FRANK ROSE'S REMARKS ON SPACE PARTNERSHIP

FROM:  STATE DEPARTMENT
Strengthening Global Partnership in SSA Activities
Remarks
Frank A. Rose
Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance
3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Space Development and Utilization for Humankind
Tokyo, Japan
February 27, 2014

Good morning. I am honored to be back in Tokyo for the third international symposium on sustainable space development and utilization for mankind. I always have a great experience during my trips to Japan, and I'd like to thank the Japan Space Forum for inviting me back again to participate in this seminar.

Update on U.S. Space Situational Awareness Initiatives
To begin, I'd like to provide a brief policy update on the United States' efforts on Space Situational Awareness, or SSA, cooperation in the past year, while deferring to my colleague Doug Loverro from the Department of Defense to discuss some of the more technical aspects of our SSA cooperation.

As everyone in this room understands, the increasingly congested space environment is of growing concern for all nations. The growing volume of space debris dramatically increases the threat of a collision. Avoiding such collisions requires us to strengthen the foundational capability of SSA to improve our ability to characterize the space environment and to predict the location of objects orbiting the Earth, including space debris.

Given the constraints of geography and finite resources, no one nation is capable of precisely tracking every space object on its own. This inherent limitation makes international cooperation on SSA not just useful but essential. As a result, we are collaborating with foreign partners, the private sector, and intergovernmental organizations to improve our space situational awareness – specifically, to improve our shared ability to rapidly detect, warn of, characterize, and attribute natural and man-made disturbances to space systems.

The United States is taking action in a variety of ways to implement our National Space Policy's guidance to enhance SSA capabilities through international cooperation.

For example, since last February, the United States has signed SSA sharing agreements with five governments, including three Pacific nations: Australia, Japan, and Canada. We have also concluded SSA sharing arrangements with Italy, and, just last month, France. We expect to sign several agreements with additional governments in 2014, as well as with numerous commercial owners and operators.

In addition, the United States continues to provide notifications to other governments and commercial satellite operators of potentially hazardous conjunctions between their satellites and other orbiting objects.

We are also exploring the possibility of establishing two-way SSA sharing, including with Japan. We hope that as our space surveillance capabilities improve, we will be able to notify satellite operators earlier and with greater accuracy in order to prevent collisions in space. To this end, the United States is working with partner nations on a country-by-country basis to develop processes and jointly develop a universal message format for more timely and tailored collision warning data. We are also working closely with the commercial space industry to determine what kinds of satellite data and other information can be shared. Working together at the operator level to share collision warning information will have the added benefit of improving spaceflight safety and communication among governmental and commercial operators, users, and decision-makers.

One of the most important areas for us to continue pursuing international cooperation, including on SSA and other space activities, is in the Asia-Pacific region. I'd now like to take a few minutes to discuss some key aspects of our engagement on space security in the region, including strengthening alliances; deepening partnerships with emerging powers; empowering regional institutions; and building a stable, productive, and constructive space security relationship with China.

Strengthening Alliances
Not only are we strengthening our alliances in the Asia-Pacific region, but in many cases, we’re updating them to face evolving security challenges, such as those in the space environment. This process of updating and broadening our alliances is especially evident here in Japan, where we are working with our Japanese allies to update the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines. Enhancing allied cooperation on space security issues presents an ideal opportunity to enhance the U.S.-Japan Alliance. We believe the new Guidelines should emphasize the role that the United States and Japan envision for a "whole of government" approach to space security cooperation, and the ways this cooperation can contribute to enhancing deterrence, ballistic missile defense, and regional and international security and stability. We are looking to place particular emphasis on the importance to the Alliance of strengthening the long-term sustainability of the space environment and of pursuing bilateral and multilateral transparency and confidence-building measures, or TCBMs. Finally, the Guidelines should discuss bilateral cooperation in the utilization of U.S. and allied space capabilities and the potential value of Japanese contributions to improve the overall resiliency of critical space mission architectures.

In addition to our bilateral ongoing work with the Guidelines, the United States and Japan have held several space security dialogues in the last three years, as well as civil space dialogues and the first-ever Comprehensive Dialogue last year in Tokyo. The Comprehensive Dialogue on Space is intended to address the bilateral relationship at a strategic level and to ensure a whole-of-government approach to space matters. We expect a second Comprehensive Dialogue to be held later this year in Washington, D.C.

Space has also played an increasingly crucial role in our alliance with Australia, with discussions on space beginning as early as 2008 at the Australia-U.S. Ministerial (AUSMIN). At the 2010 AUSMIN, our governments acknowledged the growing problem of space debris, and signed a Memorandum of Understanding to work together on space surveillance. Two years later, we continued that cooperation at the 2012 AUSMIN when we announced that the United States would transfer a C-Band radar to Australia, which will help us expand our ability to track space debris in the southern hemisphere. At the 2013 AUSMIN, we signed another agreement to relocate a space surveillance telescope to Australia. We also have ongoing space security dialogues with Australia, as well as a trilateral space security dialogue between the United States, Australia, and Japan.

Discussions on space security have also been increasing with our Republic of Korea allies. We are currently considering the establishment of a formal space security dialogue mechanism between our two governments, as well as the establishment of a bilateral SSA Sharing Agreement.

All three of these allies have been exceptionally close partners on space security and sustainability. For example, both the United States and the Republic of Korea cooperated closely as members of the UN Group of Governmental Experts, or GGE, on Outer Space Transparency and Confidence-Building Measures and supported the consensus report, which was later endorsed last year by the UN General Assembly. The GGE, which was ably led by Victor Vasiliev of Russia who is here today, is an important example of what governments can achieve when they work together in a spirit of pragmatic cooperation. We hope that all countries will review the report and carefully consider implementing many of the near-term and pragmatic TCBMs contained therein.

One of the key recommendations from the consensus GGE report was its endorsement of "efforts to pursue political commitments, for example...a multilateral code of conduct, to encourage responsible actions in, and the peaceful use of, outer space." Japan, Australia, and the Republic of Korea, have all been global leaders in the development of the Code, which has the potential to contribute positively to the long-term sustainability, security, safety, and stability of the space environment through the establishment of TCBMs and rules of responsible behavior in space. In addition, I would like to recognize the invaluable contribution to space security by Thailand, who in November of last year hosted the successful second round of Open-Ended Consultations on the Code of Conduct in Bangkok.

Deepening Partnerships with Emerging Powers and Empowering Regional Institutions

In addition to updating and deepening our alliances in the region, we are also building new partnerships to help solve the shared problems of the space environment. We are seeking to forge deeper ties with other regional spacefaring nations. That is why I’ve spent a great deal of time in Asia over the past two years, discussing space security issues with my counterparts in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.

Our increasing engagement with ASEAN highlights our efforts to deepen our commitment to the region and to work with all nations to ensure a sustainable and secure space environment. We were proud to participate in and support the 2012 ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) workshop on space security, co-hosted by Vietnam and Australia. This event was the first time ARF members gathered to discuss space security issues. ARF members welcomed space issues into the ARF and called for more workshops. As a major forum for a large group of established and emerging spacefaring nations, the ARF provides an ideal opportunity to strengthen the region’s space expertise.

We are also seeking greater engagement with India, which is an established spacefaring nation, and we see a strong role for greater U.S.-India cooperation on space security issues. As President Obama said in 2010, the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. We see a strong role for Indian leadership in regional and multilateral space fora given India's space capabilities and its strong ties to other regional space actors and emerging spacefaring nations. For these reasons, in 2011 we launched the first U.S.-India space security discussions as part of an effort to ensure that our two governments exchange views on this increasingly important domain. The 2013 U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue Joint Statement called for a Space Security Dialogue between our two nations, and we look forward to having this Dialogue in the near future.

Building a Stable, Productive, and Constructive Space Security Relationship with China

Another key part of our regional engagement is building a stable, productive, and constructive space security relationship with China. As a leading spacefaring nation, China will play a key role in space security issues, and we will continue to engage China on space security through bilateral and multilateral channels. The United States and China have a mutual interest in maintaining the long-term sustainability and security of the space environment, including the adoption of measures to limit the creation of long-lived space debris. It is important to routinely discuss space security issues in order to reduce the chance for misperceptions and miscalculations. One way we have pursued these interests is by working to provide our Chinese counterparts with timely close approach notifications.

However, as U.S. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper noted in testimony before the U.S. Congress, the United States remains concerned about Chinese counterspace activities. As the unclassified January 29, 2014, Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community noted: Chinese military leaders "understand the unique information advantages afforded by space systems and are developing capabilities to disrupt US use of space in a conflict. For example, Chinese military writings highlight the need to interfere with, damage, and destroy reconnaissance, navigation, and communication satellites. China has satellite jamming capabilities and is pursuing antisatellite systems."

