ENCOURAGING DEFECTIONS IS WEAKENING THE LORD'S RESISTANCE ARMY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Defections from Kony's Army Increase

Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations

April 25, 2014

The broad-based effort to weaken Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)—and bring him to justice—continues to make progress. The most effective method for weakening the LRA has been to encourage defections, and there are probably fewer than 200 fighters left, down from 1,000 six years ago. The African Union Regional Task Force (AU-RTF), U.S. military advisors, and non-governmental organizations produce targeted personal messages from recent LRA returnees, local leaders, and the families and friends of remaining combatants. These messages are aired on local FM and shortwave radio stations and broadcast via helicopter speakers over known LRA locations. Two fighters who recently defected recorded “come home” messages at an April 1 symposium in the Central African Republic (CAR), hosted by U.S. Special Forces and the NGO, Invisible Children.

The interagency counter-LRA effort is also supporting improvements in the “early warning” system in CAR and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). On March 25 Marty Regan, the CSO member of the team since March, was in the remote village of Ango, DRC, where a cell phone tower had been erected to increase connectivity, enabling residents to notify authorities of LRA activity more quickly. “This should reduce communities’ isolation and help them share information about heightened threats posed by LRA groups in the area,” Regan explained. At an event marking the construction of the tower, U.S. Ambassador to DRC James Swan served as the keynote speaker.

In March, the U.S. Military deployed CV-22 Ospreys to enable the U.S. to move Ugandan troops further and more quickly to areas of suspected LRA activity. The Ospreys will be deployed for short periods of time to support AU-RTF operations. “The Ospreys provide another tool to disrupt LRA operations, and they demonstrate a greater AU-RTF presence to all in the area,” said Regan.

CSO’s primary role in the c-LRA engagement is to help coordinate the civilian and military efforts of the U.S. government, in addition to conducting outreach with NGOs and civil society. Splitting his time between the U.S. Embassy in Kampala and field locations in the four nations where LRA has been active, Regan helps to drive ground-level implementation of the U.S. strategy and to inform planning, policy implementation, and metrics in Washington.

“While challenging, working as a part of the c-LRA engagement brings a good deal of satisfaction in that you experience firsthand how a coordinated, whole-of-government approach can deliver results,” he explained.

The LRA has terrorized communities for 25 years, killing tens of thousands of people and maiming thousands more. Along the way, the LRA has filled its ranks by abducting tens of thousands of children and forcing them to become soldiers and sex slaves. In 2010, President Obama directed the Department of State, Department of Defense, and USAID to find a way to help governments and communities end the LRA’s reign of terror. President Obama called the LRA “an affront to human dignity,” saying that “those abducted must be freed, those wounded must heal, and those responsible must be brought to justice.”

HELPING CONGOLESE ARMY HELPS U.S SECURITY

Democratic Republic Of The Congo. Credit:  CIA World Factbook

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

Official: DOD Aid to Congolese Army Bolsters U.S. Security
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Dec. 19, 2012 – The Defense Department plays a critical role in building security capacity in the central African Democratic Republic of the Congo, officials from the departments of Defense and State told the House Armed Services Committee today.

Aiding the armies of DRC and nearby nations such as Uganda can help to disrupt growing links between instability in central Africa and the global terrorist threat, the officials said, and push back against nonstate actors and regimes, such as those in Syria, Iran and North Korea, that directly threaten the United States and its allies.

Derek Chollet, assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs, and Johnnie Carson, assistant secretary of state for the Bureau of African Affairs, testified before the full committee.

"The U.S. has many competing security priorities in Africa, from Somalia to Sudan to Libya to Nigeria to Mali," Chollet said.

"But the DRC also remains important because of the potential opportunity lasting stability would bring and because of the imperative to prevent mass atrocities, which is a priority for this administration," he added.

The DRC’s army, and the state military organization responsible for defending the nation, is called the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Its acronym, FARDC, stands for the French version of the name -- Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo.

"The security and humanitarian situation in the DRC is the most volatile and violent in Africa today," Carson said. "An estimated 5 million people have lost their lives since 1998, and millions more have been uprooted and displaced."

A key threat facing Congolese civilians, particularly in the eastern DRC, is an array of violent armed groups, most notoriously including the March 23 Movement, called M23, the Lord’s Resistance Army, and the remnants of genocidal militias that now call themselves the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda, or FDLR, the assistant secretary noted.

