Wednesday, March 5, 2014

SEC COMMISSIONER GALLAGHER'S REMARKS AT INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL BANKERS CONFERENCE

FROM:  SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION 
Remarks Given at the Institute of International Bankers 25th Annual Washington Conference
 Commissioner Daniel M. Gallagher
U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission
Washington, D.C.

March 3, 2014

Thank you, Roger [Blissett].

Before I begin, I’d like to point out that two years ago, I spoke at this conference and discussed the Financial Stability Oversight Council, or FSOC, in great detail.  I spoke about the inherently political nature of FSOC, how it had been vested with tremendous power, and how it could threaten our capital markets.  So, given everything that has happened since then, I have to say: I told you so.[1]

Today, I’d like to share some thoughts about regulatory capital requirements.  I’ve spoken before about the significant differences between bank capital and broker-dealer capital, because I fear that these distinctions are all too often overlooked in the debates over regulatory capital.  After all, in order to come up with the right answers on how to set capital requirements, we need to ask the right questions – and that’s impossible without a proper understanding of the important differences between broker-dealer and bank capital requirements.  Those differences are fundamental, and we ignore them at our peril.

In many ways, the philosophy of bank capital is easier to understand.  In the banking sector, which features leveraged institutions operating in a principal capacity, capital requirements are designed with the goal of enhancing safety and soundness, both for individual banks and for the banking system as a whole.  Bank capital requirements serve as an important cushion against unexpected losses.  They incentivize banks to operate in a prudent manner by placing the bank owners’ equity at risk in the event of a failure.  They serve, in short, to reduce risk and protect against failure, and they reduce the potential that taxpayers will be required to backstop the bank in a time of stress.

Capital requirements for broker-dealers, however, serve a different purpose, one that, to be fair, can be somewhat counterintuitive.  The capital markets within which broker-dealers operate are premised on risk-taking – ideally, informed risks freely chosen in pursuit of a greater return on investments.  In the capital markets, there is no opportunity without risk – and that means real risk, with a real potential for losses.  Whereas bank capital requirements are based on the reduction of risk and the avoidance of failure, broker-dealer capital requirements are designed to manage risk – and the corresponding potential for failure - by providing enough of a cushion to ensure that a failed broker-dealer can liquidate in an orderly manner, allowing for the transfer of customer assets to another broker-dealer.

As I said, it’s counterintuitive, but the possibility – and the reality – of failure is part of our capital markets.  Indeed, our capital markets are too big – as well as vibrant, fluid, and resilient – not to allow for failure.  Our job as capital markets regulators is to accept the inevitability that some brokerage firms will fail and to craft a capital regime that fully protects customers in the event of such failures.  A safety-and-soundness bank-based capital regime simply doesn’t work in the context of capital markets.

To put it another way, when you deposit a dollar into a bank account, you expect to get that dollar back, plus a bit of interest.  We place our savings into bank accounts for safekeeping, and while we know that the bank makes use of our funds, we also know that we are entitled to receive all of our principal back – and bank capital requirements, along with government backstops, are designed to ensure the availability of that principal.  When you invest a dollar through a broker-dealer account, however, the market determines how much you get back.  You could break even, you could double your investment, or, of course, you could lose part or all of that initial investment.  The point is that when we make a bank deposit, we expect, at a minimum, to receive the entirety of our principal back, while when we make an investment, we expect the market to dictate what we receive in return. It stands to reason, therefore, that the capital requirements for broker-dealers must be tailored accordingly.

I’m sure you didn’t need an SEC Commissioner to explain to you the difference between a deposit and an investment.  And yet, when it comes to setting capital requirements, bank regulators seem increasingly determined to seek a one-size-fits-all regulatory construct for financial institutions.  In addition, as noted by my friend Peter Wallison in an important recent op-ed in The Hill, both the Dodd-Frank-created FSOC and the G-20-created – and bank regulator dominated – Financial Stability Board seem intent on applying the bank regulatory model to all financial institutions they deem to be systemically important.[2]

Traditionally, the Fed, as the nation’s central bank, has been known more for its role as the lender of last resort to banks than as a regulator.  By offering access to its discount window to illiquid, but not insolvent, banks offering good collateral, the Fed can provide crucial liquidity and stabilize otherwise solvent banks in times of difficulties.  During the recent financial crisis, however, the Fed went beyond offering access to the discount window to depository institutions in its capacity as the lender of last resort to serving as the investor of last resort.  The acquisition of almost 80 percent of AIG in exchange for an $85 billion loan, for example, as well as the ownership of $29 billion in former Bear Stearns assets, marked a fundamental departure from the Fed’s traditional role.  After Dodd-Frank, there is a confusion about the Fed’s lender of last resort function that is warping regulatory debates and is being used to the advantage of the Fed and central bankers around the world to increase their jurisdiction.  Policymakers today incorrectly conflate ‘lender of last resort’ with the rightly dreaded ‘bailout.’  This confusion must be addressed by policymakers before we can have a constructive discussion about capital and margin requirements for non-bank financial services firms.

The recent FSOC intervention in the money market mutual fund space shined a spotlight on this newly expansive vision of the role of banking regulators.  The money market mutual fund reform debates that raged through 2012 focused in large part on the concept of a “NAV buffer,” which effectively is a capital requirement for money market funds.  This debate culminated in the November 2012 issuance of a report by FSOC which incorporated the concept of a so-called “NAV buffer.”[3]

The reasoning behind capital buffer requirements for money market funds is that they would serve to mitigate the risk of investor panic leading to a run on a fund.  The figures under discussion, however, were far too low to promise any serious effect on panic, while the imposition of real, bank- or even broker-dealer-like capital requirements in this space, on the other hand, would simply kill the market for money market mutual funds.  A 50 basis point buffer, to be phased in over a several year period, would hardly stem investor panic, unless one believes that investors would be comforted by the knowledge that for every dollar they had on deposit, the money market fund had set aside half a penny as a capital buffer.