This is a development that the United States and its allies will continue to watch closely, and we call on China to be more transparent about its intentions and activities in space.

Conclusion
In conclusion, I’d like to reiterate that the United States is committed to addressing the challenges of managing the space environment. However, we cannot address these challenges alone. All nations – including those in the Asia-Pacific region, which is seeing a rapid expansion in its number of spacefaring nations, and rapid development of those nations’ capabilities – should work together to adopt pragmatic and near-term approaches for responsible activity in space to preserve its use for the benefit of future generations. We look forward in the United States to deepening our engagement with all governments in the Asia-Pacific region in regard to space and to work for the long-term sustainability of the very fragile space environment.

Thank you again for the opportunity to speak here today.

GEORGE WASHINGTON STRIKE GROUP RETURNS TO YOKOSUKA, JAPAN

Photo Credit:  U.S. Navy Photo By Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Trever Welsh

FROM:  U.S. NAVY 
George Washington Strike Group Completes 2013 Patrol

Story Number: NNS131204-20Release Date: 12/4/2013 10:54:00 PM  
By Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Ricky Guzman

YOKOSUKA, Japan (NNS) -- The USS George Washington Strike Group (GWSG) returned to its forward-operating location of Commander, Fleet Activities Yokosuka, Japan, Dec. 5, to conclude the second half of its 2013 patrol.

The GWSG participated in three joint-training exercises with regional partners, conducted three goodwill port visits, and provided humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to the Republic of the Philippines.

"George Washington Sailors, embarked staffs and air wing all performed at a high level during the ship's 2013 patrol," said Capt. Greg Fenton, George Washington's commanding officer. "We completed numerous shipboard qualifications, performed multiple exercises to strengthen interoperability and most importantly, provided humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to the Republic of the Philippines."

The GWSG most recently finished Annual Exercise (Annual Ex) 13, designed to increase the defensive readiness and interoperability of Japanese and U.S. Naval forces through training in air and sea operations. The strike group also conducted exercises in Oct. with the Republic of Korea navy and Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) in the waters around the Korean peninsula.

"It's important for the U.S. Navy and JMSDF to train to continue to evolve, upgrade and compare tactics to increase our interoperability," said Rear Adm. Mark Montgomery, commander, Battle Force 7th Fleet.

The GWSG also conducted three goodwill port visits to Busan, Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Hong Kong, where the ship's crew conducted 39 community service events.

"We wanted to show that we're not just here to provide military support," said Aviation Boatswain's (Handling) 2nd Class Ricardo Lopez, from Caguas, Puerto Rico. "We also like to interact with the communities we visit, which allow us to have a better understanding of each other's cultures."

The GWSG departed Hong Kong Nov. 12 to assist the Republic of Philippine government in disaster relief efforts in the aftermath of super Typhoon Haiyan during Operation Damayan.

"Our Sailors did an outstanding job in answering the call of humanitarian assistance from the Philippine government," said Fenton. "Our ship refueled aircraft and provided a staging area for relief supplies to be airlifted ashore."

USS George Washington (CVN 73) also embarked more than 200 distinguished visitors from Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Japan to provide a first-hand look at the day-to-day operations of an underway aircraft carrier.

"I'm extremely proud of every milestone we've accomplished during this patrol," said Fenton. "I have no doubt that the Sailors aboard the ship will continue to excel throughout the inport period."

The GWSG consisted of the aircraft carrier George Washington; the embarked staffs of Battle Force 7th Fleet and Destroyer Squadron 15; Carrier Air Wing 5; Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruisers USS Antietam (CG 54) and USS Cowpens (CG 63); and Arleigh-burke class guided-missile destroyers USS Lassen (DDG 82), USS McCampbell (DDG 85) and USS Mustin (DDG 89).

REMARKS BY SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE DAVIES ON NORTH KOREA

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks to Press at Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Remarks
Glyn Davies
Special Representative for North Korea Policy 
Tokyo, Japan
November 25, 2013

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: What I would like to do very much – first of all, let me thank you all for coming out. I appreciate that very much. I would like to say something at the beginning since it’s been a long visit here to North Asia and I’ve had good talks in Tokyo. First of all, I want to thank Director General Ihara and Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary Kanehara for giving me so much time today here in Tokyo. We had very in-depth and useful talks, and I believe that our visit here today and the talks I’ve had in Tokyo today demonstrate our close collaboration on North Korea.

We talked of course about the nuclear issue. Japan and the United States are in complete agreement, complete sync about that. We also talked about North Korean human rights – we’ll do more of that in a minute at lunch – and touched on the abductions issue. And we’ll again have more to say about that at lunch. I want to reiterate again, as I always do here in Tokyo, about how we in the United States share the pain and the suffering of abductee families and the Japanese people and pledge once again that we will work tirelessly in cooperation with Japan to try to resolve this important matter.

But as I wrap up a very productive week in the three key North Asian capitals – Beijing, Seoul, and Tokyo – I want to report a strong convergence of views on North Korea. All of us are in quite close alignment, and I believe Russia, an essential partner in the Six-Party process, agrees that we will not accept North Korea as a nuclear weapons state. There are of course some differences among the five – but not at all among the three allies, who are in complete solidarity – but some differences over secondary issues such as the precise threshold or timing of talks, but there is unanimity on what North Korea must do: North Korea must abandon its nuclear weapons and agree to begin that process.

So we are looking for concrete indications from Pyongyang of its commitment to do that. This is because the core purpose of the Six-Party process is the complete, verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula on a clear and quick timetable.

North Korea, however, is moving in the opposite direction. They have made clear through words and actions that they reject that premise. We have heard them say repeatedly that instead they demand acceptance as a nuclear weapons state, that they demand prior lifting of sanctions, that they demand a weakening of the U.S.-ROK alliance, which has kept the peace on the Korean Peninsula now for 60 years. I’ve spoken – I did so in Beijing – about North Korea’s “Byungjin” policy of prioritizing nuclear weapons development, which I call a dead end.

I also want to underscore that Pyongyang’s attempts to engage in dialogue while keeping its program running are completely unacceptable. So it’s understandable, we believe, after so many broken promises, after the nuclear and missile tests, the threats against its neighbors and the United States, that not just its negotiating partners in the Six-Party process, but the international community writ large would have high standards of evidence to measure North Korean intentions.

That’s why the United States and its allies call on North Korea to make convincing indications, take concrete steps to demonstrate its seriousness of purpose. We will continue this process of joining with our partners – especially China, given its unique role – to keep the onus for action on North Korea.

With that, I’m very happy to take any questions that you have.

QUESTION: Could you be more specific about what is the concrete step you want North Korea to take?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, this is now a matter of diplomatic discussion among the diplomatic partners in the five-party process, so I don’t want to go into a great deal of detail now. We’re talking about this between governments. We commend China for its tireless efforts to try to move forward on this discussion of what the appropriate threshold for Six-Party Talks would look like. My friend and colleague Ambassador Wu Dawei was just in Washington, some weeks ago, and we had the opportunity there to talk about it, and of course I followed up in Beijing on that same subject. And of course the discussions we had in Washington with separately the ROK and Japan, and then we had a trilateral session, and then again out here in the region – all are meant to define to our collective satisfaction what the threshold for talks should look like. So with your permission I do not plan at this stage to go into a great deal of detail about it.

The North Koreans know full well the kinds of things that we are looking for and talking about. We’ve been at this diplomacy now for a generation, through bilateral talks, trilateral talks, quadrilateral talks and Six-Party Talks, and we’ll keep it up.

QUESTION: Ambassador Davies, what is the U.S. currently doing to pull its citizen out of North Korea, and did you discuss it with the allies?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Of course. This issue of the fate of American citizens who are in North Korean custody is one that we’ve raised – that I’ve raised at each stop, but particularly in Beijing, given their relationship with North Korea. I’m not going to get into, again, the specific discussion of the measures that we’re taking, but I will use this occasion to once again call on North Korea to make the right decision and to respect our concerns and let American citizens who are there go free. I also want to commend our Swedish protecting power. The Government of Sweden has been magnificent in trying every day to work on these issues in Pyongyang with the North Korean government, and that is very important. It is very important to us that this be resolved, that it be resolved quickly.

QUESTION: There have been reports that it is Mr. Newman who has been detained. Can you confirm that identity?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I’m not at liberty to do that. We have a law that we take very seriously in the United States called the Privacy Act, and because there is no signed Privacy Act waiver, I’m not in position to speak specifically about that issue, out of respect for the law.

