous amount of work has gone into this. For months upon months, we’ve had expert teams sitting down, working through details, looking at all of the technical information that is necessary to be able to make a judgment about what the impact of a particular decision is. Some of it’s very complicated, and we’ve tried to reduce it to as simple and understandable a format as possible. And it’s been very constructive. The Iranian team has worked hard and seriously. The conversations have been civil and expert.
And my hope is that now is the moment for really political decisions to be made that make a judgment that we can show the world that countries with differing views, differing systems, but with a mutual interest of trying to prove a peaceful program can in fact do that and get the job done. So we’re very hopeful about that, and I have every intent of making myself available and doing everything necessary to try to do that. And I’m confident that Foreign Minister Zarif will likewise make himself available and continue to push forward.
On the subject of the elections, let me just say that it was 10 years ago this afternoon that I conceded in a race for the presidency. And I have nothing but the greatest respect for the American political electoral process. There are winners and there are losers. Sometimes it’s your friends; sometimes it’s yourself. What you learn, if you’re in the process, is nothing but respect for the voters and for the system.
Now, I’m out of politics now. I’m in a different role, and I’m not going to comment on the – any of the political aspects of it, except to say that America will remain joined together with a strong voice with respect to our foreign policy. Our values are our values, shared by all Americans, and they are at the core of American foreign policy and of what we try hard to enforce and stand up for and advocate about around the world. That will not change. Sometimes there’s a different view or another about a particular subject, but in our process, traditionally the United States of America has been strongest when partisanship is left at the water’s edge and we stand up for America’s interests. I’m confident that is what will continue to happen over the course of these next months.
The one thing I would ask for with this election is I hope that, now that the election is over, the 60 outstanding nominees who have been the prisoner of the political process for these past – over a year now will be able to be passed very, very quickly. Thirty-nine of them are already on the Senate calendar. And some of them, I might say – I happen to have it here with me right now, no accident – well, one of them has been waiting 477 days, 473 days to be passed. Another, 466 days; another, 460 days; another, 460 – 460, 460, 418, 418, 399 – excuse me, 382. And yes, 399.
So I mean, I could run through a long list here. These are professionals. These are career people. They got kids. They need to know where they’re going to school. They need to be able to go out and do their jobs. My hope is that with this election now, in the next days when Congress comes back, I really hope that they will get affirmed very quickly in a bloc form or otherwise, because I think they deserve it, and I think our country is stronger and better served when we have the full team on the playing field.
MS. HARF: Our final question is from Lara Jakes of the Associated Press.
QUESTION: Thanks. I wanted to ask you about the Mideast peace process, but wondering if you would mind clarifying something you just said about the Iran negotiations. You said we ought to be able to reach an agreement; it gets more complicated if you can’t, but it’s not impossible. So the question was: Do you see these negotiations going past November 24th? Are you saying it’s not impossible for them to go past November 24th?
SECRETARY KERRY: What I’m saying is we have no intention at this point of talking about an extension, and we’re not contemplating an extension. If we were inches away, and most of the logical, achievable, expectable – expected issues are dealt with, but you have some details you just got to fill in, could I see a – under those circumstances, perhaps. But it would depend entirely on what’s outstanding. If big issues are hanging out there that are really fundamental and pretty simple, no, I don’t. I think that under those circumstances, something’s wrong. And so we’re going to have to see. And I think if it becomes more complicated to manage in terms of externals, if it is prolonged for reasons that are harder to explain – that’s the point I’m making.
So we have no expectation of a continuation. We’re not – I’m not contemplating it. I want to get this done. I think they do. I think the team does. And we are driving towards the finish with a view to trying to get it done.
QUESTION: But it gets more complicated with Republicans controlling the House and the Senate.
SECRETARY KERRY: No, it’s not a question – no, it has no – I don’t believe that changes either side. I honestly don’t. I believe that the same substantive issues would be there regardless of who is in control of the United States Senate. And remember, the United States Senate is still going to be subject to 60 votes to pass anything. So while it may be Republican or Democrat, it’s still subject to 60 votes. And as we have learned in the last few years, the minority has enormous power to stop things from happening, so this really is going to depend on other things. That is not what I am referring to. What is complicated is managing internal expectations in other places outside of us that may or may not have a profound impact on the longer term.
QUESTION: Okay. Can I go back to my original question about Mideast peace? I appreciate your indulgence. You met today with former Prime Minister Tony Blair; you expressed concerns about continued Israeli settlements after your meeting with Foreign Minister Fabius. And then you heard Foreign Minister Judeh call for a new round of Mideast peace talks.
At this point, how do players from the U.S., France, Britain, and Jordan convince Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table? Do you see this happening anytime within the next three to six months? And how harshly do you expect the international community to respond to the new settlements? Also, if you have any readout on your meeting with Mr. Blair, we’d appreciate it.
SECRETARY KERRY: So we got three more questions there as an add-on, right?
QUESTION: You know – (laughter) --
QUESTION: You see this (inaudible).
QUESTION: You read that whole list of numbers, so this is my payback. (Laughter.)
SECRETARY KERRY: I’m actually not – let me just say this, that Foreign Minister Judeh very effectively said that the only way to resolve these issues of the Middle East, whether it’s the Haram al-Sharif, the Mount – the Temple Mount, the issues of East Jerusalem, the issues of settlements, the issues – the only way to resolve them is through a negotiated settlement in the end.
As President Obama said very directly at the United Nations in his speech a few weeks ago, there is nothing sustainable about the status quo, and we’re seeing that unfold. It’s not sustainable. So we need to get back to those negotiations. But I am not going to speculate and I’m not going to get into any of the internals of what those expectations are or aren’t. I think it’s important to leave space here politically for the leaders to be able to make their decisions in the next days. We are in touch. I’m talking constantly with all of the leaders involved in this issue, both immediately and tangentially in the neighborhood, and we’re going to continue to be pressing forward.
Obviously, we’ve all been reading about the potential of issues going to the United Nations at some point in time, and individual countries have already engaged in their own initiatives – Sweden, Great Britain, and others may. But for the moment, I think my role is better defined by saying less rather than more with respect to what the expectations may or may not be and what we may or may not do.
Thank you all.
MS. HARF: Great, thank you very much.
SECRETARY KERRY: Appreciate it.
QUESTION: Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all.
QUESTION: And their building activity?
SECRETARY KERRY: You know we’re opposed. We’ve said that very clearly.
QUESTION: Your meeting with Mr. Blair – is it on Mideast?
SECRETARY KERRY: Among other things.
MS. HARF: Thank you. Thank you, guys.
QUESTION: There’s no more misunderstanding with Mr. Netanyahu (inaudible)?
QUESTION: Only tonight?
SECRETARY KERRY: No, no, no. That’s not --
MS. HARF: Thank you.
Showing posts with label UKRAINE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UKRAINE. Show all posts
Friday, November 7, 2014
Wednesday, October 22, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS WITH GERMAN CHANCELLOR MERKEL
FROM: THE STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With German Chancellor Angela Merkel Before Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Chancellery
Berlin, Germany
October 22, 2014
CHANCELLOR MERKEL: (In German.)
Well, ladies and gentlemen, allow me to say that I am delighted to have the Secretary of State John Kerry here for the third time ever since he assumed office. And yesterday I understand the Secretary of State had the opportunity to have a lengthy discussion over dinner with the German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, and today too we have our work cut out for us. There are a number of international issues that will be on the agenda of our talks today – indeed, international issues that are on the agenda for all of us in this year 2014. There are many of those tasks, many of those issues, many very demanding issues, and all of these can only be mastered by us if we act together, if we act in close partnership and coordination with our partners and friends in the United States of America.
Let me mention the issues as we see them today. First of all, we want to discuss our fight against Islamic State, countermeasures that are to be taken against this terrorist threat that IS presents to all of us. Secondly, the Iranian nuclear program will be on the agenda; and third, the catastrophe that is Ebola; and fourth, we will also discuss the future of Afghanistan. We have a very short time, that is true, available to us, and as you can see, we have more than enough on our plate to fill this very short time.
So once again, let me say that I’m delighted to have the Secretary of State here, and let me use this opportunity to thank him for the excellent cooperation that we have always enjoyed with our American partners and friends on all of these areas. And let me also mention that I forgot one very important issue, obviously – namely, Ukraine-Russia. There too there is quite a lot on our plate, and so quite a lot of things to discuss. Again, all of these crises we can only tackle, we can only master if we act in concert, if we act together. Only then will be able to bring them, hopefully, towards a solution.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, thank you, Madam Chancellor. Thank you very, very much for making the time today to be able to meet. I know you’re very busy and I greatly appreciate the chance to sit down with you. President Obama, our administration, the American people have great respect for your leadership, and we appreciate enormously what Germany is doing on every single issue of critical importance today. I’m also mindful that I’m coming here today where I visited the old wall and met with some of your young kids who were asking questions about the future, none of whom had been born during that period of time. They were all post-Cold War.
And so even as we celebrate the fall of the wall and all that it symbolizes, it was very clear to me today, as it is to America, that the story of Germany is not the past – it’s the future, and what you are doing to define that future, leading Germany on so many issues to be a global leader. And I want to thank you, because on Ebola, you are contributing people, expertise, medivac capacity now, money, and Germany is one of the leaders in the effort to deal with this challenge.
On Ukraine, you and your foreign minister have been on the forefront of diplomacy. And your efforts with President Poroshenko, your personal interventions with President Putin, have been critical to helping to define the Minsk Agreement and to put us on a ramp to de-escalate and hopefully move away from conflict.
On ISIL, likewise, you made a very significant decision. Germany has stepped up, changed its own policy, and is helping to cooperate globally in law enforcement, as we’ve seen in the last days, but also to help to be at the forefront of fighting with the foreign fighters issue and ISIL itself.
On Iran, Germany is a critical partner in the P5+1 talks. And Foreign Minister Steinmeier and I talked at length yesterday about how we can hopefully seize this historic moment to be able to reduce that conflict and prove to the world that we can move towards a world without nuclear weapons, ultimately.
