FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Business Roundtable on Food Security with Private Sector Representatives of the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
Remarks
Jonathan Shrier
Acting Special Representative, Office of Global Food Security
Johannesburg, South Africa
December 4, 2013
The U.S. government currently partners with South Africa as a “strategic partner” in Feed the Future, the U.S. global hunger and food security initiative. As our whole-of-government initiative, Feed the Future works hand-in-hand with 19 partner countries to develop their agriculture sectors and break the vicious cycle of poverty and hunger. Our goal is to reduce the prevalence of poverty and stunted children by 20 percent in the specific areas where we work, which will help families lift themselves out of poverty, purchase nutritious food, and have access to education and health care.
An overarching objective of our strategic partnership with South Africa is for the United States to support a viable South-South, demand-driven approach to development cooperation. We collaborate with three non-traditional donors – Brazil, India, as well as South Africa – to build upon our deep historical ties, and to leverage the expertise, resources, and leadership of rising middle-income countries for the benefit of Feed the Future partner countries. We seek to share South Africa’s innovative business models and advanced technical expertise across the region. We seek to support SADC’s important goal of transferring South Africa’s agricultural success to other countries, thereby reducing hunger and poverty across the region.
To meet these goals, we seek to deepen our partnerships across the government, civil society, academia, and the private sector in South Africa and beyond. We must increase responsible agricultural investment and scale-up our collective development impact in Southern Africa.
South Africa already plays an indispensable role in the achievement of regional -- and, in turn, global -- food security. South Africa is the largest economy on the continent and the engine of economic growth in Southern Africa, with one of the top ten stock exchanges in the world and well-developed physical telecommunications and energy infrastructures. South African firms conducted about 70% of intra-regional investment flows, and South Africa accounted for 71.5% of the region’s GDP in 2009. South Africa is also the largest food exporter within the region. Investment from South Africa’s private sector to neighboring countries is the key to economic growth to the region.
South Africa has achieved some of the highest crop yields in the world because of its innovative, high-performing businesses in the agricultural sector, which have adopted first-generation biotechnologies and effective plant breeding capabilities. For example, the average maize yield in South Africa is about 3,000 kilograms per hectare. This high yield compares to a regional maize yield level of around 1,500 kilograms per hectare. South African firms also boast cutting edge technology in the use of advanced food processing and fortification.
South Africa has also demonstrated a strong commitment in recent years to the development of key trade corridors in the region. As President Zuma has repeatedly stated, South Africa is committed to championing the North-South Corridor and to mobilize resources for the implementation of projects. USAID supports corridor efforts by working with private sector groups, such as the NEPAD Business Foundation, to help small-holder farmers access markets. We also work with the Southern African Trade Hub to improve trade facilitation and cross border management, specifically by focusing on National Single Windows, Coordinated Border Management, and Customs Connectivity. The main objective is to decrease the time and cost of transporting agricultural commodities and inputs across borders. I am pleased to report that we are seeing some significant results, such as improvements in crossing times for exports and imports as high as 60% at Mwanza (between Malawi and Mozambique) and 40% for Songwe (between Malawi and Tanzania) in this past year alone.
Now is a critical time for us to deepen our partnership in food and nutrition security. Southern Africa, as a region, continues to be severely affected by chronic vulnerability and continuous food and nutrition insecurity. With nearly 45% of the population living below the poverty line of $1.25 per day, chronic food shortages exist at both the national and household level throughout the region. Although 70% of the region’s population depends on agriculture for food, income, and employment, the productivity of most rural smallholders remains very low.
To respond to these challenges, the U.S. government’s programs across Southern Africa are designed to advance food security by improving agricultural productivity and market access for agricultural products and inputs, as well as by reducing trade barriers along major transport corridors. In Southern Africa, Feed the Future partners with three countries -- Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique. In Zambia, we support smallholder out-grower schemes, which help link more small-scale farmers to buyers and processors and other key private sector partners. Meanwhile, in Malawi, we work with the government to advance policy priorities that can improve agricultural inputs, agricultural trade, institutional architecture, and nutrition. Our programs in Mozambique focus on catalyzing international and local agribusinesses investments in agriculture, not only through Feed the Future, but also through the G8 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, which is a commitment by G8 members, African countries, and private sector partners to reduce poverty through inclusive agricultural growth.
Sharing agricultural technologies currently practiced in South Africa, and relying on South Africa’s world-class educational institutions to train agriculturalists from neighboring countries, can further improve the lives of millions of people across southern Africa. Our Strategic Partnership with South Africa represents an important opportunity to bring together the private sector, South African government, and Feed the Future programs to unlock the potential of Africa’s agricultural sector. For precisely this reason, the United States actively works with South African companies and academic institutions to disseminate key technologies and promote agricultural training.
The United States is committed to supporting South African private investment and sustainable, equitable growth in agriculture across the region. Strategic Partnership Grants have already helped to create new market linkages, connecting farmers in the region to rewarding markets elsewhere in Africa and globally. These grants have also helped to: increase food storage capacity; transfer cutting-edge technology (like drought tolerant seeds, sophisticated soil testing and analysis); and disseminate timely crop extension and market information via mobile technologies. But we can always do more, and we can always do better -- together.
Together, we can increase market access, particularly for small-holder farmers. Together, we can support finance for improving infrastructure and trade, including the development of new financial products, services, and insurance products. Together, we can work from farms to markets to tables to improve incomes and nutrition. Not only is this the smart thing to do; it is also the right thing to do.
We can -- and we will -- make a significant difference in the lives of millions of people by reducing hunger and poverty in Southern Africa.
Showing posts with label INDIA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label INDIA. Show all posts
Friday, December 6, 2013
Tuesday, November 26, 2013
NASA TRACKS TROPICAL CYCLONE LEHAR
Right: NASA Satellite Tracks Tropical Cyclone Lehar Moving Toward India
On November 25, 2013 at 04:25 UTC/Nov. 24 11:25 p.m. EST, NASA's Terra took a picture of the tropical cyclone as the eastern side of the storm covered the island. Image Credit: NASA Goddard MODIS.
Tropical cyclone Lehar, located in the Bay of Bengal, continues to gain intensity while heading toward the same area of India where a much weaker tropical cyclone Helen recently came ashore. NASA's TRMM satellite passed over Lehar and measured rainfall and cloud heights to give scientists an understanding of how the storm is behaving.
NASA's Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission satellite called TRMM flew above tropical cyclone Lehar on November 26, 2013 at 0307 UTC/Nov. 25 at 10:07 p.m. EST and captured rainfall data. Rainfall rates occurring in the storm were derived from TRMM's Microwave Imager (TMI) and Precipitation Radar (PR) instruments. That data was taken and overlaid on an enhanced visible/infrared image from TRMM's Visible and InfraRed Scanner (VIRS) at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Md. to create a total picture of rainfall within the tropical cyclone. The TRMM instruments found that rain was falling at a rate greater than 64 mm/~2.5 inches per hour in Lehar's center and in a band of intense rain wrapping around Lehar's northwestern side. Some strong thunderstorms within Lehar were reaching heights above 15.25 km/~9.5 miles.
Warnings are already in effect in India. Northern Andhra Pradesh and southern Odisha are expected to feel Lehar's effects on Wednesday, November 27, when winds are expected to reach up to 91.7 knots/105.6 mph/170 kph.
At 1500 UTC/10 a.m. EST on November 26, Tropical Cyclone Lehar's maximum sustained winds were near 75 knots/86.1 mph/138.9 kph. Tropical-storm-force winds extend up to 100 nautical miles/115.1 miles/185.2 km from the center of the storm or 200 miles/230.2 miles/370.5 km in diameter. Lehar's center was located about 471 nautical miles southeast of Visakhapatnam, India, near 12.9 north and 88.6 east. Lehar was moving to the west-northwest at 9 knots/10.3 mph/16.6 km.
The Joint Typhoon Warning Center or JTWC predicts that Lehar's sustained wind speeds will reach 95 knots/~109 mph on November 27, 2013 and then decrease to about 85 knots/~98 mph before hitting India's east-central coast.
Text credit: Harold F. Pierce
SSAI/NASA Goddard Space Flight Center
The Andaman Islands received an unwelcome visitor on November 25 in the form of Tropical Cyclone Lehar. NASA's Terra satellite captured a picture of the visitor as it was making its exit from the islands and into the Bay of Bengal.
Tropical Depression 05B formed off the west coast of the Malay Peninsula on November 23 and strengthened into Tropical Cyclone Lehar as it moved from the Andaman Sea over the Andaman Islands and is now working its way into the Bay of Bengal and toward India. The Andaman Islands are located in the eastern Bay of Bengal. Burma lies north and east of the island group and India lies to the west.
Tropical Cyclone Lehar was over the Andaman and Nicobar Islands at the time NASA's Terra satellite flew overhead and captured a visible image of the storm. On November 25, 2013 at 04:25 UTC/Nov. 24 11:25 p.m. EST, the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer or MODIS instrument that flies aboard Terra took a picture of the tropical cyclone as the eastern side of the storm covered the island. Most of Cyclone Lehar was west of the island in the Bay of Bengal, although the northeastern edge of the storm extended over west-central Burma, bringing clouds to Yangon, capital city of the Yangon region. By November 26, Lehar was bringing rainfall and gusty winds to the region.
At 1500 UTC/10 a.m. EST on November 25, Tropical Cyclone Lehar had maximum sustained winds near 65 knots/74.8 mph/120.4 kph, achieving hurricane-force. It was centered near 12.6 north and 90.6 east, about 550 nautical miles/633 miles/1,019 km southeast of Visakhapatnam, India. Lehar is moving away from Burma and toward the west-northwest at 7 knots/8 mph/12.9 kph. Lehar is generating 20-foot/6.0 meter high seas
Forecasters at the Joint Typhoon Warning Center expect that warm water temperatures and low wind shear will assist Lehar in intensifying as it moves in a west-northwesterly direction across the Bay of Bengal. Forecasters expect maximum sustained winds to peak near 100 knots/115.1 mph/185.2 kph before making landfall in eastern India.
As a result warnings are already in effect for India. Lehar's winds area expected to affect Northern Andhra Pradesh and southern Odisha by Wednesday, November 27.
Wednesday, November 20, 2013
TROPICAL CYCLONE 04B HEADS FOR SOUTHEASTERN INDIA
FROM: NASA
Tropical Cyclone 04B Forms in Northern Indian Ocean
Cyclone 04B
NASA's TRMM satellite saw broken bands of thunderstorms with moderate rainfall (yellow, orange) in the northern and eastern quadrants of Tropical Cyclone 04B on Nov. 19, 2013 in this image overlaid on ESA's METEO-7 Satellite.
Image Credit: NRL/NASA/ESA.
The fourth tropical cyclone of the Northern Indian Ocean season formed and is headed for landfall in a couple of days in southeastern India. NASA's TRMM satellite saw broken bands of thunderstorms with moderate rainfall in the northern and eastern quadrants of Tropical Cyclone 04B on Nov. 19.
Tropical Cyclone 04B was located just 180 nautical miles south-southeast of Visakhapatnam, India near 15.0 north and 84.5 east at 1500 UTC/10 a.m. EST on Nov. 19. 04B had maximum sustained winds near 35 knots/40 mph/64 kph and is moving to the west at 8 knots/9.2 mph/14.8 kph.
Satellite imagery showed that the low-level center is organized and there is convection (building thunderstorms) flaring around the storm's center and there is broken bands of thunderstorms around the northern quadrant of the storm. TRMM satellite data showed rainfall rates were as high as 1.2 inches/30.4 mm per hour.
A microwave image from Nov. 19 at 1058 UTC/5:58 a.m. EST showed that the cyclone is well-defined and has curved bands of thunderstorms along the western quadrant.
The Joint Typhoon Warning Center or JTWC expects 04B to track slowly west slowly intensify before making landfall in India as a tropical storm. The JTWC expects landfall between Ongole south to Nellore, both cities in the southern India state of Andhra Pradesh late on Nov. 21.