QUESTION: Ambassador, your opening remark was very strong, and it comes obviously after the deal with Iran. Is the United States ready to deepen the sanctions, to make the sanctions more strict, to make them more effective?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, look, I’m glad you raised that. I actually – since I knew you’d raise the issue of Iran, and this gives me an occasion to talk about it, so let me say some general things about that, since I know it’s the topic of the moment. Other than the nuclear denominator, the cases could not be more different, frankly, between Iran and North Korea. The two states, simply put, are on opposite sides of the nuclear weapons divide. I would point you to the remarks just made by Secretary of State Kerry. He pointed out that there is the very significant difference on the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons that, as I think many of you know, North Korea is the only nation on earth to have first signed that treaty and then renounced its signature. Iran is a signatory of the non-proliferation treaty. Also North Korea has said repeatedly, with increasing frequency, has asserted that it is a nuclear weapons state. They have now placed provisions in their constitution to enshrine that. They’ve sought acceptance as a nuclear weapons state. Iran in contrast has pledged not to build nuclear weapons.

But the starkest contrast of all – and I think this is the most important point to make – is that in the 21st century, North Korea is the only nation on earth that has exploded nuclear devices. They’ve done it not once, not twice, but three times.

There are other differences between the two cases. North Korea walked away from its membership in the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, the agency where I spent several years representing the United States, that is now under the direction of Director General Yukiya Amano. Iran is and has always been a very active and engaged member of the IAEA although we have often had differences with them in the past. I would also remind that I’ve alluded to this before, that North Korea has elevated the pursuit of nuclear weapons to one of its two strategic priorities in its “Byungjin” policy that I spoke to a minute ago.

One way the cases are similar – and I think this is very important – is that pressure, particularly in the form of sanctions, do play a critical role. Sanctions helped convince Iran to agree to this interim deal that’s just been announced. We believe sanctions and pressure are key to sharpening the choices that Pyongyang faces. So given North Korea’s continued flouting of its international obligations and international law, given its testing of nuclear devices, given its repeated threats of nuclear attack, its elevation of its nuclear weapons program pursuit to its highest national priority, we will continue to keep pressure on North Korea, to keep the screws to North Korea.

But it’s pressure not for its own sake; it’s pressure with a purpose, and this is important because what we seek is a negotiated, diplomatic solution to this long-running problem. Here we believe we are making progress with our partners to define an appropriate threshold for resumed multilateral talks, and we will keep that up.

QUESTION: There have been many rumors that the two countries, Iran and North Korea, have been cooperating on nuclear programs. How do you address these concerns?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, proliferation is a concern. It’s a big concern, and it’s something that we work on every day and about which we have conversations with our partners. I’m not going to get into what we do or don’t know about the state of affairs between North Korea and Iran. That would dip into intelligence matters which I can’t comment on, but this issue of proliferation of the spread of nuclear technologies, in particular from North Korea, remains an area of key concern to us, and of vigorous action.

QUESTION: Ambassador, regarding the sanctions, are you suggesting that we don’t have the right level or the right mix as we stand?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Sanctions are always a work in progress. I mean, I think that there are always more sanctions we could put in place if needed. But what I want to put the emphasis on here is what I said at the end of my earlier remarks, that we want the sanctions to help clarify for Pyongyang the choices that they face. If they continue to defy the international community, pursue nuclear weapons and missile technologies, all they will do is continue to isolate themselves, quite frankly to impoverish their people, to keep North Korea outside the community of nations. So we’re saying to North Korea – and we’re doing this increasingly with one voice across not just the six parties, not just the northeast Asian region, but across the world – take a different approach; take a different decision; come in the direction of the concerns of the international community; give up your nuclear weapons; pledge to eliminate your nuclear program; stop this relentless pursuit of these technologies; stop threatening the outside world, testing weapons and declaring yourself at odds with the international community.

If you do that, there is hope going forward for diplomacy, but we’ve seen just the opposite. I’ve detailed that. I won’t go back into that. And that’s why we’re so concerned, that North Korea seems uninterested in meeting the concerns of the international community, and that’s where pressure and sanctions come into play. And so we will keep the pressure on North Korea, and if necessary if they cannot in the near term go in a different direction, we’ll have to ramp up that pressure in order to continue to try to bring home to them that this is a mistake, it’s not in their interest, and that if they wish a better relationship with the United States, their neighbors in the world, they have to give up the nuclear weapons.

QUESTION: What is the latest (inaudible)?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I’ve talked about this before. I actually talked about it at length in Beijing, and I don’t want to really repeat myself. What I said was that it remains a matter of some wonderment that they haven’t understood that if, as they say, they want a better relationship with the United States, one thing they could do is release these Americans and answer our calls to take seriously our concerns about the fate of those being held there. And you know Kenneth Bae has been there for over a year. He’s been in North Korean custody longer than any American in quite a while. His family is understandably concerned. We talk to them frequently. They are keeping their hope up, and I believe that’s the case with the family of the other individual concerned. And we want them to know that we’re with them, and we’re doing everything we can to convince North Korea to let these men go.

QUESTION: The current level of sanctions hasn’t quite persuaded North Korea to think as you suggested. Is it time for a different tactic?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, that time will come soon, but we’re not there yet. There’s still room for diplomacy. We’d like to get something going here, and that’s why the pace of diplomacy has increased, to see if we can’t agree on an appropriate threshold for Six-Party Talks. But at the same time, we keep up our pressure. We keep up our sanctions, and if we do not see signs of North Korean sincerity, if they do not act to demonstrate that they understand they must fulfill their obligations to give up their nuclear weapons, then there is more pressure that will be brought to bear on them.

QUESTION: Did you give them a deadline?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: You know, I’m not in the business of giving deadlines. I’m not going to do that. Let me – if there’s one more question, I’m happy to take it, but I’ve been invited to lunch by Director General Ihara, and I would not like to be rude. I want to show up for that lunch, so any other questions here? No? Excellent. Thank you very much for coming here and listening to me. I really appreciate it. I look forward to seeing many of you in the near future either in Washington or back here in Tokyo. Thanks again. All the best.

SEC OBTAINS EMERGENCY RELIEF IN PONZI SCHEME THAT TARGETED JAPANESE INVESTORS

FROM:  U.S. SECURITY AD EXCHANGE COMMISSION 
SEC Obtains Asset Freeze and Other Emergency Relief in Ponzi Scheme Targeting Investors in Japan

The Securities and Exchange Commission announced an emergency action to freeze the assets of a Las Vegas resident and his companies in connection with a Ponzi scheme that defrauded thousands of investors living primarily in Japan.

The SEC alleges that Edwin Yoshihiro Fujinaga and his company MRI International, Inc. raised more than $800 million from investors who were told that their money would be used to buy medical accounts receivable (MARs) that medical providers in the United States held against insurance companies. Fujinaga and MRI represented that the company used investors' money to buy MARs from medical providers at a discount and tried to recover the full value of the MARs from the insurance companies. Fujinaga and MRI represented that they used investor money solely and exclusively to buy MARs.

According to the SEC's complaint, which was filed under seal on September 11, 2013 and unsealed last week in the U.S. District Court for the District of Nevada, MRI was a fraudulent Ponzi scheme designed to misappropriate money from investors. Fujinaga and MRI used investor money to pay the principal and interest due to earlier investors, for the expenses of MRI and other businesses owned by Fujinaga, and to buy luxury cars and pay Fujinaga's credit card bills, alimony, and child support.

The Honorable James C. Mahan for the U.S. District Court for the District of Nevada granted the SEC's request for a temporary restraining order, asset freeze and other emergency relief against MRI, Fujinaga, and CSA Service Center LLC, as a relief defendant.

The Commission's complaint alleges that Fujinaga and MRI violated Sections 17(a)(1), (2), and (3) of the Securities Act of 1933 and Section 10(b) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 and Rule 10b-5 thereunder; and seeks disgorgement of ill-gotten gains from Fujinaga, MRI, and relief defendant CSA, as well as financial penalties, permanent injunctions and other emergency relief.

The SEC's investigation, which is continuing, has been conducted by Danette R. Edwards and Thomas C. Swiers and supervised by Gregory G. Faragasso. The JFSA's Yuichiro Enomoto, who was seconded to the SEC, provided valuable assistance. The SEC's litigation is being led by Richard E. Simpson and Robert I. Dodge. The SEC appreciates the assistance of the JFSA, SESC, and the State of Nevada Division of Mortgage Lending.

SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY'S REMARKS AT 2+2 MEETING IN TOKYO

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 
Remarks at the Meeting of the U.S. - Japan Security Consultative Committee (2+2)
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Iikura Guest House
Tokyo, Japan
October 3, 2013

Well, thank you very much Foreign Minister Kishida and Defense Minister Onodera. We have very honored to be here, Secretary Hagel and I.

This is – as you have remarked, this is an historic meeting, the first time we’ve ever had this meeting in Japan, the 2+2. And it’s also critical because the framework that we will be discussing today will really lay out the security relationship between the United States and Japan for this region for the next 15 or 20 years.