On Afghanistan, as you mentioned a few minutes ago, likewise, Germany is a key partner in the ongoing efforts to empower the people of Afghanistan to define their own future and to respect the sovereignty of the country. So all of these things, on every major challenge today, we are partnering. And we now need to obviously deal with economy, with growth. We hope that the Transatlantic Trade Investment Partnership can move forward, because all of our countries can benefit from the economic stimulation and growth that will come from that.
So we have a lot to talk about, as you said, a very little amount of time. But the time I spent last night was well spent, and I appreciate your making time today to have a personal exchange. I bring you President Obama’s great greeting, and again, our respect and gratitude for the strength of our relationship. Thank you.
Monday, September 22, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY, UK FOREIGN MINISTER HAMMOND MAKE REMARKS BEFORE MEETING
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With UK Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond Before Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Waldorf Astoria
New York City
September 22, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you. Good morning. I’m very happy to meet the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom. And we’re going to focus today, obviously, on ISIL, where we have continuing efforts to organize the coalition and plan the road ahead. But we’ll also talk about Ukraine and the challenges there with respect to the winter coming and the gas needs and other needs. And finally, of course, we’ll be very focused on Ebola and on the global reaction there.
So those are the three principal concerns. And I congratulate our friend from Great Britain that the United Kingdom is still united. We are happy with the outcome of the Scottish referendum. Congratulations.
FOREIGN SECRETARY HAMMOND: We’re very happy with it, too.
SECRETARY KERRY: I know you are happy. (Laughter.)
FOREIGN SECRETARY HAMMOND: Thank you. Well, it’s a great pleasure to be here. We’ve had a lot of opportunities to meet over the last few weeks and a lot of problems to discuss during those meetings. And as Secretary Kerry says, ISIL is top of the agenda. But we shouldn’t forget the continuing challenges in Ukraine and the new and rapidly developing challenge of combating the Ebola virus. We’re going to discuss together and with – over the next few days with many of our colleagues how best to take those agendas forward, working together, cooperating closely to make sure that we tackle all of them and show that we have, frankly, the bandwidth to deal with all of these problems at the same time.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you very much. Thank you.
U.S. UNITED NATIONS REPRESENTATIVE'S REMARKS TO SECURITY COUNCIL ON UKRAINE
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at a Security Council Briefing on Ukraine
Samantha Power
U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations
New York, NY
September 19, 2014
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Under-Secretary-General Feltman, for your informative briefing. Thank you, Ministers Timmermans, Bishop, and Asselborn for being here and signaling the importance of this issue with your presence.
First, on behalf of the United States, let me once again convey our condolences to the loved ones of the victims of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17. We do not presume to grasp the depth of your grief. But we mourn the lives of those you lost.
We convene today for an update on the investigation into a crime that abruptly ended too many lives. The purpose of the investigation is to determine the truth about what brought down that plane.
Now, for any investigation to be credible, we all agree that it must be thorough, impartial, and professional. Ukraine and the whole international community turned to the Dutch Safety Board because we believed it was more than capable of meeting these standards.
The Board’s preliminary findings reflect its independence and its expertise. Those findings, submitted to the Security Council on September 9th, include the following:
- First, the aircraft was brought down by, “a large number of high-energy objects that penetrated the aircraft from the outside.”
- Second, there were no engine warnings, aircraft system warnings, or distress messages detected.
- Third, the damage to the aircraft is, “not consistent with any known failure mode of the aircraft, its engines, or systems.”
- And fourth, the only planes identified in the report that were in the vicinity of Flight MH 17 were commercial aircraft.
Based on those preliminary findings, one can rule out that Flight MH 17 was brought down by a bomb on board. It was not. Russian claims that the flight was brought down by a Ukrainian fighter jet are also not supported by evidence in the report. Moreover, ground photography is consistent with the expected damage from a surface-to-air missile, but does not correspond with the damage that short-range, air-to-air missile from a smaller warhead would produce. These facts are important because they contradict the fiction that has been propagated by Russia.
The Dutch Safety Board’s findings are consistent, however, with evidence gathered by a group of countries, including the United States, pointing to the fact that Flight MH 17 was shot down by a surface-to-air missile fired from territory controlled by Russian-backed separatists.
Russia called for today’s meetings under the pretense of being briefed on the status of the investigation. The representative of the Russian Federation today has appealed for what he calls a “objective and transparent investigation.”
But in its intervention today, Russia made clear its real intention is not to learn about the investigation, but to discredit it. Russia is seeking to play the role of forensic aviation investigator but cannot do so in an impartial and objective manner.
Russian-backed separatists denied access to the crash site for days after Flight 17 was downed. Russian-backed separatists then restricted access after initially letting outside officials in.
This is not consistent with an objective and transparent investigation.
The representative of the Russian Federation today complained about the timeliness of the voice recordings being processed. Yet telephone conversations intercepted by the Ukrainian government indicate that the commander of a pro-Russian separatist unit told local state emergency service employees that Moscow wanted to find the black boxes; and he enlisted the support of these local officials to help recover the boxes.
This is not consistent with the desire to ensure the sanctity of the recordings that, today, the Russian representative professes a desire to protect.
The Russian representative says that the report does not contain “convincing information.” In order to be convinced of facts, one must acknowledge them. In order to be convinced of truth, one must allow it to be surfaced. One can be convinced if one confronts the facts as they are established and proven, not as one may wish they were.
It’s time to allow facts, however inconvenient, to be uncovered. And it is time to stop all attempts to undermine the credibility of a thorough, impartial, and independent investigation that the international community has no reason to doubt.
Russia does not have the track record to play the credible investigator here. Russia has repeatedly misled this Council, its own people, and the world about its support for illegal armed groups and its own military incursions into Ukraine. Just read the transcripts of the previous 24 Security Council sessions on Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in Crimea, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to Crimea. Read Russia’s denials that it was arming and training separatists in eastern Ukraine, and later its denials that it had deployed troops to eastern Ukraine.
The Dutch Safety Board that has been delegated the authority by Ukraine, in line with ICAO standards, to investigate this crash. If Russia has evidence that it believes can help identify who shot down Flight MH 17, it has a responsibility to share that information with the independent investigators.
Too many lives have been lost and this conflict has gone on for too long. It is time for Russia to bring its intervention to an end. That is why we fully support the ceasefire and agreement signed in Minsk, which aims to de-escalate the conflict that has taken approximately 3,000 lives. We fully support a negotiated political solution to this crisis, as we have asserted since Russia’s incitements created the conflict. We welcome reports that Russia is decreasing its troop levels in eastern Ukraine – even if Russia continues to deny that its troops were there in the first place. And we welcome Russia’s recent statements expressing support for the ceasefire.
However, we cannot lose sight of the fact that the crisis in eastern Ukraine, just like the occupation and annexation of Crimea before it, was manufactured by Moscow. And no country should support carving off pieces of sovereign Ukraine and handing them to the aggressors. The territorial integrity of Ukraine is non-negotiable.
Ukraine has demonstrated remarkably good faith in meeting its commitments. This week – notwithstanding the aggression against the state by the separatists and by Russian forces – Ukraine’s parliament passed legislation granting certain districts in eastern Ukraine special status that includes greater self-governance, economic control, and Russian language rights.
Now it is Russia’s turn. Russia must immediately withdraw all of its forces and equipment from Ukraine, including Crimea, and cease all forms of support and training for separatist groups. Russia and the separatists it backs must release all of their hostages and prisoners. Russia must finally close its borders to the flow of soldiers, separatists, tanks, artillery, and other machinery of war, and it must grant Ukraine control over its own border. Russia and the groups it backs must create an environment that allows the OSCE to fulfill its monitoring and verification mandate.
There is one very important imperative we must remember, which brings us back to why we convened today: truth. Two hundred and ninety-eight innocent people were killed on July 17th. The international community has identified an independent investigative body to uncover the truth about what happened to Flight MH 17. Today, we join the chorus of member states in reiterating our full support for the Dutch Safety Board’s investigation and we reject Russia’s efforts to disparage it or hinder its progress. The next step is the pursuit of justice. And when those responsible for this horrific crime are eventually identified, they will be punished.
Thank you.
Tuesday, September 16, 2014
15 NATION TROOP EXERCISE BEGINS IN UKRAINE
Right: Moldovan Soldiers stand in formation during Exercise Rapid Trident’s opening ceremony in Yavoriv, Ukraine, Sept. 15, 2014. Rapid Trident is an annual U.S. Army Europe-conducted, Ukrainian-led multinational exercise designed to enhance interoperability with allied and partner nations while promoting regional stability and security. It was planned before the current situation in Ukraine arose. U.S. Army photo by Spc. Joshua Leonard.
Troops From 15 Nations Begin Exercise in Ukraine
DoD News, Defense Media Activity
WASHINGTON, Sept. 15, 2014 – Troops from 15 nations kicked off the annual Rapid Trident field training exercise today in northwestern Ukraine.
Navy Capt. Greg Hicks, director of communication and engagement for U.S. European Command, emphasized in a statement that the exercise is annual, and that it was planned well before the current situation in Ukraine.
About 1,300 military personnel from Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Canada, Georgia, Germany, Great Britain, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Norway, Poland, Romania, Spain and the United States, as well as representatives from NATO, will participate.
The exercise will take place near Yavoriv at the International Peacekeeping and Security Center, which is designed to support multinational training and exercises with regional and bilateral partners, Hicks said.
In preparation, units underwent a week of situational training that focused on key exercise tasks such as countering improvised explosive devices, convoy operations and patrolling.
No live-fire exercises are scheduled for Rapid Trident, Hicks said. The exercise will conclude Sept. 26.
Thursday, September 11, 2014
PRESIDENT OBAMA'S STATEMENT ON INTENSIFYING COORDINATED SANCTIONS ON RUSSIA
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
September 11, 2014
Statement by the President on New Sanctions Related to Russia
We will deepen and broaden sanctions in Russia’s financial, energy, and defense sectors. These measures will increase Russia’s political isolation as well as the economic costs to Russia, especially in areas of importance to President Putin and those close to him. My Administration will outline the specifics of these new sanctions tomorrow.