Wednesday, September 18, 2013
DEPUTY DEFENSE SECRETARY CARTER SAYS PAKISTAN'S ECONOMIC SUCCESS CRITICAL
FROM: U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
Success of India, Pakistan Critical to Region, Carter Says
By Claudette Roulo
American Forces Press Service
ABOARD A MILITARY AIRCRAFT, Sept. 18, 2013 - Deputy Defense Secretary Ash Carter today wrapped up a weeklong overseas trip that included stops in Afghanistan, Pakistan and India.
After spending three days in Afghanistan, Carter stopped in Islamabad, Pakistan, for talks with senior defense and government officials. Among the topics discussed was the importance of Pakistan's continued economic development to the security of the region, Carter said today.
The economic development of Pakistan is essential, he said.
"Their neighbor to the east is running away from them economically," Carter noted. To develop its economy, Pakistan first needs peaceful relations with India to begin trading with them, the deputy defense secretary said.
Pakistan is critical to U.S. and regional security, the deputy secretary said.
"Unless it's part of the solution, it becomes part of the problem in Afghanistan," Carter said.
"The government of Pakistan has flirted over time with using terrorism as an instrument of state policy," Carter added. "It is coming to the realization that terrorism is a boomerang, and it comes back on you when you try to use it for your own purposes."
The principal threat to Pakistan is terrorism, he said, not its neighbors.
Carter spent yesterday meeting with senior Indian defense officials in New Delhi, including Defense Secretary Radha Krishna Mathur and Defense Minister A.K. Antony. He also met with U.S. Deputy Chief of Mission Michael Pelletier at the American Embassy.
The U.S. and India are destined to be security partners on the world stage, Carter said. The two countries share common interests, values and outlooks, he added, noting that the multifaceted defense relationship between them is the defining partnership of the 21st century.
A central topic of discussion was the Defense Trade and Technology Initiative, which is intended to increase defense industrial and technology cooperation, Carter said. The agreement isn't just about selling defense equipment to India, the deputy defense secretary noted; it's about fostering joint ventures.
"They don't want to just buy our stuff," Carter said. "They want to build our stuff with us and they want to develop new things with us, and they want to do research with us."
The joint C-130J Super Hercules transport aircraft venture between the Indian multinational conglomerate Tata and Lockheed Martin is a perfect model of co-production, he said.
"India is now part of the supply chain [for the aircraft], and has the economic benefit -- the jobs benefit -- of being part of that," Carter said.
Future defense projects between the two countries will include both co-development and co-production, the deputy defense secretary said.
Today, Carter traveled to Hindon Air Force Station in Ghaziabad, India, the largest air base in Asia and home to No. 77 Squadron, which operates the six C-130J aircraft India acquired in 2008. The aircraft have been used in several humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations throughout the country. In August, a pilot from the squadron set a world record for the highest-altitude landing and takeoff, landing at an airstrip 16,614 feet above sea level.
Hindon also is home to the recently formed No. 81 Squadron. Known as the Skylords, the squadron was formed in September to fly the Indian air force's new C-17 Globemaster III transport jets, which began arriving earlier this year. Three of the heavy-lift aircraft have been delivered so far under the $4 billion deal, and seven more are scheduled to arrive by November 2014.
"We want India to have all the capabilities it needs to meet its security needs, and we want to be a key partner in that effort," Carter said.
"When you look at pictures of the Indian air force's C-130s participating in the recent flood relief efforts in the north, ... that tells us we're on the right track," he added.
Success of India, Pakistan Critical to Region, Carter Says
By Claudette Roulo
American Forces Press Service
ABOARD A MILITARY AIRCRAFT, Sept. 18, 2013 - Deputy Defense Secretary Ash Carter today wrapped up a weeklong overseas trip that included stops in Afghanistan, Pakistan and India.
After spending three days in Afghanistan, Carter stopped in Islamabad, Pakistan, for talks with senior defense and government officials. Among the topics discussed was the importance of Pakistan's continued economic development to the security of the region, Carter said today.
The economic development of Pakistan is essential, he said.
"Their neighbor to the east is running away from them economically," Carter noted. To develop its economy, Pakistan first needs peaceful relations with India to begin trading with them, the deputy defense secretary said.
Pakistan is critical to U.S. and regional security, the deputy secretary said.
"Unless it's part of the solution, it becomes part of the problem in Afghanistan," Carter said.
"The government of Pakistan has flirted over time with using terrorism as an instrument of state policy," Carter added. "It is coming to the realization that terrorism is a boomerang, and it comes back on you when you try to use it for your own purposes."
The principal threat to Pakistan is terrorism, he said, not its neighbors.
Carter spent yesterday meeting with senior Indian defense officials in New Delhi, including Defense Secretary Radha Krishna Mathur and Defense Minister A.K. Antony. He also met with U.S. Deputy Chief of Mission Michael Pelletier at the American Embassy.
The U.S. and India are destined to be security partners on the world stage, Carter said. The two countries share common interests, values and outlooks, he added, noting that the multifaceted defense relationship between them is the defining partnership of the 21st century.
A central topic of discussion was the Defense Trade and Technology Initiative, which is intended to increase defense industrial and technology cooperation, Carter said. The agreement isn't just about selling defense equipment to India, the deputy defense secretary noted; it's about fostering joint ventures.
"They don't want to just buy our stuff," Carter said. "They want to build our stuff with us and they want to develop new things with us, and they want to do research with us."
The joint C-130J Super Hercules transport aircraft venture between the Indian multinational conglomerate Tata and Lockheed Martin is a perfect model of co-production, he said.
"India is now part of the supply chain [for the aircraft], and has the economic benefit -- the jobs benefit -- of being part of that," Carter said.
Future defense projects between the two countries will include both co-development and co-production, the deputy defense secretary said.
Today, Carter traveled to Hindon Air Force Station in Ghaziabad, India, the largest air base in Asia and home to No. 77 Squadron, which operates the six C-130J aircraft India acquired in 2008. The aircraft have been used in several humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations throughout the country. In August, a pilot from the squadron set a world record for the highest-altitude landing and takeoff, landing at an airstrip 16,614 feet above sea level.
Hindon also is home to the recently formed No. 81 Squadron. Known as the Skylords, the squadron was formed in September to fly the Indian air force's new C-17 Globemaster III transport jets, which began arriving earlier this year. Three of the heavy-lift aircraft have been delivered so far under the $4 billion deal, and seven more are scheduled to arrive by November 2014.
"We want India to have all the capabilities it needs to meet its security needs, and we want to be a key partner in that effort," Carter said.
"When you look at pictures of the Indian air force's C-130s participating in the recent flood relief efforts in the north, ... that tells us we're on the right track," he added.
Monday, July 1, 2013
JAMES DOBBINS HOLDS PRESS CONFERENCE ON AFGHANISTAN IN NEW DELHI
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Press Conference in New Delhi
Press Conference
Ambassador James Dobbins, Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan
New Delhi, India
June 27, 2013
Ambassador Dobbins: Thank you. It’s a pleasure to be here in New Delhi. I’ve been in the job I currently hold for a month now. I’ve been touring the region for the last week. I went to Doha with Secretary Kerry for discussions there, and then met with President Karzai in Kabul on Monday and with Prime Minister Nawaz and other Pakistani officials on Tuesday. I arrived here yesterday and met with the Foreign Secretary and others from the Foreign Ministry yesterday evening. I’ll meet with the Indian Special Envoy for Afghanistan, Ambassador [Lamba] who is an old friend from a decade ago after this meeting.
I think the last time I was in New Delhi was in a similar capacity. I was the American Special Envoy for Afghanistan also in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and represented the U.S. in the early diplomacy after 9/11 which led to the Bonn Conference and the establishment of an interim government in Afghanistan which ultimately led to the current constitution and current government in Afghanistan.
So I’ve come back at an interesting and pivotal time, a time when NATO and the United States are transitioning from a combat to an advisory and assistance role in Afghanistan, and maybe more importantly a time when Afghanistan will be going through its first peaceful democratic transition in its national history.
I’ve come to Delhi and hope to be able to come back regularly because India has an important stake in Afghanistan and it has important influence in Afghanistan, and it’s important that we understand Indian views and obviously that India understands our views and that we collaborate as closely as possible which I certainly did 10 years ago or 11 years ago when the Indian representative and I, Ambassador [Lamba] collaborated very closely, very effectively, in bringing about the emergence of an interim government in Afghanistan, and I anticipate that we’ll be able to continue to collaborate on a similar basis. So I’ll be glad to answer questions.
Press: What talks with the Indian [inaudible] the Special Envoy. What [were] talks?
Ambassador Dobbins: The talks pretty much covered all aspects of our relations with Afghanistan and also to some degree with Pakistan where I had just been, but the focus was on Afghanistan.
The issue that’s probably most topical because it’s been in the news lately is the efforts to begin a peace process and I would say that was probably the single, the topic that occupied the most time. But we also talked about other issues including the upcoming Afghan elections and the political transition. And I think while a lot of us concentrate on our attention on both the possible peace process on the one hand and the military situation and the reduction in NATO and American forces, those are not the most important things that are going on. The most important things that are going on, the thing that will shape Afghanistan’s future more than anything else is the political transition that will take place next year.
Press: What topics?
Ambassador Dobbins: I think we talked about the election process, about the international [inaudible], that it’s a free and fair process, and how we can encourage the Afghan political elites to coalesce around candidates who have broad non-sectarian or cross-sectarian appeal. Candidates who don’t just represent one sectarian community but bring together coalitions that will result in an administration that has support and appeal in Pashtun, Hazara, Tajik, Uzbek communities.
On the reconciliation there were a lot of questions about where we stand in terms of the possibilities of opening a Taliban office in Doha for the purpose of negotiating and I explained where that process stood.
Press: Could you summarize what the Indian view was to your [Doha] peace process and how you responded to what has widely been considered [inaudible] of great [inaudible]?
Ambassador Dobbins: They questioned me closely about what the prospects were, what the exact status was, and I hope that they were somewhat reassured as a result. They weren’t telling me they were opposed, they weren’t telling me that this was something we should stay away from, but they clearly had anxieties, anxieties that we all have. Nobody knows how this is going to progress and it’s certainly not a sure thing that it will result in a diminished violence and a successful evolution toward peace. But I didn’t get a sense that they thought it wasn’t worth trying.
I don’t really want to speak for the Indian side, however. I think they’re perfectly capable of doing that for themselves. For our standpoint we’re going into this process with open eyes and without naïve or excessive expectations of rapid progress or even a certainty that there will be any progress at all. Indeed, there’s no certainty that the process will even start since we’re still waiting for responses from the Taliban as to whether they’re prepared to operate under the conditions that the government of Qatar has set, whether they’re prepared to meet with us, and whether they’re prepared to meet with representatives of the Afghan High Peace Council. We haven’t yet received definitive responses on those questions.
Press: After the change of government in Islamabad, what is your assessment for improvement of India-Pakistan ties, and how important do you see that in terms of [Afghanistan’s situation] post 2014?
Ambassador Dobbins: I think that any improvement in India-Pakistan ties will almost automatically improve Afghanistan’s situation. I’ve met twice now in little more than two weeks with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The first time shortly before he became Prime Minister and then again the day before yesterday. My sense is that an improvement in relations with India is fairly high on his list of priorities. He’s got an overwhelming set of problems facing him, most immediately economic pressures, also significant domestic violence that he need to cope with.
But on the external front, and I think he understands that internal and external affairs are related, my sense is that improving relations with India seems to be his top priority.
Press: [What is the] concern [in] India? [Inaudible] talks with Taliban? Without [inaudible] of terrorists, do you believe that an improvement in Indo relations with Pakistan [or] Taliban [will pass]?
Ambassador Dobbins: We certainly agree that there’s no prospect for improvement in relations with the Taliban or any agreement with the Taliban unless the issue of terrorism is directly addressed. We set as a precondition for beginning talks with the Taliban that they make a statement that at least began to distance themselves from international terrorism and they did so. They made a statement a week ago Tuesday in which they said they opposed the use of Afghan territory for attacks on anybody else. But that’s I think from our standpoint sufficient to begin talking to them, but it’s not going to be sufficient as the basis for any agreement.