This alliance, which we believe is the lynchpin alliance for the United States in the region, has not been updated since 1997. And as you said in your opening comments, a great deal has changed in this period of time. There are different threats and different kinds of threats. So it is important for us to recognize that this bilateral alliance remains a vital element of our respective national security strategies. And today, I am convinced, from the work our staffs have done and the groundwork that’s been done leading to today, we’re going to take a very important step forward to modernize that and to bring it up to date.

I’d just close by saying that for more than 60 years Japan has been one of the closest allies and one of our closest global partners, and most important partners. I want to thank you personally, Fumio, for your terrific support and help in New York during the General Assembly meeting on the subject of Syria. Japan has been playing an increasingly visible and important role on a number of different global crises, and we’re very grateful for Japan’s leadership with respect to that. And I’m confident that we’re going to have a very substantive and very productive discussion, so we look forward to getting to work.

Thank you.

EXECUTIVE INDICTED IN AUTO PARTS PRICE FIXING AND BID RIGGING CASE

FROM:  U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT 
Wednesday, September 11, 2013

G.S. Electech Inc. Executive Indicted for Role in Bid Rigging and Price Fixing on Automobile Parts Installed in U.S. Cars

A federal grand jury in Covington, Ky., has returned an indictment against G.S. Electech Inc. executive, Shingo Okuda for his role in an international conspiracy to fix prices and rig bids of auto parts used on antilock brake systems installed in U.S. cars, the Department of Justice announced today. Today’s charge is the first to be filed in Kentucky in the department’s ongoing investigation into anticompetitive conduct in the automotive parts industry.

The indictment, filed today in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Kentucky, charges Okuda, a Japanese national, with engaging in a conspiracy to rig bids for, and to fix, stabilize, and maintain the prices of speed sensor wire assemblies, which are installed in automobiles with an antilock brake system (ABS), sold to Toyota Motor Corp. and Toyota Motor Engineering and Manufacturing North America Inc. (collectively Toyota) in the United States and elsewhere.

G.S. Electech Inc. manufactures, assembles and sells a variety of automotive electrical parts, including speed sensor wire assemblies. The speed sensor wire assemblies connect a sensor on each wheel to the ABS to instruct it when to engage.

According to the charge, Okuda and his co-conspirators carried out the conspiracy by, among other things, agreeing during meetings and discussions to coordinate bids and fix prices of automotive parts submitted to Toyota. According to the charge, Okuda’s involvement in the conspiracy lasted from at least as early as January 2003 until at least February 2010.

“ Today’s indictment marks the 16th executive to be charged in the Antitrust Division’s continuing investigation of price fixing in the auto parts industry,” said Scott D. Hammond, Deputy Assistant Attorney General of the Antitrust Division’s criminal enforcement program. “Holding individuals accountable for their actions is the surest way to deter executives from choosing to collude rather than to compete for business.”
         
“Those who engage in price fixing, bid rigging and other fraudulent schemes harm the automotive industry by driving up costs for vehicle makers and buyers,” said John Robert Shoup, Acting Special Agent in Charge, FBI Detroit Division.  “The FBI is committed to pursuing and prosecuting these individuals for their crimes.”
                     
Okuda is charged with price fixing in violation of the Sherman Act, which carries a maximum sentence for individuals of 10 years in prison and a criminal fine of $1 million. The maximum fine for an individual may be increased to twice the gain derived from the crime or twice the loss suffered by the victims of the crime, if either of those amounts is greater than the statutory maximum fine.

Including Okuda, 11 companies and 16 executives have been charged in the Justice Department’s ongoing investigation into the automotive parts industry. To date, more than $874 million in criminal fines have been imposed and 14 individuals have been sentenced to pay criminal fines and to serve jail sentences ranging from a year and a day to two years each. One other executive has agreed to serve time in prison and is scheduled to be sentenced on Sept. 25, 2013.

In May 2012, G.S. Electech Inc. pleaded guilty and was sentenced to pay a $2.75 million criminal fine for its role in the conspiracy related to speed sensor wire assemblies.

Today’s charge is the result of an ongoing federal antitrust investigation into price fixing, bid rigging and other anticompetitive conduct in the automotive parts industry, which is being conducted by each of the Antitrust Division’s criminal enforcement sections and the FBI. Today’s charges were brought by the Antitrust Division’s National Criminal Enforcement Section and the FBI’s Detroit Field Office, with the assistance of the FBI headquarters’ International Corruption Unit.

STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL MAKES REMARKS IN JAPAN ON NORTH KOREAN POLICY

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Remarks at Narita Airport
Remarks
Glyn Davies
Special Representative for North Korea Policy
Tokyo, Japan
May 18, 2013

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Thanks for coming. Let me say a few things at the beginning, then I’m happy to take a few questions from you. What I would like to do is to report to you on my visit to Tokyo. It was a quick visit, but very productive. I had yesterday seven meetings with various officials. At the Abductions Ministry you know I met with Secretary General Mitani, Chairman Nukaga. I met Chairman Kawai at the Diet, and at the Kantei I had some useful meetings with Special Advisor Isozaki and Assistant Chief Cabinet Secretary Kanehara. At the Foreign Ministry, Deputy Minister Saiki made time to see me in his busy schedule, which I very much appreciate. And of course the centerpiece of my visit was my meeting with Director General Sugiyama, to follow up my late Thursday meeting that I had with him at the Foreign Ministry. I thank him very much for his hospitality. I thank all of the officials in Tokyo for their insights and their assurances. I found these meetings to be both useful and timely.

Now, in terms of the context of my visit and of these discussions, let me say this: We in the United States, and indeed I believe many who follow North Korea, expected sooner or later that North Korea would shift from the threats and belligerency of recent months, in some respects an almost unprecedented succession of unacceptable, dangerous acts and pronouncements with which you are all familiar. The December missile test, the February nuclear test, all of the threats not just to the United States, but also to the Republic of Korea, Japan, and China - you know as well as I the long list of recent provocations. We knew that North Korea would eventually shift their strategy to that of seeking engagement, in an effort to split us and to exploit any difference in our respective national positions.

What I would like to report to you about my meetings here is that they helped increase my confidence that the Government of Japan is fully aware of the challenges and pitfalls of engaging North Korea. I received assurances about the centrality of denuclearization to our collective efforts to engage North Korea on the right terms, in other words, to convince North Korea that it has no choice but to live up to its long-standing commitments and obligations to take steps to abandon nuclear weapons and indeed, to abandon its pursuit of missile technologies.

And let me say a word as I always do about the issue of abductions. The United States stands squarely with the families of the abductees and the people of Japan on this issue. It must be addressed by North Korea. We will continue to raise [this issue] at every opportunity with senior North Koreans. There can be no comprehensive resolution to all of the issues relating to North Korea unless the abductions are satisfactorily addressed. And we will indeed, as I have said many times before, never forget the suffering of the families. Let me again extend my thanks to counterparts in the Government of Japan for receiving me so well, and for such useful and timely meetings. And with that I’m happy to take a couple of questions.

QUESTION: Ambassador, are you saying that this visit by Mr. Iijima to Pyongyang is an effort by the North Koreans to split up your coalition, and what assurances did you get from the Japanese government that this won’t be the case?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, what I don’t want to do is get into commenting directly on this issue of the Iijima visit. And that is because, like the rest of you, I am suffering from a deficit of information. I simply don’t know much at all about the visit, I’ve seen the reporting from North Korea but my understanding is that Mr. Iijima has only just come back from Pyongyang and from Beijing and is now reporting to Japanese authorities. So we look forward to getting a report on what it was he discussed, and I think what we’ll do is we’ll take it from there.

QUESTION: I think you learned more about Mr. Iijima’s visit to North Korea, also in yesterday’s meetings with several Japanese officials. Now how do you understand the reason why Japan has sent Iijima to North Korea, and did you express some concerns to Japanese officials about Iijima’s trip, because it might have a negative impact on your effort to apply pressure on North Korea.

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I understand the question, and it’s a very legitimate question. But I would suggest that at this stage, this is not so much a question for me. I think that’s a question that you may put to your own authorities. What I do not want to do is get into the business of betraying the confidences that were extended to me by these gentlemen that I met with yesterday. If I were to betray those confidences, then I would be acting like North Korea, and I don’t want to do that.

QUESTION: What kind of consultations will you be having with the Japanese moving forward?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I think we’ll continue to have consultations with the Japanese, both through their Embassy in Washington and through our Embassy here, and also at the level of senior officials between capitals. One of the undertakings that I received from my meetings with Japanese officials is that of course they would convey to us in detail information about the Iijima trip. So we expect that it will happen, and I very much look forward to that. How about one more quick question?