Crucially, as I’ve noted before, there is no limiting principle to the application of this bank-based view of capital – indeed, last September, Treasury’s Office of Financial Research issued a fatally-flawed “Asset Management and Financial Stability” report featuring similar reasoning, as reflected in its implied support for “liquidity buffers” for asset managers.[4]

It remains unclear as to whether the Fed is indeed seeking to impose bank-based capital charges on non-bank entities in conjunction with granting them access to the discount window - at the cost of submitting to prudential regulation - or whether it is instead proposing those additional capital charges in order to prevent non-prudentially regulated financial entities from ever relying upon the “government safety net” provided by the discount window.[5]

Dodd-Frank Act’s grants of authority and mandates to the Fed further expand its traditional role.  Section 165 of the Dodd-Frank Act requires, among other things, that the Fed’s Board of Governors establish enhanced prudential standards for bank holding companies with consolidated assets of greater than $50 billion.  Although Section 165 nowhere mentions broker-dealers or asset management firms, last month, the Fed issued a final rule under Section 165 that could have a profound impact on the SEC-regulated subsidiaries of large foreign banks, one that would ripple through our capital markets as a whole.[6]

The Fed’s new rule will require foreign banking organizations with U.S. non-branch assets of $50 billion or more to establish a U.S. intermediate holding company over their U.S. subsidiaries.  These new holding companies will be subject to the same risk-based and leverage capital standards that the Fed applies to U.S. bank holding companies. As such, they will be subject to the Fed’s rules requiring regular capital plans and stress tests and will be required to establish a U.S. risk committee and employ a U.S. chief risk officer.  The new holding companies will be required to meet enhanced liquidity risk-management standards, conduct liquidity stress tests, and hold a buffer of highly liquid assets based on projected funding needs during a 30-day stress event.  They will, in short, be subject to the same Fed requirements as domestic banks with assets totaling $50 billion or more.

Now, I should take a moment to make clear that I support stringent capital requirements for all financial institutions that pose risks to our financial system.  Furthermore, it’s certainly not unreasonable in theory to subject foreign bank holding companies operating in the U.S. to the same requirements as domestic ones.  That’s not, however, all that the Fed’s new rules do.  They also require a foreign entity operating non-bank subsidiaries in the U.S. to superimpose an entirely new organizational structure for those non-bank U.S. holdings – one that artificially brings those holdings under the jurisdiction of the Fed and subjects them to regulations crafted to ensure the safety and stability of banking entities.

There’s an old joke about a physicist, a chemist, and an economist finding themselves stranded on a desert island with a supply of canned food.  The physicist says, “Let’s drop the cans from the top of that tree over there – it will hit the rocks below and break open.”  The chemist counters, “No, that would spill too much of the food.  Let’s build a fire and place them in the flames until they burst open.”  As the physicist and chemist argue, the economist silently scratches out equations in the sand.  Finally, he looks up and exclaims, “I’ve got it! First, assume we have a can opener…”  Apologies to all of my economist friends!

The Fed’s new rules come a little too close to turning this joke into reality.  Broker-dealers, of course, are regulated by the SEC, as they have been for almost eight decades now.  The Fed, on the other hand, regulates banks, or more specifically, bank holding companies.  The Fed’s Section 165 rulemaking, in essence, forces a foreign bank organization to impose a bank holding company into existence over its non-bank holdings, thus subjecting those entities’ broker-dealer subsidiaries to regulation by the Fed.  In essence, by requiring a foreign bank to create a wholly new structure for its U.S. operations subject to new regulatory requirements that will have a direct impact on the liquidity available to those operations, including broker-dealers, the Fed in fact assumes a can into which the foreign bank’s U.S. operations must be packed.  Only then can the Fed employ its can opener of regulation to oversee those operations.

Among the other requirements to which these new intermediate holding companies will be subject is the Fed’s leverage ratio.  The Fed has proposed that the largest bank holding companies be subject to an additional 2% leverage buffer on top of the 3% mandated by Basel III.[7]  This will incentivize broker-dealers within bank holding companies to reduce the size of their balance sheets.  Specifically, it could induce broker-dealers to reduce the amount of seemingly highly leveraged but low risk and thin margin transactions in which they engage – most importantly, repo and stock loan activity.  In addition, Basel III contains a so-called net stable funding ratio, which, by favoring long term, “stable” assets, would further constrain the ability of broker-dealers to fund their day-to-day operations through the short-term wholesale funding markets.

The Fed has also proposed a new liquidity coverage ratio that would require a bank holding company to maintain a sufficient amount of high quality liquid assets that could immediately be converted into cash to meet liquidity needs in times of stress.  This could affect broker-dealer subsidiaries of large financial institutions organized as bank holding companies, in that the broker-dealers’ holdings would be taken into account when determining the parent holding company’s ratio.  The same reasoning applies to potential enhanced market risk standards under Basel 2.5 and Basel III, which could also affect the capital holdings of bank-affiliated broker-dealers.

Now, let’s be clear about one thing: whether or not you agree with these proposals and initiatives, their net effect will be a reduction in the amount of liquidity in the securities markets.  This, like the bailouts that led to this regulatory frenzy, is hardly something that Americans would vote for if they had the chance.  From the central banker’s perspective, however, this may be an acceptable cost to bring under its control the short-term wholesale funding markets I just referenced, which have long been a cause of concern for regulators.  