We’ve made clear, Secretary Kerry made clear when he was here that any agreement would need to include a cessation of hostilities, a respect for the Afghan constitution, and a severing of all ties with al-Qaida and similar terrorist organizations.
I would stress that the negotiations toward this objective will principally be negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Not between the United States and the Taliban. But we hope that our dialogue with them, if it begins, can contribute to that and we’ll be focused particularly on the topic that you raised which is severing their ties with al-Qaida. It will be one of the first issues we will raise is how do they intend to do that. Not just what they intend to say about it but how they actually intend to go about severing those ties.
Press: What exactly is the U.S. doing to get President Karzai on board with the peace process with the Taliban? [Inaudible] and I understand that President Karzai isn’t very happy about that. I was wondering [inaudible].
Ambassador Dobbins: Well, President Karzai wasn’t happy about it, quite aside from that we weren’t happy about it either. There’s I think an impression that we intervened with the Qataris only because President Karzai complained. We intervened with the Qataris well before President Karzai complained because the self-presentation of that office was inconsistent with the assurance that the Qataris had given us and that we had given President Karzai.
The government of Qatar responded very quickly. They took down the sign that said Islamic Emirates. They took down the flag. And they issued a public statement that this was not the Office of the Islamic Emirate, this was the political office of the Taliban.
So in terms of the specific things that Karzai was concerned about, I think those issues have been resolved. When I talked to President Karzai on Monday, he was perfectly content to move forward with this if the Taliban are prepared to do so on the basis that we had previously agreed
Press: Are you going back to Qatar?
Ambassador Dobbins: No. We’re still waiting to hear from the Taliban whether they’re willing to meet. I think they’re still debating among themselves as the result of the events of last Tuesday whether they want to go forward or not. I don’t know.
From here I’m going back to Washington via Europe.
Press: On the Taliban. You mentioned a statement by them a week ago saying the use of Afghan territory [inaudible]. And yet we saw a couple of days ago an attack on central Kabul targeting the Presidential Palace. How do you manage the process if you see in the coming months the attacks continuing in Afghanistan? What would your [inaudible] to do with that?
Ambassador Dobbins: You don’t hold peace talks after the war, you hold peace talks during wars. The Taliban haven’t asked us to stop fighting and we don’t expect them to stop fighting just because they’re talking. The objective of the talks obviously is a diminution of violence and ultimately an enduring peace, but we’re not naïve enough to think that’s going to come quickly and it’s certainly not a precondition for just talking.
Frankly, I anticipate that the Taliban will continue to try to negotiate from a position of strength. They’ll continue to mount attacks as will we and as will the Afghan government. The attacks that the Taliban have mounted over the past several months have been fairly severe and they’ve almost all failed. The Afghan armed forces are now taking the lead in combat operations. We’re no longer leading in combat. They are increasingly reliant on their own resources. And they’re performing well.
But I don’t think that’s going to lead to an immediate diminution in violence. I think the Taliban probably want to continue to put pressure on. They want to continue to make it look like the United States is retreating as a result of that pressure rather than as a result of its success in building a viable Afghan capacity for self-defense. And NATO, the United States, and in particular the Afghan Security Forces are going to continue not just to defend themselves, but to mount offensive operations against the Taliban, and not only seek to hold territory but to reclaim territory.
So I don’t anticipate that the beginning of negotiations will end the war. I do hope that negotiations will ultimately contribute to an end to the war. But that’s by no means certain. It’s simply something that’s worth trying.
Press Conference in New Delhi
Press Conference
Ambassador James Dobbins, Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan
New Delhi, India
June 27, 2013
Ambassador Dobbins: Thank you. It’s a pleasure to be here in New Delhi. I’ve been in the job I currently hold for a month now. I’ve been touring the region for the last week. I went to Doha with Secretary Kerry for discussions there, and then met with President Karzai in Kabul on Monday and with Prime Minister Nawaz and other Pakistani officials on Tuesday. I arrived here yesterday and met with the Foreign Secretary and others from the Foreign Ministry yesterday evening. I’ll meet with the Indian Special Envoy for Afghanistan, Ambassador [Lamba] who is an old friend from a decade ago after this meeting.
I think the last time I was in New Delhi was in a similar capacity. I was the American Special Envoy for Afghanistan also in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 and represented the U.S. in the early diplomacy after 9/11 which led to the Bonn Conference and the establishment of an interim government in Afghanistan which ultimately led to the current constitution and current government in Afghanistan.
So I’ve come back at an interesting and pivotal time, a time when NATO and the United States are transitioning from a combat to an advisory and assistance role in Afghanistan, and maybe more importantly a time when Afghanistan will be going through its first peaceful democratic transition in its national history.
I’ve come to Delhi and hope to be able to come back regularly because India has an important stake in Afghanistan and it has important influence in Afghanistan, and it’s important that we understand Indian views and obviously that India understands our views and that we collaborate as closely as possible which I certainly did 10 years ago or 11 years ago when the Indian representative and I, Ambassador [Lamba] collaborated very closely, very effectively, in bringing about the emergence of an interim government in Afghanistan, and I anticipate that we’ll be able to continue to collaborate on a similar basis. So I’ll be glad to answer questions.
Press: What talks with the Indian [inaudible] the Special Envoy. What [were] talks?
Ambassador Dobbins: The talks pretty much covered all aspects of our relations with Afghanistan and also to some degree with Pakistan where I had just been, but the focus was on Afghanistan.
The issue that’s probably most topical because it’s been in the news lately is the efforts to begin a peace process and I would say that was probably the single, the topic that occupied the most time. But we also talked about other issues including the upcoming Afghan elections and the political transition. And I think while a lot of us concentrate on our attention on both the possible peace process on the one hand and the military situation and the reduction in NATO and American forces, those are not the most important things that are going on. The most important things that are going on, the thing that will shape Afghanistan’s future more than anything else is the political transition that will take place next year.
Press: What topics?
Ambassador Dobbins: I think we talked about the election process, about the international [inaudible], that it’s a free and fair process, and how we can encourage the Afghan political elites to coalesce around candidates who have broad non-sectarian or cross-sectarian appeal. Candidates who don’t just represent one sectarian community but bring together coalitions that will result in an administration that has support and appeal in Pashtun, Hazara, Tajik, Uzbek communities.
On the reconciliation there were a lot of questions about where we stand in terms of the possibilities of opening a Taliban office in Doha for the purpose of negotiating and I explained where that process stood.
Press: Could you summarize what the Indian view was to your [Doha] peace process and how you responded to what has widely been considered [inaudible] of great [inaudible]?
Ambassador Dobbins: They questioned me closely about what the prospects were, what the exact status was, and I hope that they were somewhat reassured as a result. They weren’t telling me they were opposed, they weren’t telling me that this was something we should stay away from, but they clearly had anxieties, anxieties that we all have. Nobody knows how this is going to progress and it’s certainly not a sure thing that it will result in a diminished violence and a successful evolution toward peace. But I didn’t get a sense that they thought it wasn’t worth trying.
I don’t really want to speak for the Indian side, however. I think they’re perfectly capable of doing that for themselves. For our standpoint we’re going into this process with open eyes and without naïve or excessive expectations of rapid progress or even a certainty that there will be any progress at all. Indeed, there’s no certainty that the process will even start since we’re still waiting for responses from the Taliban as to whether they’re prepared to operate under the conditions that the government of Qatar has set, whether they’re prepared to meet with us, and whether they’re prepared to meet with representatives of the Afghan High Peace Council. We haven’t yet received definitive responses on those questions.
Press: After the change of government in Islamabad, what is your assessment for improvement of India-Pakistan ties, and how important do you see that in terms of [Afghanistan’s situation] post 2014?
Ambassador Dobbins: I think that any improvement in India-Pakistan ties will almost automatically improve Afghanistan’s situation. I’ve met twice now in little more than two weeks with Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. The first time shortly before he became Prime Minister and then again the day before yesterday. My sense is that an improvement in relations with India is fairly high on his list of priorities. He’s got an overwhelming set of problems facing him, most immediately economic pressures, also significant domestic violence that he need to cope with.
But on the external front, and I think he understands that internal and external affairs are related, my sense is that improving relations with India seems to be his top priority.
Press: [What is the] concern [in] India? [Inaudible] talks with Taliban? Without [inaudible] of terrorists, do you believe that an improvement in Indo relations with Pakistan [or] Taliban [will pass]?
Ambassador Dobbins: We certainly agree that there’s no prospect for improvement in relations with the Taliban or any agreement with the Taliban unless the issue of terrorism is directly addressed. We set as a precondition for beginning talks with the Taliban that they make a statement that at least began to distance themselves from international terrorism and they did so. They made a statement a week ago Tuesday in which they said they opposed the use of Afghan territory for attacks on anybody else. But that’s I think from our standpoint sufficient to begin talking to them, but it’s not going to be sufficient as the basis for any agreement.
We’ve made clear, Secretary Kerry made clear when he was here that any agreement would need to include a cessation of hostilities, a respect for the Afghan constitution, and a severing of all ties with al-Qaida and similar terrorist organizations.
I would stress that the negotiations toward this objective will principally be negotiations between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Not between the United States and the Taliban. But we hope that our dialogue with them, if it begins, can contribute to that and we’ll be focused particularly on the topic that you raised which is severing their ties with al-Qaida. It will be one of the first issues we will raise is how do they intend to do that. Not just what they intend to say about it but how they actually intend to go about severing those ties.
Press: What exactly is the U.S. doing to get President Karzai on board with the peace process with the Taliban? [Inaudible] and I understand that President Karzai isn’t very happy about that. I was wondering [inaudible].
Ambassador Dobbins: Well, President Karzai wasn’t happy about it, quite aside from that we weren’t happy about it either. There’s I think an impression that we intervened with the Qataris only because President Karzai complained. We intervened with the Qataris well before President Karzai complained because the self-presentation of that office was inconsistent with the assurance that the Qataris had given us and that we had given President Karzai.
The government of Qatar responded very quickly. They took down the sign that said Islamic Emirates. They took down the flag. And they issued a public statement that this was not the Office of the Islamic Emirate, this was the political office of the Taliban.
So in terms of the specific things that Karzai was concerned about, I think those issues have been resolved. When I talked to President Karzai on Monday, he was perfectly content to move forward with this if the Taliban are prepared to do so on the basis that we had previously agreed
Press: Are you going back to Qatar?
Ambassador Dobbins: No. We’re still waiting to hear from the Taliban whether they’re willing to meet. I think they’re still debating among themselves as the result of the events of last Tuesday whether they want to go forward or not. I don’t know.
From here I’m going back to Washington via Europe.
Press: On the Taliban. You mentioned a statement by them a week ago saying the use of Afghan territory [inaudible]. And yet we saw a couple of days ago an attack on central Kabul targeting the Presidential Palace. How do you manage the process if you see in the coming months the attacks continuing in Afghanistan? What would your [inaudible] to do with that?
Ambassador Dobbins: You don’t hold peace talks after the war, you hold peace talks during wars. The Taliban haven’t asked us to stop fighting and we don’t expect them to stop fighting just because they’re talking. The objective of the talks obviously is a diminution of violence and ultimately an enduring peace, but we’re not naïve enough to think that’s going to come quickly and it’s certainly not a precondition for just talking.
Frankly, I anticipate that the Taliban will continue to try to negotiate from a position of strength. They’ll continue to mount attacks as will we and as will the Afghan government. The attacks that the Taliban have mounted over the past several months have been fairly severe and they’ve almost all failed. The Afghan armed forces are now taking the lead in combat operations. We’re no longer leading in combat. They are increasingly reliant on their own resources. And they’re performing well.
But I don’t think that’s going to lead to an immediate diminution in violence. I think the Taliban probably want to continue to put pressure on. They want to continue to make it look like the United States is retreating as a result of that pressure rather than as a result of its success in building a viable Afghan capacity for self-defense. And NATO, the United States, and in particular the Afghan Security Forces are going to continue not just to defend themselves, but to mount offensive operations against the Taliban, and not only seek to hold territory but to reclaim territory.