QUESTION: What conditions do you think are necessary for the Japanese Government in trying to move this abduction issue forward? Do you expect to see some action from the North Koreans?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: It would be quite improper for me as an American diplomat to try and interpose myself into this issue from the standpoint of the Japanese Government. The Japanese government, we respect them, we have excellent relations with Japan, a close ally and friend, so we’ll see going forward what might have developed from this visit. But I am not going to suggest strategies and tactics other than simply to say what I have already said, that we in the United States believe that this issue of denuclearization, because it is the foundation issue, the corner issue of the Six-Party Process, is one that we must all continue to work on. Which does not mean that all of the other issues are not also exceedingly important.

There can’t be a comprehensive solution to the North Korea issue, all of these issues, until we find a way collectively to convince North Korea that it has no choice but to live up to its obligations and commitments. You’ve all heard me speak to that many, many times. I want to thank you very much for coming to the airport, I’m sorry it’s such a long trip for you to come out here. I’ve enjoyed my visit to Tokyo, the weather’s been beautiful, and I look forward very much to coming back some point in the near future. Thank you very much.

SECRETARY KERRY MEETS WITH STAFF AND FAMILIES AT EMBASSY IN TOKYO

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Meets with Staff and Families of Embassy Tokyo
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
U.S. Embassy Tokyo
Tokyo, Japan
April 15, 2013

AMBASSADOR ROOS: Well, let me just briefly tell you how honored we are to have Secretary Kerry here. This is the end of a whirlwind, worldwide trip for the Secretary, and he’s getting on a plane to head back to Washington.

But let me just say one thing about the Secretary. I’ve had the honor and the privilege to have known him for years, and when he was chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, every time I went back to Washington since I’ve been the Ambassador, I’ve spent time with him where he’s asked about what’s going on here in Japan and what you and the Embassy have been doing. And so when he became the Secretary of State, not only was he incredibly well-versed on the whole Asia Pacific area, but in particular, he has a real appreciation for what all of you do in Japan.

So it is really my distinct honor and privilege to turn the microphone over and introduce you to our great Secretary of State, John Kerry.

SECRETARY KERRY: Thanks, John. (Applause.) It’s really wonderful to be here. I’m happy to see all the kids here. Hi, guys. How are you? Are these young – where, two, three, four, five? The rest are in school. Did you get out of school? (Laughter.) You did? I love it. Thank you. (Laughter.) That’s very smart of you. I’m glad you came by. Thank you very, very much.

Well, hello, and hello, Tokyo. And I gather we’ve got some consulates. Well, how are you guys? In fact, just one consulate? We have four other somewhere. (Laughter.) They’re not being shown, right – oh, there they are. Another one from (inaudible). Hi, guys. How are you? Thank you. Which consulate is that? That’s (inaudible), and where’s the other one?

PARTICIPANT: They’re not on.

SECRETARY KERRY: Okay. They’re not on. And three got lost, sorry. (Laughter.)

PARTICIPANT: Right here.

SECRETARY KERRY: There you are. (Laughter.) Yay, there they are. Give them a cheer, everybody in Embassy Tokyo. (Applause.) We’re cheering for the other ones too. Oh, hi. (Laughter.) Everybody’s included.

Thank you for the privilege of being here with all of you. I really appreciate it very, very much. It’s the last leg and last event before we go to the airport and take off and go home with a brief stop in Chicago, and then back to work tomorrow morning if I can find the Department. (Laughter.) But I really want to thank all of you. It’s a great privilege for me to be here.

First of all, let me just say a huge thank you to my friend, the Ambassador. John and I got to know each other really well when I was running for president in ’04. He was my Northern California chairman of that effort, believe it or not, and I never cease to tell him that if he had just worked a little harder, I would have been president. (Laughter.) And he did a worthy job. It wasn’t his life’s work and mission.

He certainly – as you know, he won an award for the quality of the work that you all did together under the most trying of circumstances after the tragedy of the East Japan earthquake, and I want to thank you for that, but I want everybody here to also thank the team. Susie is part of the team, a huge part of it. Susie, thank you, and John, thanks so much for your leadership. I really appreciate both of you enormously. (Applause.) You’re all so disciplined with this red wine here. (Laughter.) (Inaudible.) It’s too organized for me. (Laughter.)

Anyway, we’ll bring you on afterwards because I want to come by and have a chance to shake hands and say hello to everybody. But I really want to thank you. Look, I had the privilege of giving a speech today at Tokyo Tech, and talked about the Asia Pacific future and the possibilities of the future. And I really believe in them, and you all are part of what the – I get into trouble if I start separating embassies and pointing out the differences, but really, this is one of our most – it’s a flagship embassy, and you all know that.

It’s because the Japanese are such close friends, and Japan is such an important part of our Asia Pacific and global partnership. And Japan is playing in all sorts of remarkable ways today: helping with Afghanistan, helping with Syria, helping with the Mideast peace process. We actually talked about that today with Prime Minister Abe. I mean, there are really unbelievable ways when this partnership shows itself in various places.

And it’s still building. It’s still got unfulfilled possibilities. So you’re on the cutting edge of the President’s rebalancing and the whole focus of building a stronger future Pacific region. I laid out today the different kinds of growth that are really going to define that – the smart growth, the just growth, the strong growth, and fair growth and so forth. These are the keys, and all of you, every single one of you, on a daily basis, whether you are locally hired and a Japanese citizen working for the Embassy of the United States – we couldn’t do it without you; it’s (inaudible) – or whether you’re an American FSO or civil servant or part of one of the agencies that are all cross-fertilized in an embassy.

You are all ambassadors for the United States, because you’re the contact with the American Embassy. And in many cases, that's the only contact some people will ever have with the Government of the United States directly. So how you treat people, and how fast you get back to people, and what kind of experience they have in the Embassy, and what they hear from you is all part of our diplomacy, part of our effort to share our values and our hopes and our aspirations with people around the world. And the very practical things you also do, like help get a joint strike fighter agreement which actually creates jobs at home, even as you strengthen the relationship and strengthen our security here. Or the Tomodachi program, where you’re working with young kids and giving them an opportunity to be able to have a sense of leadership and a sense of the possibilities of the future. So every single part of these things are part of the web that is diplomacy.

Now, I mentioned earlier that I’m going to be stopping in Chicago on the way back. The reason I’m stopping in Chicago is to visit with the parents of Anne Smedinghoff, who we lost just, as you know, a few days ago. And this is a family. Everybody understands and feels that kind of a loss. A 25-year-old young woman, full of idealism, full of hopes, taking books to children in a school so they can learn, and wiped out by terrorism, by the worst kind of nihilistic nothing – violence that doesn’t stand for anything except killing people and stopping the future.

So we’re not going to be deterred. We’re going to be inspired. And we’re going to use Anne’s idealism as another motivation for the idealism that brings all of you to this effort in the first place. We can make this world better. We can strengthen other countries. We’ve seen it happen. I used the example earlier today of what we did only 10, 20 years ago: We were giving aid to the Republic of Korea, and it was still struggling and emerging. Today, Korea is giving aid to other countries, and it’s a strong nation with a vibrant democracy, and it’s a partner in these kinds of efforts. That’s what this is all about. Mongolia today, hosting a conference on democracy; who would have thought about that a number of years ago? Burma, Aung San Suu Kyi standing with the generals, a prisoner of 20 years, and working towards democracy. That’s what this is all about.

So I just want to say a profound thank you to all of you. As long as I’m Secretary of State, I promise you I will do everything in my power to cover your back. You cover mine, and we’ll be a good team together and we’ll get the job done.

Thank you all, and God bless. (Applause.)

U.S. WILL CONSOLIDATE FORCES IN JAPAN

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
Hagel Details U.S.-Japan Consolidation Plan for Okinawa
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, April 5, 2013 - The United States and Japan have announced a new plan that will reduce the U.S. footprint on the island of Okinawa while ensuring an operationally effective U.S. force presence in the region, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel said today.

The plan, released today in Tokyo, is a key step forward in implementing the 2006 Realignment Roadmap. It details every step needed for consolidating U.S. forces in Okinawa and gives conditions-based dates for the land returns.

When fully implemented, the plan will result in the return to Japan of about 2,500 acres of land now used by U.S. forces. The returns are essential steps in the realignment agreement, officials said, aiming to ensure a stable presence for U.S. forces in Japan.
"Our plan calls for the immediate return -- upon the completion of certain necessary procedures -- of certain facilities and areas on Okinawa," Hagel said in a statement announcing the plan. "The United States will then return additional locations once replacement facilities are constructed, and when a sizeable contingent of U.S. Marine Corps forces relocate ... outside Japan." The Marines will move to Guam and Hawaii, he added.