Bank regulators and their wide-eyed admirers have spoken at length about the risks of “shadow banking,” which they define broadly to include the types of “securities funding transactions,” such as repo and reverse repo, securities lending and borrowing, and securities margin lending, used by both banks and broker-dealers for short-term funding.[8]  The loaded term “shadow banking” isn’t exactly used as an honorific, and I find it concerning that so many bank regulators routinely use the term to describe the day-to-day transactions so crucial to ensuring the ongoing operations of our capital markets.

To me, this onslaught of bank regulator rulemaking impacting non-bank markets is the result of a central, albeit unannounced, pillar of Dodd-Frank: the institutionalization of “too big to fail.”  The continued focus on “going concern” capital for institutions like broker-dealers that should fail when they take on undue risk can mean only one thing – despite the lessons learned from the financial crisis, despite the rightful disgust the American people directed at the bailouts, the U.S. government is focused on propping up institutions instead of refining the processes by which their failures will be handled.  This betrays the tenets of Title II of Dodd-Frank and reflects the absurdity of that portion of the legislation.  Why, after the failure of Lehman, we aren’t focusing on bankruptcy code amendments and related regulatory refinements, as many experts have called for,[9] is beyond me.

To be clear, I respect the Fed’s concerns about capital requirements for bank affiliated non-bank financial institutions, notwithstanding my fears as to the steps the Fed might take to address those concerns.  Our financial institutions are interconnected as never before, increasing the importance of taking a holistic view of those institutions, subsidiaries and all.  In doing so, however, it is crucial that we bring to bear the specialized experience and expertise of the regulators with primary oversight responsibility over the constituent parts of those institutions.  In the case of broker-dealers, this means the Commission, with its nearly eight decades of experiences in this regulatory space.  Since taking the reins of the agency, Chair White has strived to return the SEC to the center of the policy debates taking place with respect to large, interconnected financial institutions, and I commend her for doing so.  For example, we’ve started the process of updating our broker-dealer capital rules, which I believe is particularly important for bank-affiliated broker-dealers.

It’s my hope that the bank regulators constructively participate in this dialogue as well.  The last thing anyone wants is the old Washington cliché of a “turf war.”  For one thing, we’d lose – the SEC will never have the resources of the banking agencies – after all, it’s hard to outspend agencies that can print their own money.  More to the point, however, we’d never want to “win” – not only are we busy enough as it is, with approximately sixty Dodd-Frank mandated rules yet to be completed along with the day-to-day, blocking-and-tackling work that’s so critical to the agency’s mission, but we recognize that the banking regulators are best situated to regulate banks.  When it comes to the broker-dealer subsidiaries of banks, however, we stand ready to work with the Fed and other banking regulators to ensure that any new rules applicable to those entities are enhancements to our existing regime, not duplicative, contradictory or counterproductive regulations inspired by a regulatory paradigm designed for wholly different entities.

Thank you all for your attention this afternoon.  I hope the conference is rewarding for all of you, and I’d be happy to take questions.


[1] See Daniel M. Gallagher, Commissioner, Sec. & Exch. Comm’n, “Ongoing Regulatory Reform in the Global Capital Markets,” March 5, 2012, available at http://www.sec.gov/News/Speech/Detail/Speech/1365171490004#.UxSSz_ldUdU.

[2] See Peter J. Wallison, “Congress should curb the power of the FSOC” (February 24, 2014), available at  http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/economy-budget/198927-congress-should-curb-the-power-of-the-fsoc .

[3] Financial Stability Oversight Council, “Proposed Recommendations Regarding Money Market Mutual Fund Reform” (November 2012), available at http://www.treasury.gov/initiatives/fsoc/Documents/Proposed%20Recommendations%20Regarding%20Money%20Market%20Mutual%20Fund%20Reform%20-%20November%2013,%202012.pdf.

[4] U.S. Department of Treasury, Office of Financial Research, “Asset Management and Financial Stability,” (September 2013), available at http://www.treasury.gov/initiatives/ofr/research/Documents/OFR_AMFS_FINAL.pdf.

[5] See, e.g., William C. Dudley, President and Chief Executive Officer, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, “Fixing Wholesale Funding to Build a More Stable Financial System,” February 1, 2013, available at  http://www.newyorkfed.org/newsevents/speeches/2013/dud130201.html ; Daniel K. Tarullo, Governor, Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Shadow Banking and Systemic Risk Regulation,” November 22, 2013, available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/tarullo20131122a.htm.

[6] “Enhanced Prudential Standards for Bank Holding Companies and Foreign Banking Organizations,” February 18, 2014, available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/bcreg/bcreg20140218a1.pdf.

[7] “Regulatory Capital Rules: Regulatory Capital, Enhanced Supplementary Leverage Ratio Standards for Certain Bank Holding Companies and their Subsidiary Insured Depository Institutions,” August 20, 2013, available at http://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/press/bcreg/bcreg20130709a1.pdf.

[8] See, e.g., Tarullo, “Shadow Banking and Systemic Risk Regulation.”

[9] See, e.g., Thomas H. Jackson, Kenneth E. Scott, Kimberly Anne Summe, and John B. Taylor, “Resolution of Failed Financial Institutions: Orderly Liquidation Authority and a New Chapter 14, Studies by the Resolution Project at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution Working Group on Economic Policy” (April 25, 2011), available at  http://media.hoover.org/sites/default/files/documents/Resolution-Project-Booklet-4-11.pdf .

THE QUADRENNIAL DEFENSE REVIEW

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

Right:  Robert F. Hale, the Defense Department's comptroller; Christine E. Wormuth, deputy undersecretary for strategy, plans and force development; and Air Force Lt. Gen. Mark F. Ramsay, Joint Staff director for force structure, resources and assessments, respond to questions from reporters about the department's fiscal year 2015 budget request at the Pentagon, March 4, 2014. Wormuth also discussed the 2014 Quadrennial Defense Review. DOD photo by Glenn Fawcett.  