So I don’t anticipate that the beginning of negotiations will end the war. I do hope that negotiations will ultimately contribute to an end to the war. But that’s by no means certain. It’s simply something that’s worth trying.
Wednesday, May 15, 2013
STATE DEPARTMENT ASSISTANT SECRETARY BLAKE'S REMARKS AT YALE-TERI ENERGY SUMMIT
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Remarks at Fourth Yale-TERI Energy Summit
Remarks
Robert O. Blake, Jr.
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
Washington, DC
May 13, 2013
Thanks so much for the opportunity to speak to this distinguished audience. Yale and TERI’s partnership – and leadership – to advance clean and innovative energy solutions has made this a vital forum for sharing new ideas and casting an ambitious vision for the future. TERI’s focus on clean energy solutions dates back to the mid-1970s, which turned out to be very prescient. Today, clean energy is at the center of our thinking on powering the economies of the future.
I’d like to extend special thanks to all of the CEOs and other business leaders here today. Your passion and ingenuity are central to the United States’ and India’s quest to help grow mutually beneficial clean energy ecosystems.
Ladies and gentleman, it’s a remarkable time to be engaged in a discussion about clean energy. We’ve recently seen enormous changes in the global energy landscape. And the nexus between energy and the environment is more relevant than ever.
The United States has four key priorities related to the future of energy use. Not coincidentally, each dovetail with our clean energy goals.
First, we will maintain our commitment to renewable energy – wind, solar, geothermal, and hydro – and put a premium on new innovation and technological advances;
Second, we will harness the "natural gas revolution" in the United States to meet our own energy needs as an intermediate or "bridge fuel" opportunity;
Third, we will continue to pursue the highest environmental standards, in the spirit of the Clean Air Act and other efforts to limit harmful emissions; and
Fourth, we will use existing energy more efficiently – in essence, to get more bang for our buck. That isn’t just good public policy, it makes good business sense.
There’s no doubt that our private sectors have a critical role to play in achieving these ambitious goals. But our governments have a responsibility to help foster the right environment for innovation; we must ensure that nothing stands in the way of quickly taking the best ideas conceived from Hyderabad to Houston, from Madhya Pradesh to Massachusetts, to the broadest possible market.
Simply put, governments must create policies that allow our companies to work together seamlessly. That means avoiding policies that hinder innovation, such as subsidies to local producers, measures that favor indigenous over foreign companies, or technology transfer requirements as a pre-condition for market access. We’re discussing these issues with our Indian friends through bilateral engagements like these like the Clean Energy Ministerial and the U.S.-India Energy Dialogue.
We are also expanding our bilateral cooperation on clean energy through the U.S.-India Partnership to Advance Clean Energy, or PACE, which has mobilized over $1.7 billion dollars to finance clean energy initiatives. In addition, a $125 million public-private joint research center is being created that will be led by 95 government, research, and private organizations.
President Obama is taking a leadership role in these efforts. He recently called on Congress to establish an "Energy Security Trust," which would fund groundbreaking research focused on cost-effective technologies – like electric vehicles, homegrown biofuels, fuel cells, and domestically-produced natural gas.
We are also talking to the Government of India at all levels about energy issues – from the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy to the Ministry of External Affairs and the Prime Minister’s Office. When we hold the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue this summer, clean energy cooperation will be a key part of the agenda.
We have much to be optimistic about. Clean energy technology is cheaper than it has ever been – according to one report photo-voltaic module prices are down 80% percent since 2008, and 20% just in the last year. In 2012 alone, a whopping 88 gigawatts of new clean energy capacity became available around the world, more than half of that from the wind sector.
Energy and climate change issues are important not just for our partnership with India, but for our broader strategy for the region. We believe that collaboration in this area can drive broader cooperation and economic connectivity, to help make the region more secure and prosperous. That’s why we’ve been such a strong supporter of regional energy and economic integration efforts to significantly increase economic connectivity across Asia.
USAID’s South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy Integration program, for example, facilitates cross-border energy trade, expand access to clean energy, and build power-sector capacity to integrate energy supplies across the entire region.
And we’ve been strong advocates for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, or TAPI, which stands to bring enormous energy relief to a region still saddled with aging coal generation facilities and inefficient power generation methods. Today, more than half of India’s power comes from coal. TAPI would help shift the region away from carbon-based energy sources and could allow for unprecedented cooperation and commercial synergy.
These efforts are creating new opportunities to expand clean energy generation, which many never thought possible. The key to their success, of course, is you – the entrepreneurs and innovators. I can’t wait to see what you will come up with next, and we stand ready to work together toward a cleaner and more prosperous future. Thank you.
Remarks at Fourth Yale-TERI Energy Summit
Remarks
Robert O. Blake, Jr.
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
Washington, DC
May 13, 2013
Thanks so much for the opportunity to speak to this distinguished audience. Yale and TERI’s partnership – and leadership – to advance clean and innovative energy solutions has made this a vital forum for sharing new ideas and casting an ambitious vision for the future. TERI’s focus on clean energy solutions dates back to the mid-1970s, which turned out to be very prescient. Today, clean energy is at the center of our thinking on powering the economies of the future.
I’d like to extend special thanks to all of the CEOs and other business leaders here today. Your passion and ingenuity are central to the United States’ and India’s quest to help grow mutually beneficial clean energy ecosystems.
Ladies and gentleman, it’s a remarkable time to be engaged in a discussion about clean energy. We’ve recently seen enormous changes in the global energy landscape. And the nexus between energy and the environment is more relevant than ever.
The United States has four key priorities related to the future of energy use. Not coincidentally, each dovetail with our clean energy goals.
Second, we will harness the "natural gas revolution" in the United States to meet our own energy needs as an intermediate or "bridge fuel" opportunity;
Third, we will continue to pursue the highest environmental standards, in the spirit of the Clean Air Act and other efforts to limit harmful emissions; and
Fourth, we will use existing energy more efficiently – in essence, to get more bang for our buck. That isn’t just good public policy, it makes good business sense.
There’s no doubt that our private sectors have a critical role to play in achieving these ambitious goals. But our governments have a responsibility to help foster the right environment for innovation; we must ensure that nothing stands in the way of quickly taking the best ideas conceived from Hyderabad to Houston, from Madhya Pradesh to Massachusetts, to the broadest possible market.
Simply put, governments must create policies that allow our companies to work together seamlessly. That means avoiding policies that hinder innovation, such as subsidies to local producers, measures that favor indigenous over foreign companies, or technology transfer requirements as a pre-condition for market access. We’re discussing these issues with our Indian friends through bilateral engagements like these like the Clean Energy Ministerial and the U.S.-India Energy Dialogue.
We are also expanding our bilateral cooperation on clean energy through the U.S.-India Partnership to Advance Clean Energy, or PACE, which has mobilized over $1.7 billion dollars to finance clean energy initiatives. In addition, a $125 million public-private joint research center is being created that will be led by 95 government, research, and private organizations.
President Obama is taking a leadership role in these efforts. He recently called on Congress to establish an "Energy Security Trust," which would fund groundbreaking research focused on cost-effective technologies – like electric vehicles, homegrown biofuels, fuel cells, and domestically-produced natural gas.
We are also talking to the Government of India at all levels about energy issues – from the Ministry of New and Renewable Energy to the Ministry of External Affairs and the Prime Minister’s Office. When we hold the U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue this summer, clean energy cooperation will be a key part of the agenda.
We have much to be optimistic about. Clean energy technology is cheaper than it has ever been – according to one report photo-voltaic module prices are down 80% percent since 2008, and 20% just in the last year. In 2012 alone, a whopping 88 gigawatts of new clean energy capacity became available around the world, more than half of that from the wind sector.
Energy and climate change issues are important not just for our partnership with India, but for our broader strategy for the region. We believe that collaboration in this area can drive broader cooperation and economic connectivity, to help make the region more secure and prosperous. That’s why we’ve been such a strong supporter of regional energy and economic integration efforts to significantly increase economic connectivity across Asia.
USAID’s South Asia Regional Initiative for Energy Integration program, for example, facilitates cross-border energy trade, expand access to clean energy, and build power-sector capacity to integrate energy supplies across the entire region.
And we’ve been strong advocates for the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, or TAPI, which stands to bring enormous energy relief to a region still saddled with aging coal generation facilities and inefficient power generation methods. Today, more than half of India’s power comes from coal. TAPI would help shift the region away from carbon-based energy sources and could allow for unprecedented cooperation and commercial synergy.
These efforts are creating new opportunities to expand clean energy generation, which many never thought possible. The key to their success, of course, is you – the entrepreneurs and innovators. I can’t wait to see what you will come up with next, and we stand ready to work together toward a cleaner and more prosperous future. Thank you.
Thursday, March 28, 2013
EXPORT-IMPORT BANK BACKS $9 MILLION LOAN FOR EXPORT OF SOLAR PANELS TO INDIA
FROM: U.S. EXPORT-IMPORT BANK
California Company Miasolé Exports Thin-Film Solar Panels for Solar-Energy Project in India, Backed by $9 Million Ex-Im Bank Loan
Company Plans To Add 200 U.S. Jobs Due to Growing Export Business
Washington, D.C. – Miasolé, a solar-energy company in Santa Clara, Calif., has exported thin-film solar panels to a solar photovoltaic (PV) project in Rajasthan, India, with the support of a $9 million direct loan from the Export-Import Bank of the United States (Ex-Im Bank).
The Indian borrower, Sai Maithili Power Company Private Ltd., a single-purpose solar company formed by KSK Energy Ventures, used Miasolé’s high-efficiency, thin-film PV solar panels in the construction of an 11.6-megawatt (DC) solar PV project in Rajasthan. The recently commissioned project was built in support of India’s Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission.
"Ex-Im Bank exists to help companies create and maintain American jobs through exports. This is Ex-Im’s second financing of Miasolé’s exports to India, a growing market for renewable-energy goods and services. Through this support, Ex-Im Bank is assisting the company in expanding its manufacturing base and creating many new jobs," said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg.
In FY 2010, Ex-Im Bank provided a $3.7 million loan to finance exports of Miasolé’s thin-film PV solar panels to a solar project in Gujarat, India.
"Ex-Im Bank’s support of Miasolé’s California-made solar modules for projects in India lowers the cost of capital and will enable Miasolé to expand U.S. exports and create jobs in California," said Miasolé CEO John Carrington. "We look forward to continuing to work with Ex-Im Bank in 2013 as Miasolé expands its global footprint and business model to invest in projects, acquire project pipeline and partner with leading developers and engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) companies in sustainable markets such as India."
Miasolé is a pioneer in the development of copper indium gallium selenide (CIGS) thin-film PV solar panels, which are among the highest-efficiency and lowest-cost solar panels. Due to its expanding export-related business, Miasolé is doubling its workforce to 400 employees in California in 2013.
California Company Miasolé Exports Thin-Film Solar Panels for Solar-Energy Project in India, Backed by $9 Million Ex-Im Bank Loan
Company Plans To Add 200 U.S. Jobs Due to Growing Export Business
Washington, D.C. – Miasolé, a solar-energy company in Santa Clara, Calif., has exported thin-film solar panels to a solar photovoltaic (PV) project in Rajasthan, India, with the support of a $9 million direct loan from the Export-Import Bank of the United States (Ex-Im Bank).
The Indian borrower, Sai Maithili Power Company Private Ltd., a single-purpose solar company formed by KSK Energy Ventures, used Miasolé’s high-efficiency, thin-film PV solar panels in the construction of an 11.6-megawatt (DC) solar PV project in Rajasthan. The recently commissioned project was built in support of India’s Jawaharlal Nehru National Solar Mission.
"Ex-Im Bank exists to help companies create and maintain American jobs through exports. This is Ex-Im’s second financing of Miasolé’s exports to India, a growing market for renewable-energy goods and services. Through this support, Ex-Im Bank is assisting the company in expanding its manufacturing base and creating many new jobs," said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg.
In FY 2010, Ex-Im Bank provided a $3.7 million loan to finance exports of Miasolé’s thin-film PV solar panels to a solar project in Gujarat, India.