The secretary thanked Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe for his personal leadership and attention to the plan, which required months of close coordination between senior leaders from the two countries and from U.S. Forces Japan and the Marine Corps.

The Defense Department and Japan's Defense Ministry will work to implement the plan, Hagel said, in concert with working to resolve replacement facility issues to avoid the indefinite use of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma at Camp Schwab-Henoko Bay while maintaining alliance capabilities.

Progress last month on the replacement facility includes a landfill permit request filed by the Japanese government with the Okinawa prefectural government for the facility, and a Japanese contribution of $114.3 million to build facilities for U.S. Marine units relocating to Guam.

"Now more than ever, it is essential that the United States maintain a geographically distributed and sustainable force throughout Asia that can provide for the protection of Japan and our other allies, and U.S. interests," Hagel said. "We are resolved to focus our bilateral efforts on modernizing the alliance to meet emerging security challenges in the region."

Hagel said completion of the plan shows what can be achieved through hard work associated with the ongoing U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific region.

"I look forward to continuing to partner with Prime Minister Abe and his administration to advance the bilateral security relationship of the United States and Japan," he added.

CARTER-ETO DISCUSS U.S.-JAPAN DEFENSE GUIDELINES

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
In Japan, Carter and Eto Discuss Common Issues
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service
YOKOTA AIR BASE, Japan, March 17, 2013 - On the first stop of his weeklong trip to Asia, Deputy Defense Secretary Ash Carter met today with Senior Vice Defense Minister Akinori Eto at Yokota Air Base in western Tokyo.

During a substantive meeting here, the defense leaders discussed issues of importance to the U.S.-Japan alliance, a cornerstone of peace and stability for Japan and across the Asia-Pacific region, according to senior defense officials traveling with Carter.

Carter and Eto discussed the region's security situation, including the threat from North Korea, which last month conducted its third nuclear test. Last April, North Korea displayed what looked to be a mobile intercontinental ballistic missile and in December launched a Taepodong-2 missile that put a satellite into orbit.

Such exploits demonstrate North Korean progress in developing long-range missile technology, and today Carter affirmed the steadfast and enduring U.S. commitment to the defense of Japan.

The deputy secretary highlighted Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel's announcement on Friday that outlined a series of steps the United States will take to stay ahead of the challenge posed by North Korea's development of such technology.

Carter and Eto also discussed the U.S.-Japan Defense Guidelines, which define what roles the U.S. military and Japan's Self-Defense Forces would play if Japan would come under attack.

Other topics included the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan, the relocation of Marines to Guam as part of the rebalance to Asia, and the future of the alliance, officials said.

The men pledged to stay in contact and to maintain close cooperation on critical issues, and both expressed a desire to have Hagel and Defense Minister Itsunori Onodera meet in the near future.

As Carter continues his Asia trip, he will meet tomorrow with defense officials in Seoul, and then travel to Manila in the Philippines and to Jakarta in Indonesia before returning to the United States March 21

U.S. NAVY ADMIRAL LOCKLEAR SAYS PACIFIC TERRITORIAL DISPUTES COULD END IN CONFLICT

Equestrian statue of the famous samurai Kusunoki Masashige (1294-1336) outside of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. Credit: CIA World Factbook.

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
Locklear Warns of Territorial Disputes Escalating to Conflict
By Donna Miles
American Forces Press Service


WASHINGTON, Feb. 9, 2013 - Amid reports of an incident between China and Japan near the Senkaku Islands, the top U.S. commander in the Asia-Pacific reiterated the need to resolve territorial disputes peacefully and to develop a code of conduct to support the process.

Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III, commander of U.S. Pacific Command, told the U.S. Indonesia Society in Jakarta, Indonesia, yesterday that territorial disputes have occurred throughout history and will undoubtedly continue into the future.

But the admiral warned during a media roundtable about the stress these disputes inflict on the security environment – and the potential they pose for conflict if not resolved.

Nations of the world need to come together to settle their differences over parts of the South China Sea and other contested areas diplomatically so they don't escalate, he said.

Military conflict "would have global impacts that we should not even contemplate," he warned. "We should not even allow it to enter into our dialogue ... and not allow it to happen."

The United States does not take sides in border disputes, he emphasized, but will continue to do everything in its power to support steps being taken by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and others to promote peaceful resolution.

Locklear didn't get into specifics when asked about reports that a Chinese navy warship targeted a Japanese warship with its weapons radar near the Senkaku Islands last month. He said, however, that it rings a warning bell about how quickly territorial differences can turn dangerous.

"There must be real care in ensuring that the governments involved and leadership of those governments understand the potential for miscalculation if those systems are used incorrectly," he said.

The U.S. perspective to both Japan and China, he said, is that "we need to be very, very careful in ensuring we don't see escalation that could lead to miscalculation that could lead to unintended consequences."

Locklear reiterated his call for a code of conduct that provides a framework for resolving these differences. He expressed hope that ASEAN and nations in the region including China will "feel a sense of urgency" and reinvigorate the stalled discussions toward reaching one.

"The question is, can we have a system of rules that allows us to work together with this with diplomacy rather than military power?" he said

Establishing this code "will give diplomacy breathing room and give diplomacy time to work, because it will take some time," he said.

U.S. DEPUTY SECRETARY BURNS INTERVIEWS WITH INDIAN MEDIA

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Interview With Indian Media

Press Conference
William J. Burns
Deputy Secretary
New Delhi,, India
October 19, 2012
I am very happy to be back in New Delhi at the end of a trip that has also taken me to Japan, South Korea, China and Burma. I am also proud to have been able to contribute in a small way over the past five years, through two administrations, first as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs and now as Deputy Secretary of State, to the development of an historic partnership between India and the United States. That period has spanned the completion of the civilian nuclear agreement in 2008 as well as the landmark visits of Prime Minister Singh to Washington in 2009 and President Obama to New Delhi and Mumbai in 2010. And today, I am very proud to reemphasize that our strategic partnership with India is of abiding importance to the United States and one in which both our governments continue to make broad and enduring investments.

Since Secretary Clinton hosted Minister Krishna in Washington in June for the third U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, the interaction between our two governments has continued to deepen and expand. Strong support across the political spectrum in the United States, as well as in India, gives us reason for continued optimism about the bilateral relationship in the years ahead.

Bilateral trade, as you know, is flourishing, and is expected to surpass $100 billion this year. We have done a considerable amount to remove impediments to further expansion of our trade relationship, including in high technology and defense trade, but there is more that we can do. Concluding a Bilateral Investment Treaty should be a top priority for both our countries, and would send a positive signal to our business communities.

I look forward to exchanging views today on how we can continue to advance our civil nuclear cooperation, to which we remain committed, and to deepening our defense and counterterrorism cooperation.

We are encouraged by the Indian government’s recent bold steps toward economic reforms. As Treasury Secretary Geithner said, these reforms will foster economic growth, with increased investment, and greater prosperity. Once implemented, we are confident that U.S. investors will respond positively to these measures with concrete, job-creating projects and proposals.

I also look forward to exchanging views today on regional economic cooperation, including with Afghanistan and Pakistan. We welcome the progress the Indian government has made with Pakistan on building trade and investment ties and appreciate the leading role India has played in spurring private sector investment in Afghanistan.

India has an important voice in the Asia-Pacific region, and it is fitting that I conclude a trip to a number of leading Asia-Pacific powers with a stop in Delhi. I look forward to discussing our mutual goals for the East Asia Summit and the ASEAN Summit, along with our shared interested in promoting maritime security in the Indo-Pacific region and connectivity between India and Southeast Asia.

We appreciate India’s efforts to urge Iran’s compliance with its international obligations and to resume P5+1 talks on its nuclear program. In our judgment, tough sanctions are necessary to bring Iran back to the negotiating table and to abandon its nuclear weapons program.

I look forward to thanking my Indian colleagues for India’s immediate and strong statement of support following the attack on our diplomatic mission in Benghazi, Libya and for steps the government has taken to ensure the safety and security of our personnel throughout India.

India is a model of democratic governance, tolerance and rule of law, and can play a critical role throughout the Middle East and North Africa, as well as East Asia, to support the strengthening of democratic institutions, civil society, education, and many other fields. We look forward to partnering with India on these important challenges in the months and years to come.