The international community continues to seek a genuine negotiated solution to the crisis in Ukraine. I encourage President Putin to work with Ukraine and other international partners, within the context of the Minsk agreement and without setting unreasonable conditions, to reach a lasting resolution to the conflict. As I said last week, if Russia fully implements its commitments, these sanctions can be rolled back. If, instead, Russia continues its aggressive actions and violations of international law, the costs will continue to rise.
Wednesday, September 10, 2014
REMARKS AT UNICEF EXECUTIVE BOARD SECOND REGULAR SESSION
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
U.S. Mission to the United Nations: Remarks at the UNICEF Executive Board Second Regular Session
09/09/2014 05:54 PM EDT
AS DELIVERED
Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you Executive Director Lake for your remarks. Your statements always allow us to reflect on the impressive range of UNICEF’s truly essential work on behalf of the world’s children every day, often in the most arduous environments. We thank you and UNICEF staff worldwide for your dedication.
Over the last year, we have all seen the devastating impact of a rising scale of mounting and overarching crises – natural disasters, conflicts, and health emergencies, which take a particularly cruel toll on children. As many of these crises have become chronic, children in West Africa, the Central African Republic, the Philippines, Syria, South Sudan, Ukraine, the Middle East, Iraq and elsewhere have suffered unacceptable levels of violence, disruption, and vulnerability to which no child should be subject. UNICEF is vital for children in these kinds of conditions, providing water, medicines, nutrition, education, protection, and critical health services.
Let me particularly highlight the role UNICEF is playing in responding to the recent outbreak of Ebola in West Africa, which could affect almost 20,000 individuals and cause devastating secondary damage to public health infrastructure and economic development in the affected countries for years to come. UNICEF has the trust of local officials and communities and is in a rare position to make a significant difference in reducing suffering, as well as supporting efforts to mitigate secondary effects, and we believe it is critical for UNICEF to have continued flexibility to respond to such complex and evolving emergencies.
We are therefore grateful for UNICEF’s efforts to strengthen capacity for rapid and scaled humanitarian response, such:
Your nominating high caliber and an increasing number of candidates for the Humanitarian Coordinator Pool with tangible incentives for staff to pursue these positions;
Your taking on board the recommendations of evaluations to address gaps and ensure that actions taken are widely understood throughout the organisation;
And your taking the initiative to increase country office preparedness for cluster leadership in high-risk-contexts and improving capacity for cluster leadership.
We welcome any further moves that will ensure more consistent recruitment and training of right-skilled staff for large-scale emergencies, sufficient regular budget allocation to support changing scales of emergency response, better clarity on cluster roles and responsibilities, and increased reliance on joint work with other agencies.
Protection is obviously fundamental, and we welcome UNICEF’s embrace of the Rights Up Front agenda to improve protection of children in emergencies; your work to develop data-driven advocacy around protection; and your actions to improve prevention and response to sexual and gender-based violence.
We also look forward to even stronger emphasis on disabilities in all UNICEF activities,with disaggegated assessments to help ensure that children with disabilities have equal access to humanitarian and other forms of assistance.
We also appreciate Director Lake’s candor about the strain on the organization from multiple emergencies, and his call not to lose focus in the face of calamity on the long-term investments we need to make in children’s health and well-being and the developmental work for which UNICEF has long been known.
You also rightly insist that we look with clear eyes at the underlying drivers of risk, that we redouble every effort to remedy them, with a determination not to fail. You have also outlined a compelling path that would help integrate UNICEF’s emergency and development work in a way that builds the resilience of families and communities at all levels. We agree that the divide between humanitarian and development work is artificial, and we should seek every opportunity to bridge it.
UNICEF’s developmental work is widely and deservedly praised: getting children the nutrients they need to survive and thrive; getting the most vulnerable children to school and ready to learn; promoting adequate water and sanitation, food, and health services; working with other agencies to help prevent teenage pregnancy and help young women get access to trained birth attendants; and partnering with countries to advance the Millennium Development goals.
We need you to continue this work and we appreciate UNICEF’s leadership as a strong advocate for children’s priorities in our continuing deliberations over the post-2015 development agenda.
Turning to management issues, we appreciate UNICEF’s continuing dedication to transparency and accountability, including your pioneering tools like the Monitoring Results for Equity System. You have been a leader in the UN system in this regard.
It’s worthy of note that MoRES has now been expanded from 30 countries in 2012 to 80 countries in 2013, enabling more strategic analysis of data and improved results, including through integration of MoRES into countries’ own planning and monitoring systems, which builds capacity, builds comparability, and improves data collection that can improve results.
With regard to resources, we are glad to note UNICEF’s strong financial situation, with total revenue reaching an all-time high of $4.9 billion, nearly $1 billion more than 2012. These figures are a testament to your hard work on partnerships but mainly to the integrity, enduring value, and urgent need for UNICEF’s work. We also note with appreciation that you have dedicated resources where they are needed, including the 27% of revenue this year devoted to children in emergencies.
Turning briefly to the issue of critical mass: in our view, critical mass should simply reflect all the resources necessary for agencies to deliver the results we have agreed in Strategic Plans and integrated budgets. Every dollar is critical for UNICEF’s life-saving work. In the Board’s deliberations, we think the recently agreed decision on critical mass at the UNDP/UNFPA/UNOPS Board will provide a useful basis for moving forward.
Let me then just close in thanking you and all UNICEF staff once again for your leadership, dedication, and determination to champion the world’s most vulnerable children. Thank you.
Wednesday, September 3, 2014
REMARKS: PRESIDENT OBAMA AND BALTIC STATE LEADERS REGARDING SECURITY
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Remarks by President Obama and Leaders of Baltic States in Multilateral Meeting
3:22 P.M. EEST
PRESIDENT ILVES: Let me just say that it has been a genuine honor and pleasure to host this multilateral meeting of President Obama, President Grybauskaitė and President Bērziņš here in Tallinn today, a day before the NATO Summit. American engagement in our region’s security runs deep. Twenty years ago, Russian troops left the Baltic states. Ten years ago, Russian troops left -- or we joined NATO. And we’ve all -- we’ve reached all of those historic milestones thanks to very strong U.S. support and leadership.
Our defense and security cooperation is extremely close. We appreciate the immediate steps that the United States has taken to demonstrate solidarity with our three countries, with Poland and Romania. In the past months, we have seen an increased U.S. air, ground and naval presence in our region as well as an enhancement of scheduled exercises.
The four of us share a common vision and goals for the upcoming NATO Summit. We face a completely new security situation in Europe and we’re pleased that this is reflected in many of the summit’s documents. We expect the summit to adopt the readiness action plan that will guide Allied nations for years to come through a set of practical steps and measures of reassurance and deterrence.
We expect it to provide a solid framework for allies to contribute to a stronger NATO presence on its eastern border. Maintaining a persistent presence in this region should include, among other things, increasing the readiness of the Multinational Corps Northeast, in Poland, and giving it more responsibilities for matters of collective defense. This would help facilitate NATO’s rapid reaction in our region and bolster security on NATO’s periphery.
A good part of our discussion today obviously focused on Ukraine. We need to think about what more can be done to support this country. Estonia has doubled its humanitarian and development assistance, and is looking for ways to do more, including assisting wounded soldiers from Ukraine here in our rehabilitation center. But we should not forget about the other so-called Eastern Partnership countries. Countries like Georgia and Moldova should not be left on their own as we focus on Ukraine. They must have the right to make their own decisions, their own security arrangements and alliances. Continued U.S. support for these countries’ engagement in the region is of vital importance.
We also believe in maintaining a strong transatlantic link in other areas, such as cyber and energy security. But over the past year, our cooperation on cyber issues has strengthened and now covers many areas on both civilian and military levels. I keep no tally of cyber-attacks, hacks and espionage, but it is absolutely clear that cybersecurity has become a concern for all of us to a degree we have never seen before -- a domain of warfare in the same category as land, sea and air.
There is no doubt that the security architecture here in Europe has changed in the past year -- and alas, not for the better. How it will look in a year is difficult to predict given the unpredictability of so many of the actions we have seen. But I can confidently predict that whatever the future does hold, the Baltic countries and the United States are working together globally to promote our common values -- democracy, human rights, rule of law, freedom, and especially Internet freedom.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT GRYBAUSKAITĖ: So we had important meeting because we do have in our region today American President, and this means a lot not only for our region and security of our region, but a signal before the summit, NATO Summit, for all Europe.
Today what’s happening on Ukraine’s soil, that open aggression from Russian side against sovereign country, means that the recent attack, not only against Ukraine, it is an attack against the peace and borders of Europe after Second World War.
Why? Today Ukraine is fighting not only for its own freedom, but it’s fighting instead of us, for us. So why it is so important our full pledge to support Ukrainian sovereignty, support of the fight against aggression? And, of course, we need to think about further improvement of security in our region. And we appreciate the United States’ bilateral commitments and NATO’s commitments for our region, for the NATO members, and Article 5 commitments.
Why today standing here? We very clearly know what we want from NATO Summit tomorrow, what kind of measures improving our security we ask for -- an updated standing defense plans, additional NATO and U.S. presence in our region, rapid reaction force, and other measures necessary to improve and secure our region’s security.
So today and tomorrow, we are talking and solving the future peace and security of Europe. Why? Our responsibility lies on our shoulders, not only thinking about our region, about our countries, but also about Ukraine.
Ukraine today is in frontline for all of us, and we need to take this very seriously and responsibly, helping Ukraine in every measure available in our hands.
PRESIDENT BĒRZIŅŠ: Thank you, President Ilves, for the warm welcome. President Obama, welcome to the Baltics. At the beginning, I condemn the killing of American Steven Sotloff, and express my condolences to his family and friends. We express our support and solidarity with the U.S. in their fight with terrorists in Iraq and elsewhere.