Another danger to civilians is an undisciplined state security force, Chollet said, "particularly when the forces are not well supported, have absorbed armed groups without vetting them for human rights abuses, operate under a separate chain of command or have not been trained in their legal obligations."

This confluence of security concerns, he added, "is prompting the Defense Department to closely follow security developments of DRC in the Great Lakes region and is actively involved along with our State Department colleagues to address them."

Chollet said the unfolding crisis highlights the Congolese government’s failure to provide effective security, governance and services in the eastern provinces.

"It also highlights continued political and economic tensions between the DRC and its eastern neighbors, especially Rwanda," the assistant secretary said.

Outside support, particularly from Rwanda, has helped to make the M23 a significant threat that seriously challenges efforts to stabilize eastern DRC and protect civilians, Chollet said. President Barack Obama told Rwandan President Paul Kagame in a telephone call yesterday that "any support to M23 is inconsistent with Rwanda’s desire for stability and peace," he added.

The Rwandan military is a capable partner in peacekeeping operations outside the immediate region, but their support for M23 prompted the Obama administration to suspend Rwanda’s foreign military financing, Chollet told the panel.

"As the situation in eastern Congo develops," he said, "we will continue to monitor reports of external support closely and respond appropriately, including by reviewing our assistance."

Inside the DRC, the United States is prioritizing private-sector reform.

"This means working with our partners and the DRC to develop a comprehensive approach that addresses all three elements of [the] security sector -- the Congolese defense forces, military justice and the police," the assistant secretary said.

"We must work to develop more professional forces that respect human rights and protect both DRC’s territorial integrity and population," he added.

DOD has provided training to the Congolese military, including a light-infantry battalion in 2010, incorporating sexual and gender-based violence protection and human rights training into every aspect of the effort, Chollet said.

"In addition to ongoing training on human rights and law, Defense Department engagements with the FARDC have included logistics, exercise participation, basic military intelligence training, military medicine, humanitarian assistance and humanitarian mine action," the assistant secretary said.

Moving forward, he added, DOD stands ready to work with its State colleagues to determine the best way ahead and support security-sector reform, including by providing more infantry training for the FARDC.

The scale of the need is significant, Chollet said.

"Today we have trained one battalion of 500 soldiers [out of] a military that numbers approximately 150,000. Other European and African partners have also provided training but the FARDC’s absorptive capacity for assistance is limited," he said.

"The Congolese defense ministry has been slow to respond to our requests [to provide] appropriate personnel for training and information needed for congressionally mandated human rights vetting. The lack of English-language capacity further inhibits training opportunities," Chollet added.

While the DRC works to develop its own security capabilities, the United Nations Peacekeeping Operation, called MONUSCO, is essential for providing security for the DRC civilian population.

"MONUSCO has a challenging mandate in a very fluid security climate. We are reviewing options for improving MONUSCO’s ability to meet the civilian protection requirements in the DRC," Chollet said.

"To help MONUSCO," he added, "DOD has seconded three U.S. military officers who are hoping to support operational efforts in ensuring an efficient flow of information between MONUSCO headquarters and field components."

Despite many challenges, the assistant secretary said, DOD has "an enduring interest in helping develop a more capable Congolese military, and this fits within [Defense] Secretary [Leon E.] Panetta’s broader policy emphasis on building partner capacity."

U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT TESTIMONY BEFORE CONGRESS ON SITUATION IN THE CONGO

Map:  Democratic Republic Of The Congo.  Credit:  CIA World Factbook.

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

The Devastating Crisis in Eastern Congo
Testimony
Johnnie Carson
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of African Affairs
As Prepared
Before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights
Washington, DC
December 11, 2012

Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, and members of the Committee. Thank you for the invitation to testify before the Subcommittee on the crisis unfolding in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, or D.R.C.

As you know, the security and humanitarian situation in the Congo is the most volatile in Africa today. An estimated five million people have died in the years since the second regional war began in 1998, and millions more have been forced to flee their homes. The D.R.C. is also the site of one of the world’s longest-running and most expensive peacekeeping operations, having hosted a UN peacekeeping presence for several years after its independence in 1960, in addition to the more recent UN missions starting in the late 1990s. The people of North and South Kivu provinces in particular have faced repeated cycles of conflict, atrocities, and displacement. An unthinkable number of women, men, and children have experienced sexual violence or rape at the hands of soldiers and armed groups.