RECENT U.S. NAVY PHOTOS

FROM:  U.S. NAVY
120912-N-YF306-100 U.S. 5TH FLEET AREA OF RESPONSIBILITY (Sept. 12 , 2012) Pallets from the Military Sealift Command fast combat support ship USNS Supply (T-AOE 6) come aboard the guided-missile destroyer USS Winston S. Churchill (DDG 81) during a replenishment at sea. Winston S. Churchill is deployed to the U.S. 5th Fleet area of responsibility conducting maritime security operations, theater security cooperation efforts and support missions as part of Operation Enduring Freedom. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Aaron Chase/Released)

120913-N-MU720-017 PACIFIC OCEAN (Sept. 13, 2012) Seaman Robert Barnes removes a chock and chain from an SH-60F Sea Hawk helicopter assigned to the Chargers of Helicopter Anti-Submarine Squadron (HS) 14 during flight operations aboard the guided-missile destroyer USS Mustin (DDG 89). Mustin is part of the George Washington Carrier Strike Group based out of Yokosuka, Japan, and is supporting exercise Valiant Shield 2012. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Devon Dow/Released)

U.S.-JAPAN MILITARY PARTNERSHIP BOLSTERED

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
U.S. Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, introduces Gen. Shigeru Iwasaki, chief of joint staff for Japan Self Defense Forces, to his staff during an honor cordon at the Pentagon, Aug. 23, 2012. DOD photo by D. Myles Cullen


Dempsey, Japanese Counterpart Bolster Partnership Across Domains
By Amaani Lyle
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Aug. 23, 2012 - The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff welcomed his Japanese counterpart to the Pentagon today as part of ongoing efforts to strengthen military ties between both countries.

Army Gen. Martin E. Dempsey met with Gen. Shigeru Iwasaki, chief of joint staff for Japan Self Defense Forces, to discuss ways to further enhance the nations' strategic and personal partnership in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond.

"Our partnership with Japan is historic, ... very long and very enduring," Dempsey said. "We've committed to each other that we will continue to improve and build on that partnership and make it even stronger."

Dempsey said he first met Iwasaki, then chief of the air forces, during a visit to Tokyo in October, and the two men have since become "counterparts, peers and friends."

"We came to an agreement to further cooperation with U.S. forces to deepen our understanding as we did in the past," Iwasaki said after the meeting.

Dempsey said he and Iwasaki compared notes on topics from family to joint operations, including the significance of the U.S. deployment of tilt-rotor Osprey aircraft to Japan and associated safety measures.

"The Osprey is our next generation of tactical airlift, and so very important to our modernization efforts in our future," Dempsey said. "We ... want very much to assure the people of Okinawa, and Japanese people in general, that it will be safe to operate. We will continue to work hard to build confidence in the system -- confidence that we have here."

As aviation and maritime systems continue to evolve, Dempsey and Iwasaki said, they will seek avenues to expand an already solid military-to-military relationship in other domains, including cyberspace, land, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance.

"We're not limiting ourselves to discussion about the maritime domain," Dempsey said. "I think our relationship expands far beyond that, and, in fact, we've served together all across the world."

OSPREY TILT-ROTOR AIRCRAFT GROUNDED IN JAPAN

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

U.S. Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta, right, hosts a Pentagon honor cordon for visiting Japanese Defense Minister Satoshi Morimoto, Aug. 3, 2012. DOD photo by Glenn Fawcett Panetta: Ospreys Grounded in Japan Pending Investigation

By Claudette Roulo
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Aug. 3, 2012 - The Marine Corps will deliver the MV-22 Osprey tilt-rotor aircraft to Japan on time, but they will remain grounded for the short term, Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta told reporters today during a joint Pentagon press conference with Japanese Defense Minister Satoshi Morimoto.

Panetta said the Osprey will not fly in Japan until a full report into two recent incidents involving the aircraft is presented to the Japanese government and the safety of flight operations is reconfirmed. "The Defense Department anticipates presenting this information to the Japanese government sometime this month," he said.

An Osprey crash in Morocco in April killed two people; another in Florida in June injured five.

The Osprey is key to the defense department's plans for the Asia-Pacific region, Panetta said. "It will enable Marines to fly faster and farther from Okinawa to remote islands in Japan. This is a one-of-a-kind platform."

"We have tremendous confidence in this plane," Panetta added. "We fly it in combat operations, we fly it around the world [and] we fly it here in this country ... This plane can safely implement its operational mission."

Panetta also praised the defense partnership between the United States and Japan.

"This alliance has been the bedrock to peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region for more than 50 years," he said.

During their meeting today the defense leaders also discussed plans to realign the U.S. force structure and ways to modernize and advance the U.S.-Japan alliance, including joint operations, training and shared use of training ranges.

"Japan's decision to purchase the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter is an important move that will help expand our bilateral cooperation," Panetta said. "It will enhance the ability of our forces to operate together and it will ensure our dominance of the skies for decades to come."

After the press conference, Panetta and Morimoto took part in a familiarization flight aboard an Osprey, flying from the Pentagon to Marine Corps Base Quantico in Virginia.

SEC. OF STATE CLINTON SPEECH AT TOKYO CONFERENCE ON AFGHANISTAN

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Intervention at the Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan
Remarks Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State Prince Park Tower Hotel
Tokyo, Japan
July 8, 2012
Thank you, Foreign Minister Gemba. We also thank Prime Minister Noda, Madam Ogata, and the Japanese Government not only for welcoming us here but for the great generosity and leadership Japan continues to show in helping Afghanistan move forward into the transformation decade. We also recognize Secretary General Ban, President Karzai, our Afghan Co-chairs Foreign Minister Rassoul and Finance Minister Zakhilwal, along with representatives of Afghanistan’s civil society who are here, because after all, what we are talking about is the future of the men, women, and children of Afghanistan. And I am delighted they are part of this conference.

I also want to commend all who have produced the three principles of the document, starting with the Afghanistan strategic vision for the transformation decade called Towards Self-Reliance. I really compliment our Afghan friends for an excellent job. And then the Tokyo Declaration and the Tokyo Mutual Accountability Framework are translating our goals and our commitments into a path that we can follow together and help hold each other accountable.

This conference represents the culmination of nearly two years of intensive work. Beginning in 2010 in Lisbon, continuing in Istanbul last fall, Bonn in December, Chicago in May, and Kabul just a few weeks ago, Afghanistan and the international partners have charted a responsible end to the war and the transfer of full responsibility for security back to Afghanistan.

Together, we have made pledges to meet the needs of the Afghan National Security Forces. Like a number of countries represented here, the United States and Afghanistan signed a Strategic Partnership Agreement that went into effect four days ago. And I was pleased to meet with President Karzai in Kabul yesterday morning, where I announced that Afghanistan is now officially designated a major non-NATO ally of the United States. As President Karzai said, we have to make the security gains and the transition irreversible, and the United States is committed to this enduring partnership.

Now, here in Tokyo we are focused on the economic development and governance advances that we hope to make together. Because we know Afghanistan’s security cannot only be measured by the absence of war; it has to be measured by whether people have jobs and economic opportunity, whether they believe their government is serving their needs, whether political reconciliation proceeds and succeeds.

And Afghanistan has made substantial progress with the help of the international community, as Madame Ogata and others have already outlined. But now we have to ensure the strongest possible collaboration among four groups so that this decade of transformation can produce results: the Afghan Government and people, first and foremost; the international community; Afghanistan’s neighbors; and the private sector. This collaboration depends on mutual accountability, and all sides have work to do and responsibilities to uphold.

As President Obama has said, as Afghanistan stands up, it will not stand alone. Let me speak briefly about each group’s role.

Obviously, the future of Afghanistan belongs to its government and its people. And I welcome the clear vision presented by President Karzai and the Afghan Government today for unlocking Afghanistan’s economic potential by achieving a stable democratic future. That must include fighting corruption, improving governance, strengthening the rule of law, increasing access to economic opportunity for all Afghans, especially for women.

On this point, let me emphasize that the United States believes strongly that no nation can achieve sustainable peace, reconciliation, stability, and economic growth if half the population is not empowered. All citizens need to have the chance to benefit from and contribute to Afghanistan’s progress, and the United States will continue to stand strongly by the women of Afghanistan.

President Karzai has made a strong public commitment to stamping out corruption, implementing key reforms, and building Afghanistan’s institutions. We will support him and the government in that endeavor to enable Afghanistan to move toward self-reliance and away from dependence on donor assistance.

As Afghans do their part, the international community must do ours, by making concrete pledges of economic support to ensure that Afghanistan meets its fiscal needs in the critical post-transition period.

I am very pleased that Prime Minister Noda has confirmed that $16 billion is available from the international community through 2015. This is sustained economic support that will help Afghanistan meet its fiscal needs even as assistance declines. The United States will request from our Congress assistance for Afghanistan at or near the levels of the past decade through the year 2017. And our assistance will create incentives to help the Afghan Government meet mutually agreed reform goals.

In addition to the international community, Afghanistan’s neighbors have an especially key role to play. I’ve spoken before of the vision of a New Silk Road in which Afghanistan is firmly embedded in the economic life of a thriving South and Central Asia. Nothing offers a more credible alternative to insurgency than the jobs and opportunities that come with foreign investment and the expansion of markets. Increasing regional trade will open up new sources of raw materials, energy, and agricultural products—not just for Afghanistan but for all nations in the region. And we are delighted to see this vision coming to light through the Istanbul Process and various regional trade and transit agreements.