Today’s meeting proves a strategic partnership of the Baltic states and the United States. Last year we met at the White House. This meeting should be continued not less than annually. Security cooperation based on shared values is a foundation of our relations.
I thank President Obama for the American leadership. Your support, the European reinforcement initiative is very important for our region’s security. I’m confident that the U.S. Congress will pass it without delay. I commend the U.S. in providing troop presence in the Baltic region. We would like to see the U.S. troops and equipment in Latvia as long as necessary. We support U.S. efforts to consolidate firm international response against Russia’s invasion in Ukraine. We must realize that to stop further aggression, solidarity in speaking with one voice is a key.
Today, we discussed the NATO Wales Summit. The summit will need a clear message about reinforcing collective defense. We’ll accept complete measures to ensure troop presence, infrastructure, and command structure in the Baltic region.
Transatlantic relations and the U.S. presence in Europe is crucial for the Euro-Atlantic security. Europe, too, has to invest more in defense. Latvia will increase defense spending to 2 percent of GDP by 2020. The parliament of Latvia has passed a special law on it. Answering the challenge of information war, Latvia will host the NATO Center of Excellence for Strategic Communication.
During the summit, we will discuss what NATO can do together to eradicate the greatest source of terrorism in the Middle East -- militant fighters of the Islamic State.
Together, we go ahead with the Baltic-U.S. cybersecurity partnership that we started last year in Washington. We reaffirm our commitment to the strategic Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership negotiations. We need to work as fast as possible to enable the signing of this agreement.
We wish to develop a real transatlantic bond between Europe and the U.S. on energy. Recent developments in Ukraine are the further proof of the urgency to reduce dependency on one supply here. Thereby, the U.S. involvement is very important for our efforts to make strong energy security and develop integrated energy markets in the region. It would also benefit both the European and American economic interests.
I’d like to convey my gratitude to our friends and partners for the significant contribution and support in opening the OECD membership talks with Latvia. The Baltic states and the U.S. have a shared interest in supporting economic development and good governance in the EU Eastern Partnership countries and in Central Asia. This will be main priority during Latvia’s presidency in the Council of the EU next year.
Finally, I would like to stress that the Baltic states and the U.S. are natural partners bound by a shared belief in democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights and civil liberties.
Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody. I am the final speaker, so I will be brief.
I want to thank President Ilves for hosting us today, especially in these magnificent surroundings, which speak to the long and diverse history of this country and the endurance of the Estonian people. And I want to thank my colleagues, Dalia and Andris, for coming here for this important meeting.
As has been indicated already, we last met as a group a year ago, and I was pleased to host our three Baltic allies at the White House. The four of us spoke more recently to discuss the situation in Ukraine. And my main message today is the same as it was last year at the White House: The Baltic nations are among our most reliable Allies in NATO, and the commitment of the United States to their security is rock solid.
More recently, we’ve demonstrated our commitment to the additional American aircraft that have joined NATO’s Baltic air patrols, and we’ve demonstrated our commitment in the additional training exercises that our forces are now conducting. And we’ve demonstrated our commitment to the additional American forces that are now continuously rotating through Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. So here in the Baltics, the United States has stepped up its presence.
And we are working to do even more. As I announced earlier, the initiative I’ve proposed to bolster the American military presence in Europe would include additional air force units and aircraft for training exercises here in the Nordic-Baltic region -- with all three of these allies. And the NATO Summit in Wales will be an opportunity to bring the Alliance together around a plan to enhance our readiness even further, including infrastructure and facilities here in the Baltics capable of handling rapid reinforcements.
So the bottom line is this: As NATO Allies, we will meet our solemn duty, our Article 5 obligation to our collective defense. And today I want every Estonian and Latvian and Lithuanian to know that you will never stand alone.
I want to thank all of these leaders for coming here today. I’d close with this observation. Nearly 100 years ago, the United States recognized the independence of the Baltic nations. And for 50 years, you’ve endured a brutal Soviet occupation. In all those years, the United States never recognized that illegal occupation. All those years -- even as your flags of independence were often banned here at home -- your embassies stayed open in the United States, and your flags flew proudly alongside ours. They always will. Because the United States intends to always stand with you.
So thank you very much, everybody. Thank you.
END
3:40 P.M. EEST
Sunday, August 31, 2014
RUSSIA CONTINUES BUILDUP
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
Pentagon: Russia Intensifies Efforts Inside Ukraine
By Jim Garamone
DoD News, Defense Media Activity
WASHINGTON, Aug. 29, 2014 – Russia continues to build up along its border with Ukraine and has moved sophisticated weapons systems into the country, the Pentagon press secretary said here today.
Navy Rear Adm. John Kirby told reporters that Russian military forces are part of those movements. Russian forces are, “facilitating the movement and then helping the separatists use the systems, if not using it themselves in support of separatists,” he said.
NATO has released surveillance photos showing these assets inside Ukraine. Kirby tied the Russian movements to the success that Ukraine has had against Russian-backed separatists in the country. “We believe that that has helped foster Moscow’s intention to intensify these efforts,” he said.
Kirby called Russian actions an “intensification” of the behaviors the Kremlin has exhibited for months.
“Our position hasn't changed,” he said. “We continue to look for ways to support the Ukrainian armed forces and the border guards. We continue to look for ways to reassure our NATO allies and partners, and we continue to call for Russia to pull its forces back and to stop escalating the tension there.”
President Barack Obama addressed the issue yesterday during a White House news conference. Russia has deliberately and repeatedly violated the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, the president said. He called on nations of the world to impose new sanctions against Russia.
“As a result of the actions Russia has already taken and the major sanctions we’ve imposed with our European and international partners, Russia is already more isolated than at any time since the end of the Cold War,” the president said.
Obama said he would reaffirm U.S. commitment to the defense of NATO allies and said he would speak with fellow NATO leaders at the summit in the United Kingdom next week.
“We’ll focus on the additional steps we can take to ensure the alliance remains prepared for any challenge,” he said.
Ukraine is not a NATO member, but the United States does “stand shoulder-to-shoulder with them,” the president said.
Tuesday, August 19, 2014
SUPREME ALLIED COMMANDER EUROPE SAYS NATO TRYING TO REASSURE MEMBERS REGARDING RUSSIA
FROM: U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
Breedlove Discusses Russian Threats in Europe
By Jim Garamone
DoD News, Defense Media Activity
WASHINGTON, Aug. 18, 2014 – NATO is examining additional ways it can reassure alliance members who feel threatened by Russia’s on-going actions in Ukraine, including positioning forces in new locations, the Supreme Allied Commander Europe told a German newspaper.
In an interview with Die Welt, Air Force Gen. Phillip Breedlove called Russia’s annexation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula a new type of warfare, labelling it the DIME model: diplomatic, informational, military, economic. “In this new hybrid warfare, we see Russia applying all of the elements of national power in a coercive way to affect change in other sovereign nations,” he said.
In February, Russia deployed a large force on its border with Ukraine and the Russian army conducted what were described as exercises near Crimea.
“Let’s just look at eastern Ukraine right now. In a diplomatic sense, the Russians are trying to build these international arguments that it is Ukraine that is causing the problem,” and that Russia needs to step in.
However, Breedlove said Russia continues to threaten Ukraine’s sovereignty and he said NATO allies in Eastern and Central Europe feel threatened by this new warfare as well.
A number of reassurance measures have been put in place including bolstering air policing in the Baltics, added ship visits to the Black Sea, increased infantry exercises in the Baltic Republics as well as the deployment of additional NATO air assets as well as infantry exercises in Poland.
“We’re going to look at … specifically the NATO Response Force,” he said. “We’re going to look at how to … be more prepared in a command and control stance to react to Article 5 defense.”
NATO will also station forces “in the right locations to be able to rapidly respond to this new form of warfare that we see being used,” Breedlove said.
NATO nations must develop the police and military capabilities to deal with this new form of war. “How do we now train, organize, equip the police forces and the military forces of nations to be able to deal with this?” he asked. “It is important … to remember that if we see these actions taking place in a NATO nation and we are able to attribute them to an aggressor nation that is Article 5, and it is a military response.”
Monday, August 11, 2014
READOUT: PRESIDENT OBAMA'S CALL WITH PRIME MINISTER RENZI OF ITALY
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Readout of the President's Call with Prime Minister Renzi of Italy
The President spoke this morning with Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi about the latest developments in Iraq, Libya, and Ukraine, as well as the Ebola outbreak in West Africa. On Iraq, the two leaders agreed on the need to ensure humanitarian assistance is reaching vulnerable Iraqis, continue to seek the safety of the civilians on Mount Sinjar, and work together to develop options that will secure the safety of the civilians on Mount Sinjar. Renzi expressed his support for the United States’ efforts in Iraq. Both leaders noted the urgency of efforts to counter the threat ISIL poses against all Iraqis and discussed the latest developments in Iraq’s political transition. On Ukraine, the President and Prime Minister considered the developing situation and reiterated that any intervention under the guise of “humanitarian” assistance must be provided only with the formal, express consent and authorization of the Government of Ukraine, and noted ongoing efforts by the Ukrainian government to deliver humanitarian aid through the ICRC and other recognized international organizations. They agreed that any Russian steps not in accordance with these requirements would be unacceptable, would violate international law, and would lead to additional sanctions. On Libya, they emphasized their support for the democratically-elected Council of Representatives and the need to encourage full participation by all elected members while working to end the fighting between militias. Regarding the growing Ebola outbreak in West Africa, the leaders supported World Health Organization efforts to assist national health services in the region, and agreed on the need for the international provision of additional resources to this effort.
Saturday, August 9, 2014
WHITE HOUSE READOUTS: PRESIDENT OBAMA'S CALLS WITH PRESIDENT HOLLANDE OF FRANCE AND CHANCELLOR MERKEL OF GERMANY
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
Readout of the President's Call with President Hollande of France
The President spoke this morning with President Hollande of France about the latest developments in Iraq. The two leaders agreed on the need for an urgent, coordinated international response to the humanitarian disaster unfolding on Mount Sinjar. They underscored the serious threat that the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant poses to all Iraqi communities throughout the country, and discussed the need to support the Iraqis by increasing their ability to counter these extremists. The two Presidents also discussed the targeted strikes that the Unites States is undertaking to protect U.S. personnel and prevent ISIL's advance on Erbil, and agreed to work together on a longer term strategy to counter ISIL.