The November 20 fall of Goma to the M23 rebel group provided a stark reminder that, even as the international community has made major investments in humanitarian aid and peacekeeping, the underlying causes of the recurring conflicts in eastern D.R.C. remain unresolved. The Congolese Government has failed to provide effective security, governance, and services in the eastern provinces, and political and economic tensions persist between the D.R.C. and its eastern neighbors, particularly Rwanda. The current crisis has been fueled and exacerbated by outside support to rebel groups operating in the Kivu provinces.

The M23 is one of many armed groups operating in the eastern D.R.C. Most of its officers were at one time nominally integrated into the Congolese army, a concession they extracted after nearly capturing Goma as part of a precursor insurgency in 2008. Once integrated, these officers operated in a parallel chain of command and enjoyed impunity for their human rights abuses and illegal exploitation of the country’s mineral wealth. When the Congolese Government appeared poised earlier this year to challenge these arrangements, several of these officers mutinied and constituted themselves under a new name, the M23. The commanders of the M23 represent a "who’s who" of notorious human rights abusers in the eastern D.R.C. They include Bosco Ntaganda, who faces an International Criminal Court arrest warrant for sexual violence and other crimes against humanity and continues to play an active role in the militia.

Since the M23 rebellion erupted last spring, the United States has worked closely with international and regional partners to mobilize a comprehensive response aimed at preventing a further deterioration of the situation, securing an end to hostilities, and maintaining humanitarian assistance. In September, Secretary Clinton met with Congolese President Kabila and Rwandan President Kagame at the UN General Assembly to urge them to engage in a more constructive dialogue. In the UN Security Council, we proposed and supported new actions to ensure that five of the M23’s top commanders are now under targeted sanctions. We have also stressed the need to hold accountable all of those who commit human rights abuses. Ambassador Rice has remained directly engaged with senior UN officials throughout the crisis, as we believe it is critical that the UN continue to play a key mediating role. In early November, Under Secretary of State Wendy Sherman traveled to the region to meet with key heads of state to urge a rapid and peaceful resolution to this crisis.

In response to the M23’s offensive on Goma last month, I traveled to Kinshasa, Kigali, and Kampala between November 24 and 28 with my British and French counterparts. During meetings with senior Ugandan, Rwandan, and Congolese officials, we delivered a clear and common message: as agreed in the November 21 and 24 Kampala communiqués, there must be an immediate cessation of hostilities and M23 must withdraw from Goma; the Congolese, Rwandan, and Ugandan Governments should ensure the implementation of these commitments; and any outside support to the M23 is unacceptable and must stop. We also urged top officials in the Congolese, Rwandan, and Ugandan Governments to work together toward a sustainable resolution of underlying issues. All three governments reiterated to us their commitment to these goals. So far, the cessation of hostilities between Congolese forces and the M23 appears to be holding. Most M23 forces appear to have withdrawn from Goma, though many remain much closer to the city than the Kampala agreements called for.

We also stressed that, while the D.R.C. Government has agreed to hear the political grievances of the M23, there should be no impunity for senior M23 leaders who are under ICC indictment or international sanctions for human rights violations.

The M23 would not be the threat it is today without external support, and we will continue to discourage outside parties from providing any assistance to the M23. There is a credible body of evidence that corroborates key findings of the Group of Experts’ reports – including evidence of significant military and logistical support, as well as operational and political guidance, from the Rwandan government to the M23. The British Government has recently indicated that it shares this assessment. We do not have a similar body of evidence that Uganda has a government-wide policy of support to the M23.

Based on this evidence, we continue to press Rwanda to halt and prevent any and all forms of support to Congolese armed groups. As required by law, the Department suspended Foreign Military Financing funds to Rwanda this year. Looking forward, we expect all parties, including Rwanda, to cease any support to M23 and other armed groups, abide by the November 21 and 24 agreements, and to work constructively with neighbors and the international community and take affirmative steps to end impunity for M23 commanders responsible for human rights abuses in order to reach an acceptable political agreement. We ask the Government of Uganda to ensure that supplies to the M23 do not originate in or transit through Ugandan territory, including from individual officials that may be acting on their own. The Department continues to closely monitor reports of external support and we will continue to respond appropriately, including by reviewing our assistance, to deter this support as the situation develops.

We are taking a number of other steps, in concert with our international partners, as part of our comprehensive response to the current crisis.