"Ex-Im Bank’s support of Miasolé’s California-made solar modules for projects in India lowers the cost of capital and will enable Miasolé to expand U.S. exports and create jobs in California," said Miasolé CEO John Carrington. "We look forward to continuing to work with Ex-Im Bank in 2013 as Miasolé expands its global footprint and business model to invest in projects, acquire project pipeline and partner with leading developers and engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) companies in sustainable markets such as India."
Miasolé is a pioneer in the development of copper indium gallium selenide (CIGS) thin-film PV solar panels, which are among the highest-efficiency and lowest-cost solar panels. Due to its expanding export-related business, Miasolé is doubling its workforce to 400 employees in California in 2013.
Tuesday, January 29, 2013
STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS REMARK'S ON 'EMERGING GLOBAL ECONOMIC ORDER'
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| Photo: Taj Mahal. Credit: U.S. State Department. |
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
The New Emerging Global Economic Order: Taking the U.S.-India Example
Remarks
Robert D. Hormats
Under Secretary for Economic Growth, Energy, and the Environment, Bureau of Economic, Energy and Business Affairs
Agra, India
January 28, 2013
As prepared for delivery
Thank you for that wonderful greeting. I am honored to accept your invitation to participate in the Partnership 2013 Summit. For me this is an excellent opportunity to learn from so many distinguished women and men from across India and from around the world. To be back in Agra, against the backdrop of one of the great works of art and love of mankind, the TajMahal, is a distinct and profound pleasure. I am always happy to be in India. On Saturday, I fulfilled a long held wish, when I was able to witness Republic Day in all of its splendor. It is a remarkable event that I will long remember.
I first came to India as a young man. I traveled the Grand Trunk Road and discovered for myself "incredible India" – long before that term became a common one. My month-long journey on buses and trains – and sometimes on top of buses and trains – was one I have never forgotten. I saw up close and in action this country’s vibrant democracy, and rich, diverse, creative society. I was left with a deep and enduring affection for both India’s people and its indomitable spirit.
It is common knowledge that we are in the midst of an historic realignment in the locus of economic growth and demographics globally. Emerging economies in South and East Asia in particular are making, and are projected to continue to make, historical gains.Some in the developed world may find this threatening. I view the growing regional linkages and rapid economic growth in Asia as an opportunity to expand the economic pie and create additional growth for all.
A New Silk Road linking Central and South Asia as well as an Indo-Pacific Economic Corridor linking the rapidly expanding economies of South and Southeast Asia would help unlock and expand markets for global goods and services.
I will speak more about regional economic integration on Wednesday, in Delhi. But today I want to focus on the role industrialized countries and emerging economies can play together in the rapidly changing global economic order.
I believe nations like mine can seize this opportunity to develop new sets of cooperative relations with emerging economies to increase trade, encourage closer cultural ties, boost energy production and reliability, address environmental challenges, and improve global stability. We seek new partnerships to address the needs of the 21st century.
The burgeoning U.S.-India economic relationship is a prime example of how this is unfolding. I am not a believer in a zero sum game. The more we, and other nations represented here, can cooperate in ensuring a fair, transparent, rules based trading and financial system, with broadly shared responsibility, the more we all will prosper. The New Global Economic Order will require both the utilization of current institutions, but also pragmatic bilateral and regional cooperation.
The depth and breadth of U.S.-India ties make this relationship a model for discussing Global Partnerships for Enduring Growth – the theme of our conference. I’d like to discuss why we take this relationship so seriously.
As President Obama told the Indian parliament last year, the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, rooted in common values and interests. We not only welcome India as a strong and influential participant in the world economy, we fully support it. I would say the same about the nations of ASEAN and others in this region. Indeed, we see ASEAN and India as two of the strongest pillars of the global economies in the 21st century.
When people ask why the United States is so interested in expanding its ties with India, my response is three-fold – One, our ties make geo-strategic sense. Two, they make geo-economic sense. And three, and most importantly, our citizens will benefit from it.
In India, Prime Minister Singh has labeled this the "Decade of Innovation." He concurrently established the National Innovation Council to create policies that support medium-to-long term innovation in India. As the Government of India notes in its draft National IPR strategy, "for innovation to create any impact, it is imperative to take the idea from the mind to the laboratory to the market."But to do that, innovators in areas such as information technology, pharmaceuticals, and clean energy need assurance that their ideas will be protected throughout that process. This is not only for them. It encourages more innovation and investment in these and other sectors. That is why we strongly support working together with India and other nations of Asia to ensure a strong intellectual property rights system that will encourage high-technology innovations, providing wide-spread benefits to all of our nations.
We also encouragethe Indian government and all of our trading partners to considera range of market-based solutions that can better support jobs and growth, while creating a level playing field.Predictable and clear policies will encourage businesses to expand, and to devote the long-term capital and resources required for further growth.Working together, the United States and India can realize the kind of innovation our leaders envision.Science, technology, and the environment are areas characterized by mutual interest and expanding cooperation.
Our collaborative effort in agriculture includes efforts to stop food loss between the farmer and the consumer, increasing prosperity for both. Such losses are enormous and a great tragedy. This can be prevented by cold chain storage and other methods. Companies are willing to invest in such systems if given the right opportunities and a welcoming environment.
On the investment side, the U.S. and Indian governments have engaged in Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) negotiations. We’re aiming for a BIT that gives a high level of openness to investment across the economy, provides strong rules on investor protection and transparency, and offers effective means for resolving investment disputes.Our S&T cooperation includes cutting edge work in space science, where we work together on Earth observation satellite projects that help us predict monsoon patterns and respond to natural disasters.
The Clean Energy Finance Center in New Delhi represents U.S. agencies that have mobilized more than $1.7 billion for clean energy projects in India, working in tandem with Indian government and industry partners. We both benefit from our comprehensive strategic dialogue on energy, in light of dramatic changes in technology and in the global energy market . This dialogue takes on even more importancewith the growing role of the Indian Ocean in global energy shipments, regional energy and maritime security, growing power needs, and sustainable clean energy objectives. We seek a broader and deeper dialogue on energy, for similar reasons, with countries in south and east Asia. We do not see the American energy boom as a reason to pull back from engagement, but as an opportunity to expand mutually beneficial engagement.
In addition to business connections, people to people connections are one of our strongest links.
More than 12,000 American alumni of Indian institutions are part of our efforts to strengthen and broaden relations with India.So are the more than three million Indian-Americans living in the United States. And last year, over 100,000 Indian students came to the U.S. to study.
With the increasing connectivity of our universities, our businesses, and our civil societies, we are seeing more engagement than ever. And I think thatincreasingly,state-level and city-level leadersin both countries, see great opportunities for their citizens from new city-to-city and state-to-state partnerships. Theseare creating the next generation, and a deeper level, of economic diplomacy. More and more international economic diplomacy will be the work of mayors, governors, chief ministers and their teams.
For example:
• Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Chauhan recently visited the U.S. to describe his state’s ambitious agriculture reforms, including loan guarantees to farmers, improving irrigation, and "a single window system" for expeditious foreign investment approvals;
• CII—our hosts today—recently brought a delegation of business leaders from the state of Jammu & Kashmir to visit several U.S. cities. J&K has developed cold chain infrastructure with the help of U.S. partners that preserves apples as they go from farm to market, much as Tamil Nadu has done for bananas. Both are very positive examples;
• Kentucky Governor Steve Beshear just announced a 25-year coal deal between American companies and India;
• Washington state’s Governor Christine Gregoire has established partnerships in energy, life sciences, and film; and
• City mayors like San Antonio’s dynamicJulian Castro—who will also be participating at this summit tomorrow—are building ties with new and existing India partners.
• Our Maryland Governor Martin O’Malley led a trade mission to Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, and New Delhi. Thisrepresented the largest ever state trade mission to India. Because Maryland is my home state I am especially proud of this.
In the Third U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, Secretary Clinton welcomed Minister Krishna’s proposal for a "Conversation Between Cities" to take place in 2013 to address "urban challenges and solutions in the 21st Century."
Our states and our cities are the real laboratory test tubes of democracy and creative economic policy —where our citizens are in close and direct contact with their local governments, where our entrepreneurs establish and develop new business that drive employment, and where our institutions of higher education help us all enhance our skills and retrain for new opportunities.
So the robust connections between Indian and American states and cities are a welcome commercial development, and offer both countries more ways to take the strategic partnership to an even more ambitious level. We seek to do the same with others in this region.
While we have come far, we still have more work to do to ensure this relationship achieves its potential. The United States is enormously optimistic about India’s future –
(1) that India’s greater role on the world stage will enhance peace and security;
(2) thatfurther opening India’s markets will pave the way to greater regional and global prosperity;
(3) that Indian advances in science and technology will improve lives and advance human knowledge everywhere; and
(4) that India’s vibrant, pluralistic democracy – where the rights of men and women are equally represented and both have an equal opportunity to succeed and contribute – will produce measurable results and improvements for its citizens.
But our governments cannot assume the relationship will be self-sustaining without mutual effort. This is the challenge we all face today. We have the opportunity to establish a framework for enduring growth for our two countries. And all of our countries together need to establish a series of bilateral and regional partnership for Central Asia, for East Asia, and for connections between them. Now each of us individually and – all of us– need to take the next steps to ensure that this process continues and strengthens.
Monday, January 7, 2013
U.S.-INDIA RELATIONS
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
President Obama has called India one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, one which will be vital to U.S. strategic interests in Asia-Pacific and across the globe. Presidents Clinton, Bush and Obama all visited India, underscoring the increasing importance of the bilateral relationship. Our relationship is rooted in common values, including the rule of law, respect for diversity, and democratic government. We have a shared interest in promoting global security, stability, and economic prosperity through trade, investment, and connectivity. The United States and India have a common interest in the free flow of global trade and commerce, including through the vital sea lanes of the Indian Ocean.
The U.S. supports India's critical role as a leader in maintaining regional stability. Security ties are robust and growing with bilateral defense and counterterrorism cooperation reaching unprecedented levels. The United States and India also look continue to develop their defense partnership through military sales and joint research, co-production and co-development efforts.
The U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, launched in 2009, provides opportunities to strengthen collaboration in areas including energy, climate change, trade, education, and counterterrorism. The third annual meeting was held in June 2012. In 2012 alone, seven Cabinet-level officials made visits to India to deepen bilateral ties.
The strength of people to people linkages between the United States and India has come to define the indispensable relationship between our two countries. The increased cooperation of state and local officials to create ties has enhanced engagement in education. Additionally, state to state and city to city engagements have created new partnerships in business and the private sector and enhance our robust government to government engagement.
Bilateral Economic Relations
The United States is one of India's largest trade and investment partners. U.S.- India bilateral trade in goods and services has increased four and a half times over the last decade, to more than $86 billion in 2011. Bilateral trade between our two countries is up 40 percent since we began our Strategic Dialogue three years ago. The stock of Indian FDI in the United States has increased from $227 million in 2002 to almost $4.9 billion in 2011, supporting thousands of U.S. jobs.
The United States and India are negotiating a bilateral investment treaty as a key part of the effort to deepen the economic relationship, improve investor confidence, and support economic growth in both countries. India continues to move forward, albeit haltingly, with market-oriented economic reforms that began in 1991. Recent reforms have included an increasingly liberal foreign investment regime in many sectors.
On energy cooperation, the United States and India also share a strong commitment to work collaboratively in bilateral and multilateral fora to help ensure mutual energy security, combat global climate change, and support the development of low-carbon economies that will create opportunities and fuel job growth in both countries. The two countries consult regularly on the future of global oil and gas markets, expanding sustainable energy access to support jobs and economic growth in both countries, collaborating in research and technology, and increasing U.S. exports of clean energy technology.
U.S. exports to India include diamonds and gold, machinery, oil, and fertilizers. U.S. imports from India include diamonds, pharmaceutical products, oil, agricultural products, organic chemicals, and apparel. U.S. direct investment in India is led by the information, professional, scientific, and technical services, and manufacturing sectors. India direct investment in the U.S. is primarily concentrated in the professional, scientific, and technical services sector.