Quadrennial Defense Review Charts Strategy Evolution
By Jim Garamone
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Mar. 4, 2014 – The 2014 version of the Quadrennial Defense Review takes the defense strategic guidance formulated in 2012 and evolves it through the future, a senior Pentagon official said.

Christine E. Wormuth, deputy undersecretary of defense for strategy, plans and force development, said the congressionally mandated QDR is an opportunity for Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel to lay out his vision and for the department, to refine defense strategy and to tell how the Defense Department will adapt the joint force to support it.

“This QDR is an evolution in the defense strategy process we’ve had,” said Wormuth, who has been nominated to be undersecretary of defense for policy. “Having come out of Iraq and beginning the process of transitioning in Afghanistan, this QDR looks to the future and talks about how the strategy needs to evolve and how the department needs to rebalance in an era of fiscal restraint.”
The review lays out a complex and rapidly evolving security environment that includes changes in technology, demographic trends and other factors. The review stresses the importance of the Asia-Pacific region to the United States while acknowledging there are still many “friction points” in the Middle East, Wormuth said. “Terrorism remains a continuing, evolving, metastasizing threat,” she added.
The three “three muscle movements” for the department are protecting the homeland, building security globally, and projecting power and winning decisively, Wormuth noted, and another piece of the strategy is an increased emphasis on innovation and adaptability, particularly in a fiscally constrained environment.

“The review will tick through things we are looking at in terms of new paradigms for forward presence: How can we get more bang for our buck from our forward-deployed forces, and how can we work more closely with allies and partners?” she said. “The innovation piece will also talk about the department protecting its seed corn in science and technology to maintain our technological edge.”
The review says that at the funding level in President Barack Obama’s budget request, DOD can execute this strategy. “There will be some increased risk in some areas,” Wormuth said. In the near term, she added, there is concern about readiness, and in the long term, there is “a lot of uncertainty in a security environment as dynamic as the one we face with a smaller force.”
The QDR will cover balancing the force holistically, and will discuss the rationale behind reducing the size of the Army and Marine Corps. It also will lay out things the department is doing to protect investments and will put forward initiatives in key capability areas that support the strategy, she said. These include cyber, space, precision strike and special operations forces.

Another important piece of the review is the discussion about reforming and rebalancing the department itself. The QDR discusses the 20-percent reduction in DOD staffs, why the department needs a new round of base realignment and closure, what acquisition reform can bring to DOD and why the department needs to slow the growth of manpower costs.

The review also looks at what the implications are for the department if there is no relief from sequestration, Wormuth said. “If we return to sequester-level cuts in fiscal 2016, we will see significantly higher levels of risk across the board,” she added. The Army will be forced to pare another 20,000 to 40,000 soldiers. The Marine Corps would drop to 175,000. The Air Force would have to eliminate other platforms, and the Navy would eliminate an aircraft carrier.

Sequestration cuts would make the bedrock DOD strategy of fighting and winning two nearly simultaneous wars unworkable, Wormuth said.

“A smaller force cannot be as present around the world,” she said. “We would have to be very selective in the engagement and partner-building activities we would take.”

Readiness challenges would grow under sequestration, Wormuth added, virtually guaranteeing a hollow force.

The current strategy is the right one for the country, she said. “The additional resources the president has asked for above sequestration, we think, is sufficient to get the job done,” she said.

(Follow Jim Garamone on Twitter: @GaramoneAFPS)

Tuesday, March 4, 2014

U.S.-RUSSIA MILITARY-TO-MILITARY ACTIVITIES ON HOLD

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 
DOD Puts Military-to-military Activities With Russia on Hold
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Mar. 3, 2014 – The Defense Department has “put on hold” military-to-military activities with Russia, Pentagon Press Secretary Navy Rear Adm. John Kirby said this evening.

In a statement released to reporters, Kirby said the suspended activities include exercises, bilateral meetings, port visits and planning conferences.

Although the Defense Department finds value in the military-to-military relationship developed in recent years with the Russian Federation to increase transparency, build understanding and reduce the risk of military miscalculation, Kirby said, “we have, in light of recent events in Ukraine, put on hold all military-to-military engagements between the United States and Russia.”

The Defense Department is closely monitoring the situation and remains in close contact with the State Department and other government agencies, as well as with allies, partners and NATO, the admiral said. “We call on Russia to de-escalate the crisis in Ukraine and for Russian forces in Crimea to return to their bases, as required under the agreements governing the Russia Black Sea Fleet,” he added.
Though some media outlets are speculating on possible ship movements in the region, Kirby said, there has been no change to U.S. military posture in Europe or the Mediterranean Sea.

“Our Navy units continue to conduct routine, previously planned operations and exercises with allies and partners in the region," the press secretary said.

WHITE HOUSE FACT SHEET ON INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT FOR UKRAINE