First and foremost, we are monitoring humanitarian needs and mobilizing a response. The humanitarian situation in the eastern Congo remains deplorable, as it has been for years, with more than two million Congolese currently displaced internally or to neighboring countries. The recent attacks by M23 and other armed groups have displaced some 500,000 more. The reopening of the Goma airport on December 5 was an important step toward ensuring that vulnerable populations receive the emergency assistance they need. UN officials report that humanitarian organizations currently maintain sufficient capacity to respond to immediate humanitarian needs in and around Goma, but some areas of North and South Kivu are still not accessible to humanitarians because of insecurity. The United States provided more than $110 million in humanitarian assistance for Congolese refugees, internally displaced persons, and conflict-affected civilians in Fiscal Year 2012, including a $5 million supplemental contribution for the increased needs in the D.R.C., Uganda, and Rwanda as a result of displacements caused by the M23 rebellion. At the UN, we have urged donors to respond to the UN’s consolidated appeal for the D.R.C.

Second, the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, or ICGLR, the African Union, and the Security Council have all demanded that the M23 refrain from further offensives and stay out of Goma. In the ICGLR talks, the Congolese Government agreed to hear the grievances of the M23. We are calling on the D.R.C., neighboring governments, and the broader international community to ensure accountability for M23 leaders who have committed serious human rights abuses. And we will continue to speak out against the forcible recruitment of children and the other crimes the M23 continues to commit against Congolese civilians. We also call on governments to enforce the terms of the travel ban and asset freeze imposed by UN sanctions.

Third, we believe that Presidents Kabila, Kagame, and Museveni must continue to engage in direct talks to address the underlying causes of instability in the region. These include conflict over land, tensions in areas where refugees have returned or may seek to return, armed rebel groups and their support networks, and the illegal exploitation of natural resources. The Governments of the D.R.C., Rwanda, and Uganda also have opportunities to discuss potential drivers of progress, including new agreements and concrete initiatives on economic integration and peace and security issues. We encourage the UN Secretary-General to appoint a UN Special Envoy to engage on a sustained basis to facilitate ongoing discussions toward a long-term solution of these long-standing problems. We need such a high-level Special Envoy to be dedicated to the hard work of helping develop this long-term solution with all of the relevant stakeholders and to ensure that the solution is implemented over the long run, especially when the world’s attention turns to the next crisis. We intend to continue working with our European, African, and UN partners to support this dialogue. We will work to ensure that any agreement is transparent, sustainable, and enjoys the support and commitment of the region, including Congolese civil society and civilian communities.

Fourth, we appreciate the brave service of peacekeepers from several dozen countries operating in very difficult, often dangerous conditions. Yet more must be done to protect civilians in the eastern D.R.C. We and our fellow Security Council members and troop contributing countries are reviewing options for improving the UN’s ability to protect civilians and help implement defined aspects of a potential regional political settlement. We must remain realistic about what MONUSCO can be expected to achieve to protect civilians across a large expanse of D.R.C. territory. We are also following the regional Great Lakes proposal to develop an effective regional fighting force in the Kivus that would confront the M23 and other armed groups. We are strongly encouraging our partners to ensure these efforts are coordinated with, and perhaps even integrated into, UN peacekeeping efforts.

Fifth, the D.R.C. Government has the primary responsibility for protecting its territory and all its citizens. We are urging President Kabila to undertake a credible effort to professionalize and reform the Congolese security forces. This will take time, but the Congolese Government needs to take clear and bold measures to ensure that its soldiers are professionally trained, adequately paid and supported, and respectful of international human rights norms. We also find very disturbing, and recognize the need to address, the abuses committed by the Congolese military, including recent reports of rapes and looting in North Kivu. At the same time, we are making clear that the Congolese Government must accelerate its efforts to deploy and strengthen state institutions and provide needed public services in the Kivus. The extension of effective governance, combined with legitimate provincial elections, is necessary for a lasting peace.

We believe that the time has come for the region’s leaders and the international community to break the cycle of violence and impunity in the region. We, and most importantly, the region’s political leaders, must ensure that the national security and territorial integrity of the D.R.C., Rwanda, and Uganda are protected; must help build a future for people who have seen more conflict than peace over the last two decades that is rooted in strong and credible institutions, the transparent and legitimate use of the East’s vast mineral wealth for economic development and not personal gain, and respect for human rights; and must establish nonviolent means of addressing their differences. It is for this reason that even as we tackle the immediacy of the current crisis, we are also focused on the equally urgent need for a long-term and lasting solution.