India's Membership in International Organizations
India and the United States share membership in a variety of international organizations, including the United Nations, G-20, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization. The United States supports a reformed UN Security Council that includes India as a permanent member. India is an ASEAN dialogue partner, an Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development partner under its Enhanced Engagement program, and an observer to the Organization of American States. India is also a member and the current chair of the Indian Ocean Rim-Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). In November 2012, the United States was admitted as a dialogue partner in the IOR-ARC with India’s support.
FROM CIA WORLD FACTBOOK
The Indus Valley civilization, one of the world's oldest, flourished during the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C. and extended into northwestern India. Aryan tribes from the northwest infiltrated onto the Indian subcontinent about 1500 B.C.; their merger with the earlier Dravidian inhabitants created the classical Indian culture. The Maurya Empire of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. - which reached its zenith under ASHOKA - united much of South Asia. The Golden Age ushered in by the Gupta dynasty (4th to 6th centuries A.D.) saw a flowering of Indian science, art, and culture. Islam spread across the subcontinent over a period of 700 years. In the 10th and 11th centuries, Turks and Afghans invaded India and established the Delhi Sultanate. In the early 16th century, the Emperor BABUR established the Mughal Dynasty which ruled India for more than three centuries. European explorers began establishing footholds in India during the 16th century. By the 19th century, Great Britain had become the dominant political power on the subcontinent. The British Indian Army played a vital role in both World Wars. Nonviolent resistance to British rule, led by Mohandas GANDHI and Jawaharlal NEHRU, eventually brought about independence in 1947. Communal violence led to the subcontinent's bloody partition, which resulted in the creation of two separate states, India and Pakistan. The two countries have fought three wars since independence, the last of which in 1971 resulted in East Pakistan becoming the separate nation of Bangladesh. India's nuclear weapons tests in 1998 caused Pakistan to conduct its own tests that same year. In November 2008, terrorists originating from Pakistan conducted a series of coordinated attacks in Mumbai, India's financial capital. In January 2011, India assumed a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council for the 2011-12 term. Despite pressing problems such as significant overpopulation, environmental degradation, extensive poverty, and widespread corruption, rapid economic development is fueling India's rise on the world stage.
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| Map: India. Credit: CIA World Factbook. |
President Obama has called India one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, one which will be vital to U.S. strategic interests in Asia-Pacific and across the globe. Presidents Clinton, Bush and Obama all visited India, underscoring the increasing importance of the bilateral relationship. Our relationship is rooted in common values, including the rule of law, respect for diversity, and democratic government. We have a shared interest in promoting global security, stability, and economic prosperity through trade, investment, and connectivity. The United States and India have a common interest in the free flow of global trade and commerce, including through the vital sea lanes of the Indian Ocean.
The U.S. supports India's critical role as a leader in maintaining regional stability. Security ties are robust and growing with bilateral defense and counterterrorism cooperation reaching unprecedented levels. The United States and India also look continue to develop their defense partnership through military sales and joint research, co-production and co-development efforts.
The U.S.-India Strategic Dialogue, launched in 2009, provides opportunities to strengthen collaboration in areas including energy, climate change, trade, education, and counterterrorism. The third annual meeting was held in June 2012. In 2012 alone, seven Cabinet-level officials made visits to India to deepen bilateral ties.
The strength of people to people linkages between the United States and India has come to define the indispensable relationship between our two countries. The increased cooperation of state and local officials to create ties has enhanced engagement in education. Additionally, state to state and city to city engagements have created new partnerships in business and the private sector and enhance our robust government to government engagement.
Bilateral Economic Relations
The United States is one of India's largest trade and investment partners. U.S.- India bilateral trade in goods and services has increased four and a half times over the last decade, to more than $86 billion in 2011. Bilateral trade between our two countries is up 40 percent since we began our Strategic Dialogue three years ago. The stock of Indian FDI in the United States has increased from $227 million in 2002 to almost $4.9 billion in 2011, supporting thousands of U.S. jobs.
The United States and India are negotiating a bilateral investment treaty as a key part of the effort to deepen the economic relationship, improve investor confidence, and support economic growth in both countries. India continues to move forward, albeit haltingly, with market-oriented economic reforms that began in 1991. Recent reforms have included an increasingly liberal foreign investment regime in many sectors.
On energy cooperation, the United States and India also share a strong commitment to work collaboratively in bilateral and multilateral fora to help ensure mutual energy security, combat global climate change, and support the development of low-carbon economies that will create opportunities and fuel job growth in both countries. The two countries consult regularly on the future of global oil and gas markets, expanding sustainable energy access to support jobs and economic growth in both countries, collaborating in research and technology, and increasing U.S. exports of clean energy technology.
U.S. exports to India include diamonds and gold, machinery, oil, and fertilizers. U.S. imports from India include diamonds, pharmaceutical products, oil, agricultural products, organic chemicals, and apparel. U.S. direct investment in India is led by the information, professional, scientific, and technical services, and manufacturing sectors. India direct investment in the U.S. is primarily concentrated in the professional, scientific, and technical services sector.
India's Membership in International Organizations
India and the United States share membership in a variety of international organizations, including the United Nations, G-20, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Regional Forum, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization. The United States supports a reformed UN Security Council that includes India as a permanent member. India is an ASEAN dialogue partner, an Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development partner under its Enhanced Engagement program, and an observer to the Organization of American States. India is also a member and the current chair of the Indian Ocean Rim-Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). In November 2012, the United States was admitted as a dialogue partner in the IOR-ARC with India’s support.
 |
| The Ganges River forms the largest tide-dominated delta in the world where it empties into the Bay of Bengal. This false-color satellite image vividly displays the large amount of sediment (violet), carried from as far away as the Himalayas, that precipitates when it abruptly encounters the sea. The delta is largely covered with a swamp forest known as the Sunderbans, which is home to the Royal Bengal Tiger. Image courtesy of USGS. Credit: CIA World Factbook. |
FROM CIA WORLD FACTBOOK
The Indus Valley civilization, one of the world's oldest, flourished during the 3rd and 2nd millennia B.C. and extended into northwestern India. Aryan tribes from the northwest infiltrated onto the Indian subcontinent about 1500 B.C.; their merger with the earlier Dravidian inhabitants created the classical Indian culture. The Maurya Empire of the 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. - which reached its zenith under ASHOKA - united much of South Asia. The Golden Age ushered in by the Gupta dynasty (4th to 6th centuries A.D.) saw a flowering of Indian science, art, and culture. Islam spread across the subcontinent over a period of 700 years. In the 10th and 11th centuries, Turks and Afghans invaded India and established the Delhi Sultanate. In the early 16th century, the Emperor BABUR established the Mughal Dynasty which ruled India for more than three centuries. European explorers began establishing footholds in India during the 16th century. By the 19th century, Great Britain had become the dominant political power on the subcontinent. The British Indian Army played a vital role in both World Wars. Nonviolent resistance to British rule, led by Mohandas GANDHI and Jawaharlal NEHRU, eventually brought about independence in 1947. Communal violence led to the subcontinent's bloody partition, which resulted in the creation of two separate states, India and Pakistan. The two countries have fought three wars since independence, the last of which in 1971 resulted in East Pakistan becoming the separate nation of Bangladesh. India's nuclear weapons tests in 1998 caused Pakistan to conduct its own tests that same year. In November 2008, terrorists originating from Pakistan conducted a series of coordinated attacks in Mumbai, India's financial capital. In January 2011, India assumed a nonpermanent seat in the UN Security Council for the 2011-12 term. Despite pressing problems such as significant overpopulation, environmental degradation, extensive poverty, and widespread corruption, rapid economic development is fueling India's rise on the world stage.
Thursday, December 6, 2012
EXPORT-IMPORT BANK TAKES PART IN LOAN TO SUPPORT U.S. EXPORTS OF PETROCHEMICAL GOODS AND SERVICES TO INDIA
FROM: U.S. EXPORT-IMPORT BANK
Ex-Im Approves $2.1 Billion to Finance Export
of U.S. Petrochemical Goods and Services to India
Washington, D.C. – Continuing its efforts to support American jobs by boosting American exports, the board of the Export-Import Bank of the United States (Ex-Im Bank) has voted to extend a $1.06 billion direct loan and to guarantee a $1.06 billion JPMorgan Chase loan to Reliance Industries Ltd. (Reliance) of Mumbai, India, for the export of American goods and services destined for use in Reliance’s expansion projects at Jamnagar in the Indian state of Gujarat.
The transaction is the single largest Ex-Im Bank has ever authorized for Reliance, and it represents Reliance’s first attempt at funding through the capital markets with an Ex-Im Bank guaranteed bond issuance.
The credit will support approximately 12,300 U.S. jobs, according to bank estimates derived from Departments of Commerce and Labor data and methodology. Moreover, six percent of the financing is expected to support American small businesses.
"This transaction is a tremendous opportunity for U.S. exporters and U.S. jobs, as revealed by the impressive exporter and job counts," said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg. "Ex-Im Bank’s financing offsets foreign export-credit-agency competition and provides American exporters with a level playing field. The result is the continued success of American technology and expertise."
"We are very pleased to support Reliance in this important expansion project," added Lillian Labbat, managing director, J.P. Morgan. "The unique conversion options, utilizing bond and direct loan financing, demonstrate Ex-Im’s focus on delivering competitive solutions while fostering U.S. exports and job growth."
Among the more than 65 exporters and suppliers involved in the transaction are Fluor Corporation, Lummus Technology, Univation Technologies LLC, Bechtel, and ConocoPhillips.
Located on the Gulf of Kutch, the Jamnagar complex oversees the largest single-location refinery operation in the world. Reliance intends to increase the complex’s petrochemical output by constructing a petcoke gasification unit that will top the world’s rosters in size and significantly enhance the efficiency of the company’s refinery business. Reliance also plans to erect a refinery off- gas cracker with matching downstream units that will better integrate polymer and polyester production.
"We are once again partnering with major U.S. suppliers for cutting edge technology, critical project management services and equipment from a wide section of American exporters for rolling out our next phase of growth," said Alok Agarwal, Reliance’s chief financial officer. "We value our long standing relationship with Ex-Im Bank and this landmark transaction further strengthens the partnership. This landmark transaction reaffirms the catalyst role played by Ex-Im Bank in facilitating trade between U.S. and India. We also sincerely appreciate the role played by JPMorgan Chase in this important transaction for us."
Reliance is India’s largest private sector company, and its operations range from oil and gas exploration and production to refining and petrochemicals. The company ranked 99th in revenues and 130th in profits in 2012, according to Fortune’s Global 500 list of ‘World's Largest Corporations’ and ‘World’s Top 100 companies.’
Fluor Corporation, one of the U.S. exporters participating in the transaction, is a FORTUNE 500 company that delivers engineering, procurement, construction, maintenance, and project management services to governments and clients in diverse industries around the world. The company is headquartered in Irving, Texas.
"We believe this positive development for the Reliance Industries project in India will help expedite the procurement process, lay a solid foundation for a long term partnership with a very valuable partner in India, and will promote U.S. jobs," said Otto Kjos, senior vice president, Energy & Chemicals, Fluor.
As of the end of FY 2012, Ex-Im Bank credit exposure in India totaled $6.5 billion.
 |
| Photo: Varanasa On The West Bank Of The Ghanges. Credit: CIA World Factbook. |
Ex-Im Approves $2.1 Billion to Finance Export
of U.S. Petrochemical Goods and Services to India
Washington, D.C. – Continuing its efforts to support American jobs by boosting American exports, the board of the Export-Import Bank of the United States (Ex-Im Bank) has voted to extend a $1.06 billion direct loan and to guarantee a $1.06 billion JPMorgan Chase loan to Reliance Industries Ltd. (Reliance) of Mumbai, India, for the export of American goods and services destined for use in Reliance’s expansion projects at Jamnagar in the Indian state of Gujarat.
The transaction is the single largest Ex-Im Bank has ever authorized for Reliance, and it represents Reliance’s first attempt at funding through the capital markets with an Ex-Im Bank guaranteed bond issuance.
The credit will support approximately 12,300 U.S. jobs, according to bank estimates derived from Departments of Commerce and Labor data and methodology. Moreover, six percent of the financing is expected to support American small businesses.