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE 

FACT SHEET: International Support for Ukraine

President Obama has made clear that the United States will continue to support the Government of Ukraine, including economically.  We have been working closely with international partners to develop an assistance package that will provide rapid financial and technical assistance to help Ukraine restore economic stability and conduct free, fair, and inclusive new elections that will allow the Ukrainian people to continue to make democratic choices about their future.
The new Ukrainian government has inherited an economy with enormous potential but that is currently financially fragile and uncompetitive.  The Government of Ukraine has said publicly that it will work to meet these urgent challenges.  As the government implements important reforms, the United States will work with its bilateral and multilateral partners to ensure that Ukraine has sufficient financing to restore financial stability and return to growth.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is already engaging to help stabilize the Ukrainian economy.  We understand that an IMF mission is currently in Kyiv working with the Ukrainian government at their request.  The IMF will be at the front lines of an international package for Ukraine and is positioned to support  robust and market-oriented reforms needed to restore Ukraine to economic health, including via providing large-scale financing and technical support.  At the same time, the United States is working alongside international partners and the Government of Ukraine to assemble a package of assistance to complement and support an IMF program.  
As part of this international effort, the United States has developed a package of bilateral assistance focused on meeting Ukraine’s most pressing needs and helping Ukraine to enact the reforms needed to make its IMF program a success.  We are working with Congress to approve the 2010 IMF quota legislation, which  would support the IMF’s capacity to lend additional resources to Ukraine, while also helping to preserve continued U.S. leadership within this important institution.  We are ready to work with Congress and the Government of Ukraine to provide U.S. loan guarantees and other financial and technical assistance to address Ukraine’s four most urgent needs:
  • Critical assistance with economic reforms, including by cushioning their impact on vulnerable Ukrainians:  The U.S. Administration is working with Congress and the Government of Ukraine to provide $1 billion in loan guarantees aimed at helping insulate vulnerable Ukrainians from the effects of reduced energy subsidies.  At the same time, the United States is moving quickly to provide technical expertise to help the National Bank of Ukraine and the Ministry of Finance address their most pressing challenges.  The United States is dispatching highly experienced technical advisors to help the Ukrainian financial authorities manage immediate market pressures.  The United States will also provide expertise to help Ukraine implement critical energy sector reforms. 
  • Conducting free, fair, and inclusive elections:  The United States will provide technical assistance to train election observers, help bring electoral processes in line with international standards, and promote robust participation by civil society organizations and a free and independent media. 
  • Combatting corruption and recovering stolen assets:  The United States is preparing to help the government respond to the clear demands of the Ukrainian people for more robust safeguards against corruption and additional efforts to recover assets stolen from the people of Ukraine.  The United States will support the government as it takes tangible steps to reduce corruption and increase transparency, including in areas such as e-government and public procurement.  The United States is deploying an interagency team of experts to Kyiv this week to begin to work with their Ukrainian counterparts to identify assets that may have been stolen, identify their current location, and assist in returning those assets to Ukraine.
  • Withstanding politically motivated trade actions by Russia, including in the area of energy:  The United States is preparing to provide technical advice to the Ukrainian government on Ukraine’s WTO rights with respect to trade with Russia.  At the same time the United States is ready to provide assistance and financing to help Ukrainian businesses find new export markets and adjust to trade pressures and to enhance energy efficiency, helping to reduce dependence on imported gas.

REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA ON FY2015 BUDGET

FROM:  THE WHITE HOUSE
Remarks by the President Announcing the FY2015 Budget
Powell Elementary School
Washington, D.C.

11:38 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Good morning, everybody.  I’m here at Powell Elementary School, and just had a chance to see some of the outstanding students here.  And I thought it was appropriate for me to say a few words about the budget that I sent to Congress this morning -- because obviously the budget is not just about numbers, it’s about our values and it’s about our future, and how well we are laying the groundwork for those young children that I was with just a few moments ago to be able to succeed here in America.  These kids may not be the most excited people in town on budget day, but my budget is designed with their generation and future generations in mind.

In my State of the Union address, I laid out an agenda to restore opportunity for all people -- to uphold the principle that no matter who you are, no matter where you started, you can make it if you try here in America.

This opportunity agenda is built on four parts -- more good jobs and good wages; making sure that we’re training workers with the skills they need to get those good jobs; guaranteeing every child access to a world-class education; and making sure that our economy is one in which hard work is rewarded.

The budget I sent Congress this morning lays out how we’ll implement this agenda in a balanced and responsible way.  It’s a road map for creating jobs with good wages and expanding opportunity for all Americans.  And at a time when our deficits have been cut in half, it allows us to meet our obligations to future generations without leaving them a mountain of debt.  This budget adheres to the spending levels that both parties in both houses of Congress already agreed to.  But it also builds on that progress with what we’re calling an Opportunity, Growth and Security Initiative that invests in our economic priorities in a smart way that is fully paid for by making smart spending cuts and closing tax loopholes that right now only benefit the well-off and the well-connected.

I’ll give you an example.  Right now, our tax system provides benefits to wealthy individuals who save, even after they’ve amassed multimillion dollar retirement accounts.  By closing that loophole, we can help create jobs and grow our economy, and expand opportunity without adding a dime to the deficit.

We know that the country that wins the race for new technologies will win the race for new jobs, so this budget creates 45 high-tech manufacturing hubs where businesses and universities will partner to turn groundbreaking research into new industries and new jobs made in America.

We know -- and this is part of the reason why we’re here today -- that education has to start at the earliest possible ages.  So this budget expands access to the kind of high-quality preschool and other early learning programs to give all of our children the same kinds of opportunities that those wonderful children that we just saw are getting right here at Powell.

We know that while not all of today’s good jobs are going to require a four-year college degree, more and more of them are going to require some form of higher education or specialized training.  So this budget expands apprenticeships to connect more ready-to-work Americans with ready-to-be-filled jobs.  And we know that future generations will continue to deal with the effects of a warming planet, so this budget proposes a smarter way to address the costs of wildfires.  And it includes over $1 billion in new funding for new technologies to help communities prepare for a changing climate today, and set up incentives to build smarter and more resilient infrastructure.

We also know that the most effective and historically bipartisan ways to reduce poverty and help hardworking families pull themselves up is the earned income tax credit.  Right now, it helps about half of all parents in America at some point in their lives.  This budget gives millions more workers the opportunity to take advantage of the tax credit.  And it pays for it by closing loopholes like the ones that let wealthy individuals classify themselves as a small business to avoid paying their fair share of taxes.

This budget will also continue to put our fiscal house in order over the long-term -- not by putting the burden on folks who can least afford it, but by reforming our tax code and our immigration system and building on the progress that we’ve made to reduce health care costs under the Affordable Care Act.  And it puts our debt on a downward path as a share of our total economy, which independent experts have set as a critical target for fiscal responsibility.