As Secretary Clinton noted when she visited Goma in 2009, the Congolese people are courageous and resilient. There are reasons for hope in the D.R.C. The Congolese army has begun implementing a program to pay its soldiers through electronic and mobile banking and has committed to removing the last vestiges of the use of child soldiers. Thousands of combatants and dependents from the génocidaire militias have been demobilized and returned to civilian society. And for the first time, a horrific mass rape in January 2011 was followed with swift criminal justice for the perpetrators and the officers who directed them.

We need to build on these steps, which have been gravely set back by the M23 rebellion and the violence committed by other armed groups. The decisions taken now will set the trajectory of the next several years. Other abusive militias in the Kivus are watching to see if violent behavior is an effective path to power and influence. Reformers who are promoting a conflict-free trade in mineral resources are watching to see if insecurity will be allowed to continue and prolong the conditions favorable to illegal smuggling. The FDLR militia is still active in the Kivus. The vicious Lord’s Resistance Army of Joseph Kony, which operates hundreds of miles away on the D.R.C.’s northern borders, is watching to see if insecurity in the Kivus will undermine regional efforts to deny it a safe haven. And the world is watching to see whether the eastern Congo can transcend its history as a theater for proxy conflict and finally have the chance to move toward peace.

If we are to stop the recurring lethal violence, rape, humanitarian emergencies, and cross-border conflict in the eastern D.R.C. that have cost millions of lives and billions of dollars, we must move beyond short-term fixes. Today’s crisis is a tragedy, but it also offers a real opportunity to help the Congolese people set a more sustainable course toward peace. The framework for action at the national, regional, and international levels that I have outlined today could help enable the peoples of the region to escape the recurring cycles of conflict.

Thank you again for the opportunity to testify. I look forward to answering your questions.

U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON AND AFRICAN UNION CHAIRPERSON DLAMINI-ZUMA MAKE REMARKS AFTER MEETING

Photo:  Hillside In Rwanda.  Credit:  CIA World Factbook.

FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

Remarks With African Union Chairperson Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma After Their Meeting

Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Treaty Room
Washington, DC
November 28, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon, everyone. It is such a personal pleasure for me to welcome the Chairperson here for our high-level meetings. This is our third high-level meeting, and we highly value the relationship and the increasing cooperation that we are enjoying with the African Union. And of course, I want to congratulate the Chairperson for becoming the first woman chair of the African Union.

I want to start by saying a few words about the ongoing situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The humanitarian impact of this conflict in the eastern part of the country is devastating. More than 285,000 people have been forced to flee their homes since this rebellion began back in April. They are in critical need of assistance. Health workers in Goma have been killed and abducted. Members of civil society, human rights activists, judicial authorities throughout the Democratic Republic of Congo have received death threats. The United States strongly condemns these tactics of fear and intimidation. And those who abuse human rights must be held accountable.

Assistant Secretary Johnnie Carson has been in the region holding discussions with leadership from the DRC, Rwanda, and Uganda to try to help bring about a ceasefire. We strongly support continued cooperation among the leaders of these countries and throughout the region and commend the African Union for its recent decision to send a special envoy to the Great Lakes.

With regard to the M23 rebel group, there is only one way forward: They must meet their commitments under the Kampala Accords to cease their attacks, withdraw from Goma, and pull back to the July lines. Under the Kampala Accords, President Kabila’s government has agreed to hear and address the grievances of the M23 leaders, and we call on leaders and governments from throughout the region to halt and prevent any support to the M23 from their territory.

Now this is just one issue that illustrates the importance of enhanced, strong cooperation between the African Union and the United States. First, on peace and security, we strongly support the AU missions in Somalia and Darfur as well as the AU’s facilitation efforts in Sudan and South Sudan. And we are working to support the AU’s leadership with respect to the crises in Mali, and as I said, eastern DRC.

The AU is the partner who is best able to empower and mobilize the resources and the will throughout the continent to address crises, and we are very pleased to see this strong role getting even stronger. Secondly, we want to work together to promote credible elections and foster good governance, strong transparent institutions, and democracy. Third, we want to enhance trade and investment between the United States and Africa. As I never tire of saying, seven of the world’s ten fastest-growing economies are located in Africa. And we want to do more to really see greater prosperity across the continent.