"This transaction is a tremendous opportunity for U.S. exporters and U.S. jobs, as revealed by the impressive exporter and job counts," said Ex-Im Bank Chairman and President Fred P. Hochberg. "Ex-Im Bank’s financing offsets foreign export-credit-agency competition and provides American exporters with a level playing field. The result is the continued success of American technology and expertise."
"We are very pleased to support Reliance in this important expansion project," added Lillian Labbat, managing director, J.P. Morgan. "The unique conversion options, utilizing bond and direct loan financing, demonstrate Ex-Im’s focus on delivering competitive solutions while fostering U.S. exports and job growth."
Among the more than 65 exporters and suppliers involved in the transaction are Fluor Corporation, Lummus Technology, Univation Technologies LLC, Bechtel, and ConocoPhillips.
Located on the Gulf of Kutch, the Jamnagar complex oversees the largest single-location refinery operation in the world. Reliance intends to increase the complex’s petrochemical output by constructing a petcoke gasification unit that will top the world’s rosters in size and significantly enhance the efficiency of the company’s refinery business. Reliance also plans to erect a refinery off- gas cracker with matching downstream units that will better integrate polymer and polyester production.
"We are once again partnering with major U.S. suppliers for cutting edge technology, critical project management services and equipment from a wide section of American exporters for rolling out our next phase of growth," said Alok Agarwal, Reliance’s chief financial officer. "We value our long standing relationship with Ex-Im Bank and this landmark transaction further strengthens the partnership. This landmark transaction reaffirms the catalyst role played by Ex-Im Bank in facilitating trade between U.S. and India. We also sincerely appreciate the role played by JPMorgan Chase in this important transaction for us."
Reliance is India’s largest private sector company, and its operations range from oil and gas exploration and production to refining and petrochemicals. The company ranked 99th in revenues and 130th in profits in 2012, according to Fortune’s Global 500 list of ‘World's Largest Corporations’ and ‘World’s Top 100 companies.’
Fluor Corporation, one of the U.S. exporters participating in the transaction, is a FORTUNE 500 company that delivers engineering, procurement, construction, maintenance, and project management services to governments and clients in diverse industries around the world. The company is headquartered in Irving, Texas.
"We believe this positive development for the Reliance Industries project in India will help expedite the procurement process, lay a solid foundation for a long term partnership with a very valuable partner in India, and will promote U.S. jobs," said Otto Kjos, senior vice president, Energy & Chemicals, Fluor.
As of the end of FY 2012, Ex-Im Bank credit exposure in India totaled $6.5 billion.
Wednesday, November 14, 2012
REMARKS BY U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON AT PERTH USASIA CENTRE
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| Photo: Koalas. Credit: CIA World Factbook. |
Remarks at the Launch of the Perth USAsia Centre
Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
University of Western Australia
Perth, Australia
November 13, 2012
Thank you very much, Minister Evans and thanks also to Premier Barnett, hereafter known as Premier Sputnik – (laughter) – and Chancellor Chaney, our excellent two ambassadors – your alumnus, Kim Beazley, who served you so well in Washington, and our Ambassador, Jeff Bleich, who I think knows more Australians than most Australians do at this point – and Dr. Gill, thank you for your primary work at the U.S. Studies Centre.
This is a wonderful opportunity for me to be here at the University of Western Australia, a campus that looks remarkably like Stanford University, where my daughter attended, and to be in this fabulous art gallery that I will not get a chance perhaps to see, but which certainly piques my interest, and to be part of helping to launch this center that will shape strategic thinking in this dynamic region.
This is my first visit to Perth, but I heard much about it, not least of all from your ambassador, and Stephen Smith, your Defense Minister. And one story in particular stands out because from the time I was a little girl, Premier, I was fascinated by space exploration, and you and I are of a vintage where we can actually remember Sputnik going over. And I even wrote to NASA, our space administration, when I was about 13 and asked what I needed to do to become an astronaut myself. I unfortunately received an answer that said they weren’t taking women. Thankfully, that has changed in the years since.
But I was riveted by the space program, and certainly when my friend and a great American, John Glenn, became the first American to orbit the earth in 1962, it was so exciting to know that the people of Perth were literally with him and cheering him on, because, as you know so well, when John’s capsule passed overhead, every light in this city came on to signal support for his mission. And I will tell you that he never forgot the gesture of friendship from the city of light.
So for me to be here is a dream come true, and I suppose if one were to go up into space today and look down at Perth, you would see a city that is sitting on a very strategic part of our planet, Australia’s gateway to the vibrant trade and energy routes that connect the Indian Ocean to the Pacific, the oil, the natural gas, the iron ore produced here that flows through those trade routes to the entire world. It is no surprise that foreign investment is soaring, including more than $100 billion from the United States, because increasingly, these waters are at the heart of the global economy and a key focus of America’s expanding engagement in the region, what we sometimes call our pivot to Asia.
We never actually left Asia; we’ve always been here and been a presence here. We consider ourselves a Pacific power. But in the 21st century, it’s important that we make absolutely clear we are here to stay. And how we think about the Asia Pacific or the Indo Pacific region is going to be critical to our future as well as yours. We’ve made it a strategic priority to support India’s Look East policy and to encourage Delhi to play a larger role in Asian institutions and affairs. And it’s exciting to see the developments as the world’s largest democracy and a dynamic emerging economy begin to contribute more broadly to the region.
It’s also important to see the burgeoning relationship between Australia and India. And we support a Look West policy here in Australia, and certainly applaud the Australian Government’s strategic white paper on Asian policy. We would welcome joint Australia-Indian naval vessel exercises in the future, and we’re eager to work together in the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation which Australia will chair in 2013 and which the United States has now joined as a dialogue partner.
I’m here for what are called the AUSMIN meetings. These are annual meetings that our Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense hold with our counterparts, Stephen Smith and Bob Carr. We will be reviewing implementation of the military agreements that Prime Minister Gillard and President Obama reached last November, including the rotational deployment of U.S. marines in Darwin and improving interoperability between our two navies. These steps will help both countries safeguard commerce and respond to natural disasters in the sea lanes connecting the Indian and Pacific Oceans.
So here at the University of Western Australia, you are at the leading edge of a crucial strategic shift linking two great oceans and strengthening an historic alliance. And I hope that the work that you do here will help to light the way just as Perth did for John Glenn 50 years ago, because when one stops to ponder it, our commercial, cultural, and personal relationships are really at the core of how we see and hope the world will develop in this century. Commercially, it’s already been set. We have deep and growing ties. Culturally, we also share the values that democracies share. We share the values of freedom and human rights, the dignity of every person. And personally, the connections between us only grow stronger.
So opening this center, and so well named the Perth USAsia Centre, will give an additional impetus to exploring how we can broaden and deepen our commercial, cultural, and personal relationships. It shouldn’t be any surprise that the United States is just as interested in Australia as you seem to be interested in us. We’re constantly following your sports. You seem to have a flood of entertainers who take the American market by storm. The kinds of connections that we have between us are ones that we highly value.
Now of course, we’re living in a region that is changing so quickly, and there are other countries whose interests and profiles are equally important for each of us. We look for ways to support the peaceful rise of China, to support China becoming a responsible stakeholder in the international community, and hope to see gradual but consistent opening up of a Chinese society and political system that will more closely give the Chinese people the opportunities that we in the United States and Australia are lucky to take for granted.
We have great relationships with our other friends and allies from Japan and South Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines. Of course, we both enjoy close and growing relations with Indonesia. So as we think about how this region will change, it’s important that Australia and the United States work together, look to see how we can contribute to the kind of region and world we hope to see for both of us to give our young people the opportunities that they so richly deserve.
So I thank you for your steadfast commitment to the U.S.-Australia partnership. It is a partnership that is of itself of importance to each of us, but is also a partnership that must remain at the core of the kind of engagement we have in the Asia Pacific, Indo Pacific regions for now and for the future.
Thank you all. (Applause.)
Tuesday, October 23, 2012
U.S. PACOM COMMANDER RETURNS FROM VISITING FRIENDS
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
U.S. Partners Encourage Pacom Commander
By Donna Miles
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Oct. 18, 2012 - Upon returning to U.S. Pacific Command headquarters in Hawaii after visiting three Asia-Pacific nations, the top U.S. commander in the region said he's encouraged by their willingness to partner more closely with the United States in what he called a foundation of the U.S. strategy there.
Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III has returned to Camp H.M. Smith after visiting senior officials in Bangladesh, India and Thailand. During every engagement, the admiral explained why, as it draws down its forces in Afghanistan, the United States is increasingly turning its attention to the Asia-Pacific.
Locklear recognized the region's large populations, large militaries and new and growing economic powerhouses during an Oct. 16 discussion with reporters in Bangkok.
The relative peace the region has enjoyed for almost seven decades has enabled national economies to prosper, he noted. "The goal is to continue that," he said, promoting security and stability through enhanced regional cooperation.
It's a whole-of-government approach, he said, that includes not just military, but also includes economic, diplomatic and information initiatives.
"The end state, we hope, is a continuation of a collective security environment where all nations are able to participate," Locklear said. He cited the range of operations that could include countering terrorism, providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, stemming the flow of transnational threats such as drugs and human trafficking, and enhancing cybersecurity, among others.
Ultimately, Locklear said, U.S. rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region involves "building partnerships and ability to work together on these security issues that will impact the region in the future."
That begins with the historic U.S. allies in the region, including Thailand, he said.
During his visit there, Locklear met with Chief of Defense Force Gen. Thanasak Patimaprakorn, Permanent Secretary for Defense Thanongsak Apirakyothin and other leaders to discuss ways to strengthen the U.S.-Thailand military-to-military relationship.
But the rebalance also involves building capacity among new regional partners and encouraging others to forge new relationships with the United States, he said.
Asked by a reporter, Locklear said he hopes these relationships are seen as "productive, in the eyes of China" and that Chinese leaders recognize that the U.S. rebalance is not meant to threaten or exclude China or any other country.
"This is not about a single nation," the admiral said. "It is about this issue of: How do you foresee a future were you have all countries participating in a security environment that leads to peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. And you can't leave any one country out of that."
Locklear underscored the point. "The importance of the rebalance is looking at, How do you bring everyone, including China, into a security relationship that allows peace and prosperity, even through trying, difficult times where countries may disagree on this issue or that issue without it leading to military confrontation," he said.
He recognized areas in which China and the United States already are beginning to forge a military-to-military relationship. Their navies recently participated in joint counterpiracy operations, he noted, and leaders are exploring other areas in which they could work together, including health and medicine and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
In addition, the United States has invited China to participate in the next Rim of the Pacific naval exercise, in 2014. Twenty-two nations participated in this year's RIMPAC. "We hope that in 2014, the People's Liberation Army navy will find a way to send a ship and be full partners in that," Locklear said. "This is the best way forward."
 |
| Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III, commander of U.S. Pacific Command, with Thailand's Chief of Defense Force Gen. Thanasak Patimaprakorn in Bangkok, Oct. 15, 2012. U.S. Pacific Command photo by Army Staff Sgt. Carl N. Hudson |
U.S. Partners Encourage Pacom Commander
By Donna Miles
American Forces Press Service
WASHINGTON, Oct. 18, 2012 - Upon returning to U.S. Pacific Command headquarters in Hawaii after visiting three Asia-Pacific nations, the top U.S. commander in the region said he's encouraged by their willingness to partner more closely with the United States in what he called a foundation of the U.S. strategy there.
Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III has returned to Camp H.M. Smith after visiting senior officials in Bangladesh, India and Thailand. During every engagement, the admiral explained why, as it draws down its forces in Afghanistan, the United States is increasingly turning its attention to the Asia-Pacific.
Locklear recognized the region's large populations, large militaries and new and growing economic powerhouses during an Oct. 16 discussion with reporters in Bangkok.
The relative peace the region has enjoyed for almost seven decades has enabled national economies to prosper, he noted. "The goal is to continue that," he said, promoting security and stability through enhanced regional cooperation.
It's a whole-of-government approach, he said, that includes not just military, but also includes economic, diplomatic and information initiatives.