As I said at the outset, our budget is about choices.  It’s about our values.  As a country, we’ve got to make a decision if we’re going to protect tax breaks for the wealthiest Americans, or if we’re going to make smart investments necessary to create jobs and grow our economy, and expand opportunity for every American.  At a time when our deficits are falling at the fastest rate in 60 years, we’ve got to decide if we’re going to keep squeezing the middle class, or if we’re going to continue to reduce the deficits responsibly, while taking steps to grow and strengthen the middle class.

The American people have made clear time and again which approach they prefer.  That’s the approach that my budget offers.  That’s why I’m going to fight for it this year and in the years to come as President.  Thank you very much, everybody.

Q    Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT:  Yes, Mike.

Q    Do you have response to President Putin’s press conference this morning?  Is Chancellor Merkel right that he’s lost touch with reality?  And have you spoken with him again personally?

THE PRESIDENT:  I haven’t spoken to him since I spoke to him this past weekend.  But obviously, me and my national security team have been watching events unfolding in Ukraine very closely.  I met with them again today.  As many of you know, John Kerry is in Kyiv as we speak, at my direction.  He’s expressing our full support for the Ukrainian people.

Over the past several weeks, we’ve been working with our partners and with the IMF to build international support for a package that helps to stabilize Ukraine’s economy.  And today we announced a significant package of our own to support Ukraine’s economy, and also to provide them with the technical assistance that they need.  So it includes a planned loan guarantee package of $1 billion.  It provides immediate technical expertise to Ukraine to repair its economy.  And, importantly, it provides for assistance to help Ukraine plan for elections that are going to be coming up very soon.

As I said yesterday, it is important that Congress stand with us.  I don’t doubt the bipartisan concern that’s been expressed by the situation in Ukraine.  There is something immediately Congress can do to help us, and that is to help finance the economic package that can stabilize the economy in Ukraine, help to make sure that fair and free elections take place very soon, and as a consequence, helps to deescalate the crisis.

In the meantime, we’re consulting with our international allies across the board.  Together, the international community has condemned Russia’s violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine.  We’ve condemned their intervention in Crimea.  And we are calling for a de-escalation of the situation, and international monitors that can go into the country right away.

And, above all, we believe that the Ukrainian people should be able to decide their own future, which is why the world should be focused on helping them stabilize the situation economically and move towards the fair and free elections that are currently scheduled to take place in May.

There have been some reports that President Putin is pausing for a moment and reflecting on what’s happened.  I think that we’ve all seen that -- from the perspective of the European Union, the United States, allies like Canada and Japan, and allies and friends and partners around the world -- there is a strong belief that Russia’s action is violating international law.  I know President Putin seems to have a different set of lawyers making a different set of interpretations, but I don’t think that’s fooling anybody.

I think everybody recognizes that although Russia has legitimate interests in what happens in a neighboring state, that does not give it the right to use force as a means of exerting influence inside of that state.  We have said that if, in fact, there is any evidence out there that Russian speakers or Russian natives or Russian nationals are in any way being threatened, there are ways of dealing with that through international mechanisms.  And we’re prepared to make sure that the rights of all Ukrainians are upheld.  And, in fact, in conversations that we’ve had with the government in Kyiv, they have been more than willing to work with the international community and with Russia to provide such assurances.

So the fact that we are still seeing soldiers out of their barracks in Crimea is an indication to which what’s happening there is not based on actual concern for Russian nationals or Russian speakers inside of Ukraine, but is based on Russia seeking, through force, to exert influence on a neighboring country.  That is not how international law is supposed to operate.

I would also note just the way that some of this has been reported, that there’s a suggestion somehow that the Russian actions have been clever strategically.  I actually think that this has not been a sign of strength but rather is a reflection that countries near Russia have deep concerns and suspicions about this kind of meddling, and if anything, it will push many countries further away from Russia.

There is the ability for Ukraine to be a friend of the West’s and a friend of Russia’s as long as none of us are inside of Ukraine trying to meddle and intervene, certainly not militarily, with decisions that properly belong to the Ukrainian people.  And that’s the principle that John Kerry is going to be speaking to during his visit.  I’ll be making additional calls today to some of our key foreign partners, and I suspect I’ll be doing that all week and in through the weekend.

But as I indicated yesterday, the course of history is for people to want to be free to make their own decisions about their own futures.  And the international community I think is unified in believing that it is not the role of an outside force -- where there’s been no evidence of serious violence, where there’s been no rationale under international law -- to intervene in people trying to determine their own destiny.

So we stand on the side of history that I think more and more people around the world deeply believe in -- the principle that a sovereign people, an independent people are able to make their own decisions about their own lives.  And Mr. Putin can throw a lot of words out there, but the facts on the ground indicate that right now he’s not abiding by that principle.  There is still the opportunity for Russia to do so, working with the international community to help stabilize the situation.

And we’ve sent a clear message that we are prepared to work with anybody if their genuine interest is making sure that Ukraine is able to govern itself.  And as I indicated before, and something that I think has not been emphasized enough, they are currently scheduled to have elections in May.  And everybody in the international community should be invested in making sure that the economic deterioration that’s happened in Ukraine stops, but also that these elections proceed in a fair and free way in which all Ukrainians, including Russian speakers inside of Ukraine, are able to express their choice of who should lead them.

And if we have a strong, robust, legitimate election, then there shouldn’t be any question as to whether the Ukrainian people govern themselves without the kinds of outside interference that we see Russia exerting.

All right, thank you very much, everybody.