Readout of the President’s Call with Chancellor Merkel of Germany
The President spoke today with Chancellor Merkel of Germany regarding the ongoing crisis in Ukraine. The two leaders agreed that any Russian intervention in Ukraine, even under purported "humanitarian" auspices, without the formal, express consent and authorization of the Government of Ukraine is unacceptable, violates international law, and will provoke additional consequences. They reiterated that we continue to urge Russia to engage with the international community and the Ukrainian government to find a political solution to the crisis.
Wednesday, July 30, 2014
G-7 LEADERS EXPRESS "GRAVE CONCERN" REGARDING RUSSIA'S ACTIONS IN UKRAINE
FROM: THE WHITE HOUSE
G-7 Leaders Statement on Ukraine
We, the leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States, the President of the European Council, and the President of the European Commission, join in expressing our grave concern about Russia’s continued actions to undermine Ukraine’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. We once again condemn Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea, and actions to de-stabilize eastern Ukraine. Those actions are unacceptable and violate international law.
We condemn the tragic downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 and the deaths of 298 innocent civilians. We demand a prompt, full, unimpeded, and transparent international investigation. We call upon all sides to establish, maintain, and fully respect a cease-fire at and around the crash site, as demanded by UN Security Council resolution 2166, so that the investigators can take up their work and to recover the remains of all victims and their personal possessions.
This terrible event should have marked a watershed in this conflict, causing Russia to suspend its support for illegal armed groups in Ukraine, secure its border with Ukraine, and stop the increasing flow of weapons, equipment, and militants across the border in order to achieve rapid and tangible results in de-escalation.
Regrettably, however, Russia has not changed course. This week, we have all announced additional coordinated sanctions on Russia, including sanctions on specific companies operating in key sectors of the Russian economy. We believe it is essential to demonstrate to the Russian leadership that it must stop its support for the separatists in eastern Ukraine and tangibly participate in creating the necessary conditions for the political process.
We remain convinced that there must be a political solution to the current conflict, which is causing rising numbers of civilian casualties. We call for a peaceful settlement of the crisis in Ukraine and underline the need to implement President Poroshenko’s peace plan without any further delay. To this end, we urge all parties to establish a swift, genuine, and sustainable general cease-fire on the basis of the Berlin Declaration of 2 July with the aim of maintaining Ukraine’s territorial integrity. We call upon Russia to use its influence with the separatist groups and ensure effective border control, including through OSCE observers. We support the OSCE and the Trilateral Contact Group as central players in creating the conditions for a ceasefire.
Russia still has the opportunity to choose the path of de-escalation, which would lead to the removal of these sanctions. If it does not do so, however, we remain ready to further intensify the costs of its adverse actions.
Tuesday, July 29, 2014
REMARKS BY SECRETARY KERRY, UKRAINIAN FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN
FROM: THE STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks With Ukrainian Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin After Their Meeting
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
July 29, 2014
SECRETARY KERRY: Make sure it’s still morning. Good morning, everybody. Thank you for being here with us. It’s my pleasure to be able to welcome Foreign Minister Pavlo Klimkin to Washington, and this is the second time that he and I have had a chance to be able to meet and thoroughly discuss the issues of Ukraine, the challenges of the region, and I deeply appreciate his making time today at a critical time in the region.
We meet today less than two weeks after Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 was tragically shot out of the sky in the separatist-controlled territory of Ukraine, and the victims of that crash and their families clearly deserve a thorough international investigation that is unimpeded in any respect so that people have access to the site, so that the families can know that their loved ones are being treated with the decency that any family anywhere in the world would expect in these circumstances.
The United States supports a thorough international investigation into this heinous act, and we support the efforts of the Malaysians, Dutch, and Australians to help the Ukrainians in order to secure the site so that those investigations can take place now. They’re overdue, and it is absolutely important for the separatists to stand back and permit this access to take place.
The work of the investigators is absolutely critical. It’s been 10 days since this plane went down. And investigators have still not received full, unfettered access to the crash site. And without this access, they have no way to collect debris, no way to collect other evidence from the scene in order to be able to provide the kind of examination that is necessary. They still can’t even ensure that all of the victims’ remains have been removed, and that is an unsupportable burden for any family to have to bear, and it is an unacceptable standard for behavior, period. The site has to be cordoned off. The evidence has to be preserved. And Russia needs to use its considerable influence among the separatists in order to be able to help ensure this basic approach of common decency.
Well beyond the crash site, the fighting is continuing. And as President Poroshenko has made clear repeatedly and as Foreign Minister Klimkin reiterated to me just a few minutes ago, the Ukrainians are ready to accept a mutual cease-fire now – not in the future, now. And they have proposed a peace plan that includes serious and substantive dialogue with the Russian-backed separatists with international participation because they understand that that is the only way that this crisis is going to come to an end.
This morning, I talked with Foreign Minister Lavrov and raised these concerns and agreed that there is a way to try to put some very specific proposals on the table to try to move forward. But the Russians and their so-called volunteers are continuing to ship arms and funds and personnel across the border. We see this. There is clear evidence of it. We now have clear evidence of artillery and rocket fire from Russia into Ukraine. And while the Russians have said that they want to de-escalate the conflict, their actions have not shown a shred of evidence that they really have a legitimate desire to end the violence and end the bloodshed.
As a result, the Russian-backed separatists refuse to lay down their arms and be part of the political process. They continue to fire on Ukrainian forces, even in the area just around the crash site, and they have displayed an appalling disregard for human decency. And evidently, the separatists will continue to do so unless they can feel some pressure, something real from their Russian backers.
President Putin can make a huge difference here if he chooses to. And we and our European partners will take additional measures and impose wider sanctions on key sections of the Russian economy if that is what we must do. We hope that it will not be necessary. And if Russia continues to go down this path, however, Russia will leave the international community with no choice. What is unfolding in Ukraine has already gone on for far too long. It’s well past time for the violence to stop and for the people of Ukraine to begin the process of rebuilding their country and rebuilding it in a way that can have a relationship with Russia, with the West.
I think Foreign Minister Klimkin will affirm today that we’re not asking them to choose between the two, and I think Ukrainians understand that they have strong ties to Russia. They’re prepared to have a relationship with Russia, and they understand that the future of Ukraine depends on having a strong relationship with Russia.
So it’s well past time for this violence to stop, and that is why yesterday, Vice President Biden announced nearly $7 million in rapid assistance for humanitarian and rebuilding purposes to be deployed immediately. Specifically, these funds will go towards rebuilding eastern Ukraine, including the cities of Slovyansk and Kramatorsk, where people celebrated in the streets recently when they were liberated from separatist control.
We are also asking Congress for approval to provide financial support and mentoring to small businesses throughout Ukraine. Through mechanisms like the public-private partnerships and export promotion initiatives, we are hoping to inject additional resources into Ukraine’s economy so that together, all Ukrainians can rebuild their lives along with their cities.
Over the past few months, the Ukrainian Government has taken a number of steps to try to bring about a better future for its people and to reform the government that had failed them so much in the past, including signing an historic association agreement with the European Union and also finalizing a vital standby arrangement with the International Monetary Fund. We strongly urge Ukrainians to continue the process of reforming their democracy, even if not particularly during this moment of crisis, because this is a troubling time where everyone is looking for those reforms to be implemented, and they can make a huge difference in rebuilding confidence and also in providing a sense in Russia that the concerns expressed by the separatists are, in fact, being listened to and being incorporated into the political process of Ukraine.
The United States stands ready to support our Ukrainian partners in this effort, because we know that ultimately, a strong democratic government and a strong economy are the keys to providing the Ukrainian people with the stability and the prosperity that they want and that they deserve.
So again, I thank Foreign Minister Klimkin for joining me today for this meeting, and I have pledged to him that we will continue to work closely together. We’re talking about the possibility of when we could find time for a visit to continue this discussion more directly with the prime minister and with President Poroshenko. I think we share high hopes for the possibilities of what a resolution of this crisis with the separatists and with Russia could bring – a strong Ukraine, the respect for their sovereignty, and the possibilities of stability for the region.
Mr. Foreign Minister, please.
FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: Good morning, everyone. Mr. Secretary of State, I would like to thank you for your commitment, for your solidarity, and for – also for your personal leadership, also in Geneva format, and for your commitment to democratic, united, and European Ukraine.
It’s my first visit since I’ve been appointed the foreign minister, and it’s, indeed, a pleasure to be here to discuss all issues of bilateral agenda, but first and foremost, the ongoing developments in Ukraine. And I’m glad we have the same vision of these developments and I am glad that I feel a real commitment, a real solidarity here. We have in Ukraine clear commitment to the settlement of the situation in Donetsk and Luhansk, and the peace plan of the president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, gives peace a chance.
It includes three main dimensions. It’s firstly about de-escalation and reaching a cease-fire. Secondly, it’s about humanitarian dimension and restoring the infrastructure disrupted on the ground. And of course, it’s about political dimension, because what counts and what is critical is reaching the bilateral cease-fire with the aim of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Of course, we need a critical progress. We need a breakthrough on hostages. We need to release hostages as soon as possible. And it’s also the issue of human dignity.
We need, of course, the OSCE. We need the OSCE observers to be present on the ground from the very first moment of cease-fire. We paid for our commitment on two unilateral cease-fire with 30 lives and more than 100 people wounded. The unilateral cease-fire was broken more than 100 times, and now it’s about bilateral cease-fire, it’s about OSCE again to be present on the ground, but it’s also about closing down the border. It’s also about stopping the inflow of money, armed persons, weapons, and heavy weaponry across the border, because it’s critical precondition for reaching stability in Donetsk and Luhansk.