We have a lot of work ahead of us. This high-level meeting builds on President Obama’s presidential policy directive on Sub-Saharan Africa, and we are going to do all that we can to promote peace and prosperity. So it’s a great pleasure to have this meeting, which is a two-day set of meetings here in the State Department and in agencies across our government, and to work together on a framework for implementation with timelines and accountability, something that both the Chairperson and I believe strongly in doing, so that everyone knows what we are trying to achieve together.

So, thank you so much.

CHAIRPERSON DLAMINI-ZUMA: Well, thank you very much. We are very happy to be here, and our approach to this meeting is that we have to have a balance between dealing with crises and peace and security matters with development, because we feel that these are two sides of the same coin. If we delay development, there’ll be more crises and more instability. But at the same time, if we don’t deal with the security situation, we can’t develop. So that balance for us is very important. And going forward, we are working as the AU towards a prosperous Africa which is at peace with itself and the world. And so all our efforts are geared towards those – towards that vision. And we have had very fruitful discussions. And obviously, discussions are as good as the follow-up, and we are going to make sure that we follow up on all the decisions that – and discussions that we’ve had. Thank you.

MS. NULAND: Good. We’ll take two this evening. We’ll start with CNN, Jill Doughterty.

QUESTION: Madam Secretary, thank you. I wanted to ask you about tomorrow. The Palestinians go to the United Nations, asking for non-observer status. We know that the U.S. objects, and we know many of the reasons. But why are you adamant about it at this point when Mahmoud Abbas could use some shoring up at home – he’s losing support – and even as Hamas is gaining support?

And then if I could ask you one question on Benghazi: Some are saying since the State Department is responsible for embassies, why wasn’t it you who was on the talk shows on Sunday, as opposed to Ambassador Rice?

Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, first with regard to the Palestinian question, I have said many times that the path to a two-state solution that fulfills the aspirations of the Palestinian people is through Jerusalem and Ramallah, not New York. We have made very clear to the Palestinian leadership – you know I met with President Abbas just last week – that we oppose Palestinian efforts to upgrade their status at the UN outside of the framework of negotiations to achieve a two-state solution, because no matter what happens at the United Nations, it will not produce the outcome that this government, this President, and certainly I strongly support. And the only way to get a lasting solution is to commence direct negotiations, and we need an environment conducive to that. And we’ve urged both parties to refrain from actions that might in any way make a return to meaningful negotiations that focus on getting to a resolution more difficult. So I may have more to say about that later, but certainly that’s our overall view.

Let me just say, first of all, that Susan Rice has done a great job as our Ambassador to the United Nations. And of course, this decision about my successor is up to the President, but I’m very happy he has the opportunity with a second term to make a decision. And I’m not going to answer any hypothetical questions about what could’ve happened but didn’t happen. I’m looking forward to being able to discuss all of the issues pertaining to this after the conclusion of the Accountability Review Board. My responsibility was to appoint such a board, which I did immediately. They have been hard at work. We are hoping that they will be finished with their work very soon, and we intend to make the results of their investigation publicly, and at that time I will be able to address all of these issues.

MS. NULAND: Last one this evening, (inaudible).

QUESTION: Madam Chairperson, Madam Secretary, can Rwanda be part of the solution in Kivu if it continues to deny that it’s part of the problem, specifically its support for M23? And do you think President Kagame has any personal responsibility to bear on what’s going on there now?

CHAIRPERSON DLAMINI-ZUMA: Well, our approach to this matter is that it doesn’t help us in fingerprinting – finger-pointing. We just need a solution. And we met in Kampala on Saturday, the summit took decisions that the M23 must be out, that there must be a special force, a neutral force to deal with that area, and that President Kabila should listen and evaluate the concerns of the M23. And so for us, what is important is to get that resolution of that problem, and the rest will be taken care of because Rwanda is part of the Great Lakes. They have taken a decision that there must be a neutral force there. And Rwanda was there. It supported that decision that M23 must move out of Goma. Rwanda was there. It supported that decision. So for us, that’s what is important.

SECRETARY CLINTON: And I would fully support the Chairperson’s comments. We have consistently called on all parties, including Rwanda, to play a positive role in helping to bring about a peaceful resolution of this conflict. And that includes ending any and all support for the M23. Any military assistance from anyone to the M23 is in violation of the UN arms embargo. And we were very heartened by the results of the Kampala summit. And as the Chairperson said, now we want to see it implemented. There was an agreement. There’s a path forward. But it is up to the parties now to hold themselves accountable, and each other, for acting on those agreements.

Thank you.

MS. NULAND: Thank you all very much.