END

SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS TO PRESS AT KYIV EMBASSY

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT 

Remarks at a Solo Press Availability

Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
U.S. Embassy Kyiv
Kyiv, Ukraine
March 4, 2014


SECRETARY KERRY:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Let me say, first of all, how incredibly moving it was to walk down Institutska Street and to have a chance to be able to pay my respects on behalf of President Obama and the American people at the site of last month’s deadly shootings.  It was really quite remarkable, I have to tell you, to see the barricades, see the tires, see the barbed wire, see the bullet holes in street lamps, the extraordinary number of flowers, the people still standing beside a barrel with a fire to keep them warm, the shrouded vision in the clouds and the fog of the buildings from which the shots came, and the pictures, the photographs, of those who lost their lives, of the people who put themselves on the line for the future of Ukraine.

It was deeply moving to walk into a group of Ukrainians spontaneously gathered there and to listen to them, to listen to their pleas of passion for the right not to go back to life as it was under former president Yanukovych.  One woman who pleadingly said how poor they were, how the rich lived well, and how those in power took the money, and how they were left behind.  And particularly, one man who told me that he had recently traveled to Australia, and he had come back here, but he came determined to be able to live as he had seen other people live in other parts of the world. 

So it was very moving, and it gave me a deep, personal sense of how closely linked the people of Ukraine are to not just Americans, but to people all across the world who today are asking for their rights, asking for the privilege to be able to live, defining their own nation, defining their futures.  That’s what this is about. 

And the United States extends our deepest condolences to those whose grief is still very fresh and those who lost loved ones, who bravely battled against snipers on rooftops and people armed against them with weapons they never dreamt of having.  These brave Ukrainians took to the streets in order to stand peacefully against tyranny and to demand democracy.  So instead, they were met with snipers who picked them off, one after the other, as people of courage, notwithstanding the bullets, went out to get them, drag them to safety, give them comfort, expose themselves.  They raised their voices for dignity and for freedom.  But what they stood for so bravely, I say with full conviction, will never be stolen by bullets or by invasions.  It cannot be silenced by thugs from rooftops.  It is universal, it’s unmistakable, and it’s called freedom. 

So today, in another part of this country, we’re in a new phase of the struggle for freedom.  And the United States reaffirms our commitment to Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, according to international law.  We condemn the Russian Federation’s act of aggression.  And we have, throughout this moment, evidence of a great transformation taking place, and in that transformation we will stand with the people of Ukraine. 

Today, Ukrainians are demanding a government with the consent of the people.  And I have to say that we all greatly admire the restraint that the transitional government has shown as it makes this transition.  They have shown restraint, despite an invasion of Ukrainian homeland and a Russian Government that has chosen aggression and intimidation as a first resort.  The contrast really could not be clearer:  determined Ukrainians demonstrating strength through unity and a Russian Government out of excuses, hiding its hand behind falsehoods, intimidation, and provocations. 

In the hearts of Ukrainians and the eyes of the world, there is nothing strong about what Russia is doing.  So it’s time to set the record straight.  The Russian Government would have you believe it was the opposition who failed to implement the February 21st agreement that called for a peaceful transition, ignoring the reality that it was Yanukovych who, when history came calling, when his country was in need, when this city was the place where the action was, where the leaders of the nation were gathered in order to decide the future, he broke his obligation to sign that agreement and he fled into the night with his possessions, destroying papers behind him.  He abandoned his people and eventually his country.

The Russian Government would have you believe that the Ukraine Government somehow is illegitimate or led by extremists, ignoring the reality that the Rada, representing the people of Ukraine, the elected representatives of the people of Ukraine – they overwhelming approved the new government, even with members of Yanukovych’s party deserting him and voting overwhelmingly in order to approve this new government.  It was thanks in part to the votes from Yanukovych’s own party that the future of Ukraine changed.  And today, the Rada is the most representative institution in Ukraine.

The Russian Government would also have you believe that the calm and friendly streets – one of which I walked down but many of which I just drove through – that somehow these streets of Kyiv are actually dangerous, ignoring the reality that there has been no surge in crime, no surge in looting, no political retribution here.  The Russian Government would have you believe, against all the evidence, that there have been mass defections of Ukrainians to Russia, or that there have been mass attacks on churches in eastern Ukraine.  That hasn’t happened, either.

They would have you believe that ethnic Russians and Russian bases are threatened.  They’d have you believe that Kyiv is trying to destabilize Crimea or that Russian actions are legal or legitimate because Crimean leaders invited intervention.  And as everybody knows, the soldiers in Crimea, at the instruction of their government, have stood their ground but never fired a shot, never issued one provocation, have been surrounded by an invading group of troops and have seen an individual who got 3 percent of the vote installed as the so-called leader by the Russians.

They would have you believe that Kyiv is trying to destabilize Crimea, or that somehow Russian leaders invited intervention.  Not a single piece of credible evidence supports any one of these claims – none.

And the larger point is really this:  It is diplomacy and respect for sovereignty, not unilateral force, that can best solve disputes like this in the 21st century.  President Obama and I want to make it clear to Russia and to everybody in the world that we are not seeking confrontation.  There’s a better way for Russia to pursue its legitimate interests in Ukraine.  If you were legitimately worried about some of your citizens, then go to the government.  Talk to them about it.  Go to the UN.  Raise the issue in the Security Council.  Go to the OSCE.  Raise it in one of the human rights organizations.  There are countless outlets that an organized, structured, decent world has struggled to put together to resolve these differences so we don’t see a nation unilaterally invade another nation.  There’s a better way for Russia to pursue its legitimate interests in Ukraine.