Of course, it’s also about humanitarian dimension. It’s about restoration of all disrupted infrastructure, because what we’ve been doing now, we’ve been trying to restore disrupted electricity networks, water supply, gas supply. We’ve been trying to bring normal life back to the people of Donbas. And I am particularly grateful to the Secretary of State, to the United States, for urgent help, for urgent assistance to the people of Donbas, which should be aimed at restoring infrastructure. I believe it was – has symbolic, but also extremely important practical dimension.
And of course, it’s about political process. It’s about settlement. And we are ready to (inaudible) decentralization. We are ready to give more powers to the communities, to the districts, to the regions. It’s about giving people more freedom, but also more responsibility – political responsibility and economic responsibility. And it’s about not allowing to play up any sort of issues like using the Russian language, because it would be up to every community to decide what language should be spoken.
It’s about clear idea how we can de-escalate the situation on the ground, because we are ready for local elections. We are ready that the real representative of Donbas, a real representative of Donetsk and Luhansk should take responsibility over the situation on the ground, should take responsibility over de-escalation, over economic and social development on Donbas. And in this sphere, we feel solidarity by the United States and we also have clear and targeted assistance.
And also under difficult conditions on the ground, we’ve been trying – we’ve been working around the clock on securing access to the crash site, and it’s our key priority. We’ve been working on ensuring the possibility for fully transparent and effective investigation of the causes of the tragedy with the plane of Malaysian Airlines. And of course, for us, it’s about human dignity. It’s about the possibility of recovering all bodies and body fragments from the crash site. It’s about giving back the friends and the loved ones any sort of personal belongings. It’s not just the priority; it’s an absolute priority for Ukraine at the moment.
So we have the same vision on these developments and we feel continuous support by the United States. Of course we’ve touched upon also a number of issues on our bilateral agenda and we’ve been – we’ll be working on that extremely closely. And I used the chance to invite the Secretary of State to visit Kyiv and to chair the next meeting of our Strategic Partnership Commission, where we are able to discuss all the issues of bilateral interest and all the issues of bilateral agenda. Many thanks again.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Andrea Mitchell of NBC News.
QUESTION: Thank you both very much. Mr. Secretary, I want to ask you about Ukraine and about the sanctions and Vladimir Putin. But first, let me ask you about the situation in the Middle East. Overnight, two UN officials have been reported killed in Gaza. Israel has apparently hit the electric utility, the only source of electricity for much of the strip. And the Israeli media has unleashed a fierce attack on you personally, from the left and from the right, unprecedented in, frankly, any of our experience. Ari Shavit in Haaretz is quoting a senior official as saying that your diplomacy has been, quote, “a strategic terrorist attack” on Israel. Others say that if there is an escalation, you are responsible for the increasing bloodshed. At this point, there’s also a report today of a new Palestinian initiative from the Palestinian Authority, perhaps with Hamas joining in. I wanted to ask you about that. There’s a report in Al-Hayat that you have launched a new initiative as well.
So if you could clear some of this up: Is it hurting your ability to be a mediator here to have Israel, with these blind quotes from Israeli officials, attacking you so vociferously? And is there a way out here through some new cease-fire that the Palestinians may be promoting today?
Secondly on Ukraine, you said that Vladimir Putin has a choice now. Does he still have a choice? We were told that the United States, with the President’s call with the European leaders yesterday, were going to be imposing sanctions today. Are you giving him yet another chance to prove himself after everything that’s happened? Or are these sanctions actually going to finally be implemented? And can you and perhaps the minister respond to credible reports from the region, we’re told today that government forces have fired back at Russian forces – so have fired across the border. Thank you for taking all of this.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me take the second part first and then I’ll come back to your first question. With respect to Ukraine, we are in the process of preparing additional sanctions with Europe. That is absolutely accurate. And what will happen will happen. But of course, President Putin still has a choice going forward with respect to his ability to be able to have an impact on the separatists. That is a choice that will be there tomorrow, the next day, and in the weeks ahead in order to resolve this. So separate the two.
Europe is working on the sanctions. We are working with them on the sanctions. We anticipate those additional sanctions, but – forthwith – but the point I’m making is that in the long road ahead here to resolve the kinds of issues of the gas deal – the gas has been cut off to Ukraine; to resolve the movement and flow of weapons and people across the border; the issue of firing from Russia into Ukraine; all of these issues – whatever happens with sanctions today or tomorrow, those issues remain and they are remaining to be the choices that President Putin has to make.
So we talked today about a political road ahead, the ways in which Ukraine can contribute to an effort to try to make it clear to President Putin that the agreements originally arrived at in Geneva about a political process are, indeed, being fully implemented. And Russia has raised on a number of occasions significant questions about whether or not that road has been sufficiently explored. And I think the foreign minister and I agree that there is more that we think can be done there, and we’re going to talk about that in the days ahead.
Now on the subject of Israel, I have talked to Prime Minister Netanyahu two, three, four times a day in the last days. We continue to talk. Last night we talked and the prime minister talked to me about an idea and a possibility of a cease-fire. He raised it with me, as he has consistently. He has consistently said that he would embrace a cease-fire that permits Israel to protect itself against the tunnels and obviously not be disadvantaged for the great sacrifice that they have made in order to be able to protect themselves thus far.
So the bottom line is that we are working very carefully and, I think, thoughtfully with our Israeli friends in order to be able to find a way to reduce the civilian loss of life, to prevent this from spiraling downwards into a place from which both sides have difficulty finding a way forward in order to address the underlying kinds of issues.
Now obviously, no one – no one in the United States, no one I know in the world condones the idea that Israel ought to be somehow subject to attack from these tunnels. We have supported from day one Israel’s right to defend itself, Israel’s right to take action, Israel’s right to live free from rockets and from tunnels that threaten it. But all we have suggested, and that President Obama has had several conversations with the prime minister about, is the need to try to find if you can resolve any of those issues through a legitimate negotiation and ultimately with less loss of life everywhere.
Now look, I’ve taken hits before in politics. I’m not worried about that. This is not about me. This isn’t about Israel and Israel’s right to defend itself, and our strong support for Israel’s right to defend itself, but about whether or not there is a way forward that could avoid the loss of soldiers for Israel and the loss of civilians in – everywhere. What we put on the table, in fact, allowed Israel – let me make this clear – allowed Israel to continue to deal with its tunnels even as they were in a short-term cease-fire to try to see if there was a way to reach a sustainable cease-fire. The UN has called for this, the international community has called for this, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself has said that he is prepared to embrace it, providing it doesn’t prejudice Israel in its way of protecting itself. And we have made certain that we guarantee that it doesn’t.
Now let me just finish quickly. The fact is that because of our efforts, we were able to get a short-term 12-hour cease-fire which then was expanded to 24, but then because of confusion over the 12 hours and four hours didn’t hold. That doesn’t mean that the right approach here isn’t to try to have an appropriate way to come to the table in order to see if a negotiation can take place. Now, let me emphasize Israel itself accepted a cease-fire under the Egyptian formula of no preconditions, cease of – cessation of hostilities, negotiations to take place in Cairo. That is exactly what we have been talking about. No variation, no deviation. We’ve been in touch with the Egyptians; we have honored the Egyptian concept. If there is a negotiation, it would be in Cairo. It would be entirely without preconditions, and it would not prejudice Israel’s ability to defend itself.
So I think there’s a little bit of energy being expended here unnecessarily, and I do think we will continue to work with our very close friend and ally. And I’m not going to worry about personal attacks. I think that President Obama has it right and the international community has it right when we say that it is more appropriate to try to resolve the underlying issues at a negotiating table than to continue a tit for tat of violence that will invite more violence and perhaps a greater downward spiral, which would be much more difficult to recover from.
QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible --
SECRETARY KERRY: Let me --
QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible to get a cease-fire after the past two days?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, that depends entirely on the parties at this point, Andrea. I mean, we – we’re trying to very carefully – without, as I said, diminishing Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself against tunnels and rockets – but to find a way to see if we can spare the people of Israel as well as Palestinians the possibilities of, at any moment, something going terribly wrong. When one of those rockets hits a major school in Israel or a major population center, lots of people die. The effort here is to find whether or not – I can’t vouch for it and President Obama can’t vouch for it, but we know that we owe it to everybody to try to see if you can find that way. If, after you get to a table, it proves that there is absolute reluctance to honor basic defensive needs of Israel; to deal with the rockets, to deal with the tunnels, to deal with other things, then at least you know you’ve made that effort to try to spare lives and to find a legitimate way forward. That’s our job, to try to do that. And we think we’re doing it in a way that completely reinforces Israel’s rights.
I’ve spent 29 years in the United States Senate and had a 100 percent voting record pro-Israel, and I will not take a second seat to anybody in my friendship or my devotion to the protection of the state of Israel. But I also believe, as somebody who’s been to war, that it is better to try to find a way, if you can, to solve these problems before you get dragged into something that you can’t stop. And it seems to me that this is a reasonable effort, fully protecting Israel’s rights, fully protecting Israel’s interests, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself said to me: Can you try to get a humanitarian cease-fire for this period of time? And if it weren’t for his commitment to it, obviously, the President of the United States and I would not be trying to make this effort. Now, either I take his commitment at face value, or someone is playing a different game here, and I hope that’s not the fact.
FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: On this report, I have such a record of cases of Russian – of shelling, not just artillery fire, but also rocket-propelled grenade fire from the Russian territory; of cases of Russian helicopters intruding the Ukrainian airspace. But we never, never fired back, of course, in order not to provoke the situation, but first and foremost because we are fully committed to international law. We have our legal and political commitments, and in the sense of United Nations statute, shelling from the territory of another state constitutes an act of aggression. So we are fully committed to international law. We never fired back.
And there were also many cases when the terrorists tried to position themself exactly near the border and fire on Ukrainian forces. We also exercised an extreme restraint, trying not to fire back, not to provoke the situation, and not to break our obligation under international law. So all reports on us firing back onto Russian territory are not true.
MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Alex Yanevskyy from VOA.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you, Mr. Foreign Minister. I have a question. Putin not showing signs that he slows down. Mr. Secretary, what exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine, and should Ukraine expect to become an ally of the United States? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: What was the first part of that?
QUESTION: What exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, the President has made it clear that there are many different options, but that would be taken, needless to say, as not just a violation of all notions of international law, but an exceedingly dangerous action, which would wind up with the most severe possible kinds of isolation and sanctions possible. And Germany, France, other countries in Europe would clearly join into that in ways that would have a profound, profound impact on the Russian economy. I would believe, for the very reasons that hasn’t happened yet, that President Putin understands that, that the risks are enormous.
It doesn’t – I think that alliances are a more – I mean, it depends whether you’re talking in legal terms or in other terms. We are a partner. We are a strategic ally now. And we are working very, very closely already providing advice and materials to Ukraine, as well as other countries who are doing the same thing. And we are working very, very hard to see if we can’t find the political key to be able to provide redress for the grievances that President Putin keeps talking about through the political process in a way that will recognize that Russia has a legitimate interest, which even Ukraine has acknowledged – interests about ethnic connection, historic connection, about the religious and historical foundations of Russia, all of which can be traced back to Kyiv and to many battlefields that are now in Ukraine and so forth. All of that is understood. And what Ukraine is looking for is simply respect for its sovereignty, and hopefully the political process that is unfolding now can address the concerns in a way that will strengthen that sovereignty and address the concerns that President Putin has expressed.
But we are and Europeans who have signed now an association agreement are firmly committed to the sovereignty and independence and stability of Ukraine, and we will continue to do the things that we are doing in furtherance of that policy.
MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all.
We meet today less than two weeks after Malaysian Airlines Flight 17 was tragically shot out of the sky in the separatist-controlled territory of Ukraine, and the victims of that crash and their families clearly deserve a thorough international investigation that is unimpeded in any respect so that people have access to the site, so that the families can know that their loved ones are being treated with the decency that any family anywhere in the world would expect in these circumstances.
The United States supports a thorough international investigation into this heinous act, and we support the efforts of the Malaysians, Dutch, and Australians to help the Ukrainians in order to secure the site so that those investigations can take place now. They’re overdue, and it is absolutely important for the separatists to stand back and permit this access to take place.
The work of the investigators is absolutely critical. It’s been 10 days since this plane went down. And investigators have still not received full, unfettered access to the crash site. And without this access, they have no way to collect debris, no way to collect other evidence from the scene in order to be able to provide the kind of examination that is necessary. They still can’t even ensure that all of the victims’ remains have been removed, and that is an unsupportable burden for any family to have to bear, and it is an unacceptable standard for behavior, period. The site has to be cordoned off. The evidence has to be preserved. And Russia needs to use its considerable influence among the separatists in order to be able to help ensure this basic approach of common decency.
Well beyond the crash site, the fighting is continuing. And as President Poroshenko has made clear repeatedly and as Foreign Minister Klimkin reiterated to me just a few minutes ago, the Ukrainians are ready to accept a mutual cease-fire now – not in the future, now. And they have proposed a peace plan that includes serious and substantive dialogue with the Russian-backed separatists with international participation because they understand that that is the only way that this crisis is going to come to an end.
This morning, I talked with Foreign Minister Lavrov and raised these concerns and agreed that there is a way to try to put some very specific proposals on the table to try to move forward. But the Russians and their so-called volunteers are continuing to ship arms and funds and personnel across the border. We see this. There is clear evidence of it. We now have clear evidence of artillery and rocket fire from Russia into Ukraine. And while the Russians have said that they want to de-escalate the conflict, their actions have not shown a shred of evidence that they really have a legitimate desire to end the violence and end the bloodshed.
As a result, the Russian-backed separatists refuse to lay down their arms and be part of the political process. They continue to fire on Ukrainian forces, even in the area just around the crash site, and they have displayed an appalling disregard for human decency. And evidently, the separatists will continue to do so unless they can feel some pressure, something real from their Russian backers.
President Putin can make a huge difference here if he chooses to. And we and our European partners will take additional measures and impose wider sanctions on key sections of the Russian economy if that is what we must do. We hope that it will not be necessary. And if Russia continues to go down this path, however, Russia will leave the international community with no choice. What is unfolding in Ukraine has already gone on for far too long. It’s well past time for the violence to stop and for the people of Ukraine to begin the process of rebuilding their country and rebuilding it in a way that can have a relationship with Russia, with the West.
I think Foreign Minister Klimkin will affirm today that we’re not asking them to choose between the two, and I think Ukrainians understand that they have strong ties to Russia. They’re prepared to have a relationship with Russia, and they understand that the future of Ukraine depends on having a strong relationship with Russia.
So it’s well past time for this violence to stop, and that is why yesterday, Vice President Biden announced nearly $7 million in rapid assistance for humanitarian and rebuilding purposes to be deployed immediately. Specifically, these funds will go towards rebuilding eastern Ukraine, including the cities of Slovyansk and Kramatorsk, where people celebrated in the streets recently when they were liberated from separatist control.
We are also asking Congress for approval to provide financial support and mentoring to small businesses throughout Ukraine. Through mechanisms like the public-private partnerships and export promotion initiatives, we are hoping to inject additional resources into Ukraine’s economy so that together, all Ukrainians can rebuild their lives along with their cities.
Over the past few months, the Ukrainian Government has taken a number of steps to try to bring about a better future for its people and to reform the government that had failed them so much in the past, including signing an historic association agreement with the European Union and also finalizing a vital standby arrangement with the International Monetary Fund. We strongly urge Ukrainians to continue the process of reforming their democracy, even if not particularly during this moment of crisis, because this is a troubling time where everyone is looking for those reforms to be implemented, and they can make a huge difference in rebuilding confidence and also in providing a sense in Russia that the concerns expressed by the separatists are, in fact, being listened to and being incorporated into the political process of Ukraine.
The United States stands ready to support our Ukrainian partners in this effort, because we know that ultimately, a strong democratic government and a strong economy are the keys to providing the Ukrainian people with the stability and the prosperity that they want and that they deserve.
So again, I thank Foreign Minister Klimkin for joining me today for this meeting, and I have pledged to him that we will continue to work closely together. We’re talking about the possibility of when we could find time for a visit to continue this discussion more directly with the prime minister and with President Poroshenko. I think we share high hopes for the possibilities of what a resolution of this crisis with the separatists and with Russia could bring – a strong Ukraine, the respect for their sovereignty, and the possibilities of stability for the region.
Mr. Foreign Minister, please.
FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: Good morning, everyone. Mr. Secretary of State, I would like to thank you for your commitment, for your solidarity, and for – also for your personal leadership, also in Geneva format, and for your commitment to democratic, united, and European Ukraine.
It’s my first visit since I’ve been appointed the foreign minister, and it’s, indeed, a pleasure to be here to discuss all issues of bilateral agenda, but first and foremost, the ongoing developments in Ukraine. And I’m glad we have the same vision of these developments and I am glad that I feel a real commitment, a real solidarity here. We have in Ukraine clear commitment to the settlement of the situation in Donetsk and Luhansk, and the peace plan of the president of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, gives peace a chance.
It includes three main dimensions. It’s firstly about de-escalation and reaching a cease-fire. Secondly, it’s about humanitarian dimension and restoring the infrastructure disrupted on the ground. And of course, it’s about political dimension, because what counts and what is critical is reaching the bilateral cease-fire with the aim of restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Of course, we need a critical progress. We need a breakthrough on hostages. We need to release hostages as soon as possible. And it’s also the issue of human dignity.
We need, of course, the OSCE. We need the OSCE observers to be present on the ground from the very first moment of cease-fire. We paid for our commitment on two unilateral cease-fire with 30 lives and more than 100 people wounded. The unilateral cease-fire was broken more than 100 times, and now it’s about bilateral cease-fire, it’s about OSCE again to be present on the ground, but it’s also about closing down the border. It’s also about stopping the inflow of money, armed persons, weapons, and heavy weaponry across the border, because it’s critical precondition for reaching stability in Donetsk and Luhansk.
Of course, it’s also about humanitarian dimension. It’s about restoration of all disrupted infrastructure, because what we’ve been doing now, we’ve been trying to restore disrupted electricity networks, water supply, gas supply. We’ve been trying to bring normal life back to the people of Donbas. And I am particularly grateful to the Secretary of State, to the United States, for urgent help, for urgent assistance to the people of Donbas, which should be aimed at restoring infrastructure. I believe it was – has symbolic, but also extremely important practical dimension.
And of course, it’s about political process. It’s about settlement. And we are ready to (inaudible) decentralization. We are ready to give more powers to the communities, to the districts, to the regions. It’s about giving people more freedom, but also more responsibility – political responsibility and economic responsibility. And it’s about not allowing to play up any sort of issues like using the Russian language, because it would be up to every community to decide what language should be spoken.
It’s about clear idea how we can de-escalate the situation on the ground, because we are ready for local elections. We are ready that the real representative of Donbas, a real representative of Donetsk and Luhansk should take responsibility over the situation on the ground, should take responsibility over de-escalation, over economic and social development on Donbas. And in this sphere, we feel solidarity by the United States and we also have clear and targeted assistance.
And also under difficult conditions on the ground, we’ve been trying – we’ve been working around the clock on securing access to the crash site, and it’s our key priority. We’ve been working on ensuring the possibility for fully transparent and effective investigation of the causes of the tragedy with the plane of Malaysian Airlines. And of course, for us, it’s about human dignity. It’s about the possibility of recovering all bodies and body fragments from the crash site. It’s about giving back the friends and the loved ones any sort of personal belongings. It’s not just the priority; it’s an absolute priority for Ukraine at the moment.
So we have the same vision on these developments and we feel continuous support by the United States. Of course we’ve touched upon also a number of issues on our bilateral agenda and we’ve been – we’ll be working on that extremely closely. And I used the chance to invite the Secretary of State to visit Kyiv and to chair the next meeting of our Strategic Partnership Commission, where we are able to discuss all the issues of bilateral interest and all the issues of bilateral agenda. Many thanks again.