"The end state, we hope, is a continuation of a collective security environment where all nations are able to participate," Locklear said. He cited the range of operations that could include countering terrorism, providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, stemming the flow of transnational threats such as drugs and human trafficking, and enhancing cybersecurity, among others.
Ultimately, Locklear said, U.S. rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region involves "building partnerships and ability to work together on these security issues that will impact the region in the future."
That begins with the historic U.S. allies in the region, including Thailand, he said.
During his visit there, Locklear met with Chief of Defense Force Gen. Thanasak Patimaprakorn, Permanent Secretary for Defense Thanongsak Apirakyothin and other leaders to discuss ways to strengthen the U.S.-Thailand military-to-military relationship.
But the rebalance also involves building capacity among new regional partners and encouraging others to forge new relationships with the United States, he said.
Asked by a reporter, Locklear said he hopes these relationships are seen as "productive, in the eyes of China" and that Chinese leaders recognize that the U.S. rebalance is not meant to threaten or exclude China or any other country.
"This is not about a single nation," the admiral said. "It is about this issue of: How do you foresee a future were you have all countries participating in a security environment that leads to peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region. And you can't leave any one country out of that."
Locklear underscored the point. "The importance of the rebalance is looking at, How do you bring everyone, including China, into a security relationship that allows peace and prosperity, even through trying, difficult times where countries may disagree on this issue or that issue without it leading to military confrontation," he said.
He recognized areas in which China and the United States already are beginning to forge a military-to-military relationship. Their navies recently participated in joint counterpiracy operations, he noted, and leaders are exploring other areas in which they could work together, including health and medicine and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
In addition, the United States has invited China to participate in the next Rim of the Pacific naval exercise, in 2014. Twenty-two nations participated in this year's RIMPAC. "We hope that in 2014, the People's Liberation Army navy will find a way to send a ship and be full partners in that," Locklear said. "This is the best way forward."
Thursday, October 18, 2012
DIALOGUE ON THE INDIA-U.S. STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Remarks at the Brookings-FICCI Dialogue on the India-U.S. Strategic Partnership
Remarks
Geoffrey Pyatt
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
New Delhi, India
October 10, 2012
I’d like to say first of all, what an enormous pleasure and honor it is for me to be here speaking, and especially before such a distinguished audience of very senior Indian retired and current officials.
I want to offer two particular acknowledgements. First of all, to our host R. V. Kanoria, and to note in particular the indispensable role that he has played over the past decade in building the architecture for the new U.S.-India relationship. Initiatives like the Indo-U.S. Parliamentary Forum which began here in this building and played an absolutely critical role in establishing the channels of communication that are so important to the strategic partnership that we’re seeking to build.
The second acknowledgement is to someone who’s not here but whose passing I wanted to note and that’s Brajesh Mishra, somebody to whom I think all of us who have worked on the U.S.-India relationship over the past decade have to look and in many ways everything that we’re doing today together stands on his shoulders and the strategic vision that he first enunciated.
The one big idea I’d like to highlight for everybody this morning is simply to underline the degree to which for the United States our engagement with India, going back to the period that Strobe Talbott documents in his "Engaging India" manuscript, is the result of a deliberate, considerate strategy founded on the judgment that the rise of India, the emergence of India as a more consequential and powerful actor in the international system is good for U.S. interests and good for the international system, good for the global economy. That’s a line of approach which began in President Clinton’s administration, was sustained by President Bush, and very much informs the approach that President Obama has brought to the task before us.
In the Obama administration there has been a considered presidential review of our approach to India policy and it is a review that has reaffirmed the conclusion that this is a strategic relationship of abiding importance to the United States in which our governments have prepared to make a broad and enduring investment.
One of the advantages of the U.S.-India relationship in the transformative phase that Ambassador Mishra was involved with was the fact that it focused on a single big issue -- the U.S.-India nuclear deal -- which captured everybody’s attention and made clear that we were changing the rules of engagement. I think one of the tasks which those of us who are now engaged in the relationship have to work on is the fact that rather than one big thing, we have a multiplicity of activities in which we are working together, trying to forge an international partnership.
I would just highlight six specific areas that reflect the strategic bet that the United States has made on the future of our partnership with India [in the expectation my co-panelists will cover those I’ve overlooked].
1) ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP: First and foremost, I would highlight the economic relationship which will be of enduring importance. And it’s worth remembering that about a decade after Ambassador Blackwell’s famous "flat as a Chapati" speech, we have managed to grow the U.S.-India trade account by a factor of four. Investment has grown by a factor of ten. Government can take relatively little credit for that accomplishment. Most of the growth has resulted from decisions made by investors and business people here in India and in the United States. But certainly it has been our task to remove the obstacles. We have been engaged on the task of dealing with high technology trade, working through the High Technology Group and other mechanisms to remove regulatory and other barriers to the high end partnership that characterizes and distinguishes this economic relationship.
The U.S.-India economic relationship is really set apart from others that we enjoy by the fact that this is an engagement that takes place at the high end of both of our economies in areas like services, advanced technologies, bio technology. These are the technologies and the knowledge-based industries of the future.
Yes, there are issues that remain to be resolved across this economic spectrum, but I would argue that in the context of the expanded volume of trade, and expanded volume of interaction, it is quite natural that there are issues that have to be addressed as we grow this bilateral economic engagement. But I think what stands apart for me is the level of comfort certainly on the Washington side, with India as an economic partner. This is not a relationship revival; this is a relationship of complementary and comparative advantage.
2) STRATEGIC DIALOGUE: The second major basket I would flag is the spectrum of strategic consultation that has emerged between our two governments on a broad array of diplomatic tasks that confront us. The vehicle for this in the Obama administration has been the Strategic Dialogue, which Secretary Clinton has chaired, but it really has become part of the day-to-day practice of American diplomacy in particular in the region that I’m responsible for: South and Central Asia. It reflects the convergence of our interests. It also reflects the commitment to candor and engagement on both sides of the discussion.
The foremost example I would cite is Afghanistan. I would simply highlight the trilateral meeting in New York about ten days ago as the encapsulation of the commitment on the part of the United States to working intensively with India as we manage the transitions that are underway in Afghanistan, and also as we look to our enduring engagement there, an engagement in which we expect India to be a foremost partner of the United States.
But I would go further than that. First of all, in Afghanistan, I would note the appreciation both in Washington and elsewhere for the role that India has played. It was quite striking to me in July at the Tokyo Conference to look around the room at all the foreign ministers assembled there and to realize that the largest delegation in the room after the United States was India. I think it’s a reflection of the commitment that this government has made to the success of the democratic transition in Afghanistan and the fact that the Indian presence there was not just the foreign minister, not just your distinguished Ambassador in Kabul, Gautam Mukhopadhyay, but was also representative of the Indian private sector which is going to be so important to Afghanistan’s long term future and prosperity.
I would flag another few examples, particularly in this region where Indian advice and Indian approaches have significantly informed American policy and have helped to shape our approach. For instance, to the transition in the Maldives, to the crisis that occurred there in February and the question of how to preserve Maldivian democracy; to the political transitions in Nepal, in Sri Lanka. Looking further abroad to Central Asia where India has been an enthusiastic supporter of the New Silk Road Vision for regional integration that Secretary Clinton has enunciated. But India is also, and I say this from my own consultations with Central Asian governments, India is a preferred partner for the Central Asians as they look at how to manage their uniquely complicated geopolitical situation and look at how to access international markets for the Central Asians and through projects like the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India Pipeline (TAPI), India is a highly attractive marketplace, but it’s also a model of what can be achieved in terms of engagement with the global economy and development thereunder.
Multilaterally, as I learned through three years of working very closely with my Indian counterparts in Vienna, in the IAEA, in the other UN institutions, we’ve developed a habit of routine consultation and collaboration. It’s been very visible, again, in Vienna on the Iran File where India’s voice has been absolutely critical to maintaining pressure on Iran to come into compliance with its Security Council and IAEA obligations. But critically, India, because it’s part of groups with which the United States is not a part, for instance the non-aligned movement, India has an ability to shape the larger narrative in a way that helps to drive towards the multilateral goals that we both hold.
The nomenclature on the Middle East or West Asia illustrates that there are still differences that need to be bridged, but certainly my experience has been that by and large, more often than not, American and Indian perspectives will converge, and we’ve developed the habit of working with each other in order to achieve common objectives.
Four other quick areas that I would highlight:
3) PEOPLE-TO-PEOPLE TIES: An absolutely critical one from the American perspective is our people-to-people ties. Don Lu, our Charge, is here and I know how hard the embassy is working to manage the expansion of our people-to-people relations both in terms of educational partnerships in terms of visa services, in terms of travel back and forth. But I would also flag from the U.S. side the critical role that the Indian Diaspora is playing in shaping the narrative around India in the United States. That’s a story that’s just begun, but it’s worth paying attention to as you see more and more Indian Americans succeeding in our political system, the rise of governors like Nikki Hailey, Bobby Jindal in Louisiana. We have multiple Indian-Americans running for our Congress this year. These are part of the sinews of people-to-people ties that really distinguish the bilateral relationship and will certainly provide stability and ballast over the long term.
4) DEFENSE: Defense has been referred to previously. I would just highlight that the critical importance of our defense partnership looking forward, not just in terms of the sort of strategic consultation that I described earlier, but also in terms of defense sales, interoperability. I would highlight the initiative that Deputy Secretary of Defense, Ash Carter, launched during the course of his visit to India earlier this year. It’s the only place in the world where the United States is undertaking the kind of initiative that Dr. Carter is leading in our system to identify the avenues of expanding our defense cooperative relationship, our defense sales relationship, looking at issues like co-production, co-development, placing India on par with our closest allies and partners in terms of the technologies and the systems which we share with India. And then looking at how to leverage the commercial relationships, the business relationships that are emerging as India’s own private sector moves into areas like aerospace and defense technology, offering an attractive partnership to the top U.S. companies that are already deeply committed here. I think as a defense partner one of the things that sets the United States apart is the presence in India that companies like Boeing and Lockheed Martin and Honeywell and Raytheon have all established. They’re all in Hyderabad and Bangalore and across the country, and they’ve put down roots here. They see India as a long-term place to do business, not just as a partner, but as a source of technology, a source of expertise, and as part of their global supply chains.
The last two issues:
5) ENERGY: First of all energy. I was deeply, deeply impressed by the energy dialogue that took place in Washington last week, the role that Energy Secretary Dr. Steven Chu has played in mobilizing our laboratories, our experts to work with Indian counterparts to develop the emerging technologies will be critical in areas as diverse as solar, gas, clean coal, also the strategic energy dialogue that bleeds into the issues that we discussed earlier.
6) COUNTER-TERRORISM: Finally, counter-terrorism cooperation. The Obama administration of course took office just a few weeks after the tragedy in Mumbai and the administration has made a strong commitment to an intensive, largely unspoken dialogue aimed at both ensuring that justice for those who were involved in the Mumbai attacks, but also working as hard as we possibly can almost every single day to prevent a recurrence of that kind of catastrophic terrorist attack.
CONCLUSION
I would conclude with two thoughts. One, I think from where I sit the greatest risk to the U.S.-India strategic relationship looking forward is complacency. I think on both sides we have complicated democratic systems and certainly those of us who have been in the trenches of building this bilateral relationship have relied on the vision and political commitment of our leaderships on both sides. I think that’s something which will continue to be necessary.
Then I would flag, the importance of India’s continued process of economic reform and economic modernization. We understand that the issues that are now in play in the Delhi papers-- the questions of retail market opening and the other reforms --these are issues that have to be worked through India’s own democratic process. We are no more than interested observers, but we have an enormous interest in the success of this experiment. And as we look to the future, an India, which, by 2025, will be the third largest economy in the world, we expect to be a preferred partner. We expect that our companies and our economic fates will continue to become deeply intertwined with each other. So from that perspective it’s entirely appropriate that we’re having this broad strategic conversation here at FICCI House with business people on both sides that I think are going to play an important role in shaping the kind of relationship that we have looking to the future.
Thank you.
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