The last essential ingredient to a successful economic transition and transformation is the private sector, because that will be key for driving growth, creating jobs, and supporting the kind of reform that needs to be sustainable. We look to the Afghan Government to follow through on their reform commitments, and we look to the international community to do what we can to draw business and investment to Afghanistan. Last month in new Delhi, in anticipation of today’s conference, hundreds of companies attended an investment summit.

So the key pieces are there. The private sector interest is there. The Afghan Government’s commitment to fight corruption and strengthen the rule of law is there. The international community’s support, as evidenced by this conference, is there as well. And the growing partnership between Afghanistan and its neighbors is also growing.

We need to put those commitments together in order to achieve the future that is worthy of the sacrifice of the Afghan people and many nations represented around this table. The future has got to be what the Afghan people have forged for themselves, and we need to make sure that we do everything to make that a reality.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)

U.S. OFFICIAL REMARKS ON NORTH KOREA

Photo Credit:  Wikimedia.
FROM:  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Remarks to Press at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade
Remarks Glyn Davies
Special Representative for North Korea Policy Seoul, South Korea
May 21, 2012
AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Hello everybody. [Pointing to audio recorders on the podium] My goodness, what a collection of machines that you have left here.
Thank you very much for taking time on such a beautiful day in Seoul to come and spend a couple of minutes with me. What I wanted to do very briefly is say a couple of words and then I am very happy to take your questions.

First off, today was an occasion to continue, on a trilateral basis, the Republic of Korea, Japan, and the United States, our very close consultations that we have conducted for many years. Now I have been on the job since December of last year. This is my third trip to Seoul, and this is the second time this year that we have had trilateral consultations to talk about North Korea and about regional issues.

My visit to Seoul is the first stop on a three-nation trip in North Asia. I will go on tomorrow morning to Beijing, spend a little over a day there. And then I will go from there to Tokyo back to Washington on Friday. And of course the purpose of all three stops is to consult with, in this instance, allies and partners here in Seoul, and then when I go on to Beijing, to talk to the Chinese who are the chair of the Six-Party process, and to get their thinking about where we are. So today reflects the very close cooperation between the United States, the Republic of Korea, and Japan on North Korea. And it is a reflection, not just of our alliance relationship which is very important, but also our common interests and values across the Asia Pacific and the world.

I should say a quick word about those accompanying me. In addition to my colleague Ford Hart, Special Envoy for the Six-Party Talks, along with us today is Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Jim Zumwalt, from the State Department, and Mr. Syd Seiler, who is the Director for Korea at the White House.

Let me just say a very quick word about the substance of the issues with North Korea and then I want to take your questions. We are obviously in a bit of an uncertain period with North Korea, after the very serious provocation of the launch on April 13 of the Taepyodong-2 missile. In reaction to that you saw that the world community acted very quickly, in a unanimous fashion, and in a very tough fashion, at the United Nations by issuing a unanimous Presidential statement that was followed up by additional sanction designations by the UN Security Council. And we are of course very interested in ensuring that at the level of the allies and at the level, importantly, of all five partners in the Six-Party process, that we have the same understanding, the same analysis of the situation; that we have talked about various contingencies; and we know how it is that we will react if there are future provocations.

It is very important that North Korea not miscalculate again and engage in any future provocations. And that is the main message that we are conveying to North Korea. We are united in our resolve to respond, not just the three allies, but Russia and China as well, if there are additional provocations. And we hope that North Korea does not miscalculate. We expect and hope that North Korea will make a different set of decisions; will cease devoting its resources to its nuclear missile program; will instead open up itself to the outside world; will make decisions that benefit the people of North Korea, rather than just the military, the nuclear, and the missile establishment, and will rejoin the world community. And that is the fundamental message that we are conveying.

So with that, let me stop, and I am very happy to try to answer any questions that you have. Thank you very much.

QUESTION: Do you see any imminent signs of North Korea’s nuclear test?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I don’t have any particular word to convey to you about that. I mean, we all have followed the same information that you have seen, about what may or may not be going in North Korea to prepare for a nuclear test. I think it would be a serious miscalculation, a mistake, if North Korea were to engage in a nuclear test. This new regime in Pyongyang saw that the world community, the international community, was united in reacting to the missile launch on April 13. And so they know that if they engage in another provocation such as a nuclear test, they will once again be subject to a united action by the international community. And in fact part of what was said at the time of the Security Council deliberations about the missile launch, one of the conclusions that was reached was that we are unanimous, among all of us, that if there is a further provocation such as a nuclear test, that there will be a swift and sure reaction by the international community.

QUESTION: What kind of implied action do you have in mind if North Korea goes ahead with its provocation?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, I, you know, I am not going to sit here and play out what is going to happen. But I am certain that if there is a nuclear test, that you will find the Security Council once again coming together to debate and deliberate, and that there will be a swift and sure reaction from the Security Council should that occur. But beyond that, I don’t have anything specific for you other than the fact that by launching this missile, we have seen the reaction of the international community, and this should be a very strong signal to Pyongyang, that a further miscalculation will be met with similar united action by the world community.

QUESTION: Your two counterparts today said that they are ready for a different path with North Korea. What exactly would that mean? What are the details, and have you already communicated that to the North Koreans?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, this has been one of the main themes of our conversations with the North Koreans since we began our exploratory discussions with them last July in New York, followed on by Geneva and then of course by Beijing. We did a great deal of discussing of alternative futures for North Korea.

So we have explained to them -- and I think you know -- the United States has a dual track policy of engagement on the one hand but pressure on the other. That engagement aspect remains open. If they make the right choices, there can be a different future for North Korea and the people of North Korea. So they understand full well, and we discussed for many hours, in three different cities, on three different continents, over a period of seven or eight months, what those kinds of futures could be. So I think there should be no doubt in the minds of North Koreans that there is a different future that is available for them, if they make the right sorts of decisions; if they put their people first; if they stop spending their resources on developing missiles and nuclear weapons; if they open up to the rest of the world and engage in a positive fashion.
Instead, by miscalculating, by, you know, achieving a deal with the United States and then so soon after we announced it -- a mere two weeks later -- going back on their undertakings, they sent a signal that they cannot be trusted to follow through on their own undertakings and their own promises. So what we are saying to them is you should look at all the promises you have made over many, many years, and of course the centerpiece is the September 2005 Joint Statement, and you should begin to take action. Words are no longer, quite frankly, interesting to us. What we want to see is actions from North Korea. So they know what kinds of futures are available to them, if they step through that door to engagement and sincerely begin to take actions and fulfill the obligations that they themselves have made over many years.
Any other questions?

QUESTION: One question. Can you tell us about the details, the nature of the visit by the U.S. officials to Pyongyang? There have been some news reports that there was a visit by U.S. officials to Pyongyang, around the time that they launched, right before they launched the [unclear] . . .

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I don’t have anything for you on that.

QUESTION: Well, was there a trip, or you just can’t talk about it?


AMBASSADOR DAVIES: I am just not -- I don’t have anything for you. I understand you need to ask this question, but I cannot help you with . . . Yes?

QUESTION: What kind of things do you plan to talk about tomorrow in Beijing?

AMBASSADOR DAVIES: Well, I think I will be talking about the same sorts of things that we spoke about here, in our trilateral consultations. I have had a very good, in depth dialogue with Wu Dawei, who is the senior Chinese official dealing day to day with North Korean issues. So I will come back to the conversations that I had with him in December, that I had with him in February on the margins of our negotiations with the North Koreans. And we will talk about how can continue to cooperate, collaborate, and send unified signals to North Korea about its choices, and about the need for North Korea to follow through in a positive fashion and take action based on the promises that it has made, the obligations that it has pursuant to UN Security Council Resolutions. So I look forward to that.

And I should also say that after Beijing, I will go on to Tokyo, because I think it is very important that when we come to this part of the world, that we visit the key capitals. And so I want to stop through Tokyo as well and talk to officials there about these same issues. So, of course, participating in these very excellent discussions today, chaired by Ambassador Lim Sung-nam, was Shinsuke Sugiyama, Director General from the MFA. But I will see him in Tokyo as well as call on other officials in Tokyo.

That is about all I’ve got. It is a beautiful day out there. I would highly recommend, if your editors will let you do it, you take the rest of the day off. Go out and take your kids, go to the zoo, have a great time. Seoul is a beautiful city, and it is a beautiful day. And it is wonderful to be here. Thank you very, very much for meeting with me and I hope to see you again soon when I come back to South Korea. Thanks again. Thanks very much. Bye bye.