MS. PSAKI: The first question will be from Andrea Mitchell of NBC News.
QUESTION: Thank you both very much. Mr. Secretary, I want to ask you about Ukraine and about the sanctions and Vladimir Putin. But first, let me ask you about the situation in the Middle East. Overnight, two UN officials have been reported killed in Gaza. Israel has apparently hit the electric utility, the only source of electricity for much of the strip. And the Israeli media has unleashed a fierce attack on you personally, from the left and from the right, unprecedented in, frankly, any of our experience. Ari Shavit in Haaretz is quoting a senior official as saying that your diplomacy has been, quote, “a strategic terrorist attack” on Israel. Others say that if there is an escalation, you are responsible for the increasing bloodshed. At this point, there’s also a report today of a new Palestinian initiative from the Palestinian Authority, perhaps with Hamas joining in. I wanted to ask you about that. There’s a report in Al-Hayat that you have launched a new initiative as well.
So if you could clear some of this up: Is it hurting your ability to be a mediator here to have Israel, with these blind quotes from Israeli officials, attacking you so vociferously? And is there a way out here through some new cease-fire that the Palestinians may be promoting today?
Secondly on Ukraine, you said that Vladimir Putin has a choice now. Does he still have a choice? We were told that the United States, with the President’s call with the European leaders yesterday, were going to be imposing sanctions today. Are you giving him yet another chance to prove himself after everything that’s happened? Or are these sanctions actually going to finally be implemented? And can you and perhaps the minister respond to credible reports from the region, we’re told today that government forces have fired back at Russian forces – so have fired across the border. Thank you for taking all of this.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, let me take the second part first and then I’ll come back to your first question. With respect to Ukraine, we are in the process of preparing additional sanctions with Europe. That is absolutely accurate. And what will happen will happen. But of course, President Putin still has a choice going forward with respect to his ability to be able to have an impact on the separatists. That is a choice that will be there tomorrow, the next day, and in the weeks ahead in order to resolve this. So separate the two.
Europe is working on the sanctions. We are working with them on the sanctions. We anticipate those additional sanctions, but – forthwith – but the point I’m making is that in the long road ahead here to resolve the kinds of issues of the gas deal – the gas has been cut off to Ukraine; to resolve the movement and flow of weapons and people across the border; the issue of firing from Russia into Ukraine; all of these issues – whatever happens with sanctions today or tomorrow, those issues remain and they are remaining to be the choices that President Putin has to make.
So we talked today about a political road ahead, the ways in which Ukraine can contribute to an effort to try to make it clear to President Putin that the agreements originally arrived at in Geneva about a political process are, indeed, being fully implemented. And Russia has raised on a number of occasions significant questions about whether or not that road has been sufficiently explored. And I think the foreign minister and I agree that there is more that we think can be done there, and we’re going to talk about that in the days ahead.
Now on the subject of Israel, I have talked to Prime Minister Netanyahu two, three, four times a day in the last days. We continue to talk. Last night we talked and the prime minister talked to me about an idea and a possibility of a cease-fire. He raised it with me, as he has consistently. He has consistently said that he would embrace a cease-fire that permits Israel to protect itself against the tunnels and obviously not be disadvantaged for the great sacrifice that they have made in order to be able to protect themselves thus far.
So the bottom line is that we are working very carefully and, I think, thoughtfully with our Israeli friends in order to be able to find a way to reduce the civilian loss of life, to prevent this from spiraling downwards into a place from which both sides have difficulty finding a way forward in order to address the underlying kinds of issues.
Now obviously, no one – no one in the United States, no one I know in the world condones the idea that Israel ought to be somehow subject to attack from these tunnels. We have supported from day one Israel’s right to defend itself, Israel’s right to take action, Israel’s right to live free from rockets and from tunnels that threaten it. But all we have suggested, and that President Obama has had several conversations with the prime minister about, is the need to try to find if you can resolve any of those issues through a legitimate negotiation and ultimately with less loss of life everywhere.
Now look, I’ve taken hits before in politics. I’m not worried about that. This is not about me. This isn’t about Israel and Israel’s right to defend itself, and our strong support for Israel’s right to defend itself, but about whether or not there is a way forward that could avoid the loss of soldiers for Israel and the loss of civilians in – everywhere. What we put on the table, in fact, allowed Israel – let me make this clear – allowed Israel to continue to deal with its tunnels even as they were in a short-term cease-fire to try to see if there was a way to reach a sustainable cease-fire. The UN has called for this, the international community has called for this, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself has said that he is prepared to embrace it, providing it doesn’t prejudice Israel in its way of protecting itself. And we have made certain that we guarantee that it doesn’t.
Now let me just finish quickly. The fact is that because of our efforts, we were able to get a short-term 12-hour cease-fire which then was expanded to 24, but then because of confusion over the 12 hours and four hours didn’t hold. That doesn’t mean that the right approach here isn’t to try to have an appropriate way to come to the table in order to see if a negotiation can take place. Now, let me emphasize Israel itself accepted a cease-fire under the Egyptian formula of no preconditions, cease of – cessation of hostilities, negotiations to take place in Cairo. That is exactly what we have been talking about. No variation, no deviation. We’ve been in touch with the Egyptians; we have honored the Egyptian concept. If there is a negotiation, it would be in Cairo. It would be entirely without preconditions, and it would not prejudice Israel’s ability to defend itself.
So I think there’s a little bit of energy being expended here unnecessarily, and I do think we will continue to work with our very close friend and ally. And I’m not going to worry about personal attacks. I think that President Obama has it right and the international community has it right when we say that it is more appropriate to try to resolve the underlying issues at a negotiating table than to continue a tit for tat of violence that will invite more violence and perhaps a greater downward spiral, which would be much more difficult to recover from.
QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible --
SECRETARY KERRY: Let me --
QUESTION: Do you think it’s still possible to get a cease-fire after the past two days?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, that depends entirely on the parties at this point, Andrea. I mean, we – we’re trying to very carefully – without, as I said, diminishing Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself against tunnels and rockets – but to find a way to see if we can spare the people of Israel as well as Palestinians the possibilities of, at any moment, something going terribly wrong. When one of those rockets hits a major school in Israel or a major population center, lots of people die. The effort here is to find whether or not – I can’t vouch for it and President Obama can’t vouch for it, but we know that we owe it to everybody to try to see if you can find that way. If, after you get to a table, it proves that there is absolute reluctance to honor basic defensive needs of Israel; to deal with the rockets, to deal with the tunnels, to deal with other things, then at least you know you’ve made that effort to try to spare lives and to find a legitimate way forward. That’s our job, to try to do that. And we think we’re doing it in a way that completely reinforces Israel’s rights.
I’ve spent 29 years in the United States Senate and had a 100 percent voting record pro-Israel, and I will not take a second seat to anybody in my friendship or my devotion to the protection of the state of Israel. But I also believe, as somebody who’s been to war, that it is better to try to find a way, if you can, to solve these problems before you get dragged into something that you can’t stop. And it seems to me that this is a reasonable effort, fully protecting Israel’s rights, fully protecting Israel’s interests, and Prime Minister Netanyahu himself said to me: Can you try to get a humanitarian cease-fire for this period of time? And if it weren’t for his commitment to it, obviously, the President of the United States and I would not be trying to make this effort. Now, either I take his commitment at face value, or someone is playing a different game here, and I hope that’s not the fact.
FOREIGN MINISTER KLIMKIN: On this report, I have such a record of cases of Russian – of shelling, not just artillery fire, but also rocket-propelled grenade fire from the Russian territory; of cases of Russian helicopters intruding the Ukrainian airspace. But we never, never fired back, of course, in order not to provoke the situation, but first and foremost because we are fully committed to international law. We have our legal and political commitments, and in the sense of United Nations statute, shelling from the territory of another state constitutes an act of aggression. So we are fully committed to international law. We never fired back.
And there were also many cases when the terrorists tried to position themself exactly near the border and fire on Ukrainian forces. We also exercised an extreme restraint, trying not to fire back, not to provoke the situation, and not to break our obligation under international law. So all reports on us firing back onto Russian territory are not true.
MS. PSAKI: The final question will be from Alex Yanevskyy from VOA.
QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Thank you, Mr. Foreign Minister. I have a question. Putin not showing signs that he slows down. Mr. Secretary, what exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine, and should Ukraine expect to become an ally of the United States? Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: What was the first part of that?
QUESTION: What exactly the United States is going to do if Russia invades Ukraine?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, the President has made it clear that there are many different options, but that would be taken, needless to say, as not just a violation of all notions of international law, but an exceedingly dangerous action, which would wind up with the most severe possible kinds of isolation and sanctions possible. And Germany, France, other countries in Europe would clearly join into that in ways that would have a profound, profound impact on the Russian economy. I would believe, for the very reasons that hasn’t happened yet, that President Putin understands that, that the risks are enormous.
It doesn’t – I think that alliances are a more – I mean, it depends whether you’re talking in legal terms or in other terms. We are a partner. We are a strategic ally now. And we are working very, very closely already providing advice and materials to Ukraine, as well as other countries who are doing the same thing. And we are working very, very hard to see if we can’t find the political key to be able to provide redress for the grievances that President Putin keeps talking about through the political process in a way that will recognize that Russia has a legitimate interest, which even Ukraine has acknowledged – interests about ethnic connection, historic connection, about the religious and historical foundations of Russia, all of which can be traced back to Kyiv and to many battlefields that are now in Ukraine and so forth. All of that is understood. And what Ukraine is looking for is simply respect for its sovereignty, and hopefully the political process that is unfolding now can address the concerns in a way that will strengthen that sovereignty and address the concerns that President Putin has expressed.
But we are and Europeans who have signed now an association agreement are firmly committed to the sovereignty and independence and stability of Ukraine, and we will continue to do the things that we are doing in furtherance of that policy.
MS. PSAKI: Thank you, everyone.
SECRETARY KERRY: Thank you all.
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