Russia can choose to comply with international law and honor its commitments under the Helsinki Final Act under the United Nations Charter.  If it wants to help protect ethnic Russians, as it purports to, and if they were threatened, we would support efforts to protect them, as would, I am told, the Government of Ukraine.  But if they want to do that, Russia could work with the legitimate Government of Ukraine, which it has pledged to do.  It cannot only permit, but must encourage, international monitors to deploy throughout Ukraine.  These are the people who could actually identify legitimate threats.  And we are asking, together with the Government of Ukraine, together with the European community, for large numbers of observers to be able to come in here and monitor the situation and be the arbiters of truth versus fiction.  Russia, if it wanted to help deescalate the situation, could return its troops to the barracks, live by the 1997 base agreement, and deescalate rather than expand their invasion.

Now, we would prefer that.  I come here today at the instruction of President Obama to make it absolutely clear the United States of America would prefer to see this deescalated.  We would prefer to see this managed through the structures of legal institutions, international institutions that we’ve worked many years in order to be able to deal with this kind of crisis.  But if Russia does not choose to deescalate, if it is not willing to work directly with the Government of Ukraine, as we hope they will be, then our partners will have absolutely no choice but to join us to continue to expand upon steps we have taken in recent days in order to isolate Russia politically, diplomatically, and economically.

I would emphasize to the leaders of Russia this is not something we are seeking to do; this is something Russia’s choices may force us to do.  So far, we have suspended participation in the preparations for the Sochi G8 summit.  We have suspended military-to-military contacts, and we have suspended bilateral economic dialogue, and we are prepared to take further steps if Russia does not return its forces to the barracks and engage in a legitimate policy of de-escalation. 

At the same time, the United States and its partners – our partners – will support Ukraine.  We will support it as it takes difficult steps to deal with its economy.  And I appreciate the meeting that I just had with the acting president and the prime minister and other leaders as we discussed how to strengthen the economy and move rapidly towards free, fair, open elections that can take place very shortly. 

We are working closely and we’ll continue to work closely with the IMF team and with international partners in order to develop an assistance package to help Ukraine restore financial stability in the short run and to be able to grow its economy in the long run.  I’m pleased to say that this package includes an immediate $1 billion in a loan guarantee to support Ukraine’s recovery, and we are currently working with the Treasury Department of the United States and with others to lay out a broader, more comprehensive plan.  We will provide the best expertise available to help Ukraine’s economy and financial institutions repair themselves, and to work towards these free, fair, fast, inclusive elections.

We’re also working with the interim government to help combat corruption and to recover stolen assets, and we are helping Ukraine to cope with Russia’s politically motivated trade practices, whether it’s manipulating the energy supply or banning the best chocolates made in Ukraine.  The fact is this is the 21st century, and we should not see nations step backwards to behave in 19th or 20thcentury fashion.  There are ways to resolve these differences.  Great nations choose to do that appropriately. 

The fact is that we believe that there are a set of options available to Russia and to all of us that could move us down a road of appropriate diplomacy, appropriate diplomatic engagement.  We invite Russia to come to that table; we particularly invite Russia to engage directly with the Government of Ukraine, because I am confident they are prepared to help work through these issues in a thoughtful way. 

I’m very proud to be here in Ukraine.  Like so many Americans and other people around the world, we’ve watched with extraordinary awe the power of individuals unarmed except with ideas, people with beliefs and principles and values who have reached for freedom, for equality, for opportunity.  There’s nothing more important in this world.  That is what drives change in so many parts of the world today. 

It’s really partly why the world is in such a state of transformation in so many different places at the same time, because we’re all connected.  We all understand what other people are doing and the choices they have and the lives they get to lead.  And all over the world young people are saying:  We do not want to be deprived of those opportunities.  That’s what this is about.  And it is about all those who value democracy and who support the opportunity for this country to join the legions of others who want to practice it. 

The United States will stand by the Ukrainian people as they build the strong, sovereign, and democratic country that they deserve, and that their countrymen and women just so recently gave their lives in extraordinary courageous acts in order to ensure for the future.  We must all step up and answer their call.

I’m happy to take some questions.

MS. HARF:  Great.  Thank you.  The first question is from Andrea Mitchell of NBC.  There’s a microphone coming. 

QUESTION:  Thank you very much.  Mr. Secretary, U.S. officials have been saying that Vladimir Putin will be isolated by his actions.  Yet today, he seemed defiant, speaking for an hour, taking questions.  He said, among other things, that Russia reserves the right to take any action, to use any means – obviously, military means.  He described events here as an unconstitutional coup.  He denied that there were any Russian troops in Crimea, occupying Crimea.  He blamed the crisis on United States interference, saying that the U.S. --

SECRETARY KERRY:  He really denied there were troops in Crimea?

QUESTION:  Yes, he did.  He also blamed the crisis on the United States, saying that the United States was acting as though it were conducting an experiment across the ocean on lab animals, on rats here.  And he showed no sign of being ready to step down – step down or de-escalate the military presence in Crimea.  There have been fire – shots fired today.  There’s the presence reported of naval Russian ships along the isthmus between Ukraine and Crimea. 

So with all of that, how has the U.S. pressure worked against Putin?  What is your reaction to his assertions?  And also, while you were here you met with many leaders.  You did not meet with Yulia Tymoshenko.  Is she viewed by the United States as not part of the solution or as possibly part of the problem?

SECRETARY KERRY:  Well, let me answer the last part of the question first: not at all.  I thought I actually might bump into her, but I didn’t.  I had the meetings with the current group that represent the parties that have come together and most likely presidential candidates at this moment who – with whom I’ve been in touch and working with.  I met with a number of them in Munich previously, and so we continued that conversation.

But with respect to President Putin’s comments, I’ve spoken as directly to President Putin today as I can to invite him to engage in a legitimate and appropriate dialogue, particularly with the current Government of Ukraine, knowing that there’s an election in 90 days and the people of Ukraine will have an opportunity to ratify their future leadership.  The fact is that in the eastern part of the country, Russia recently tried to get a couple of city councils to actually pass something asking for Russians to come in.  And lo and behold, those councils did the opposite.  They said, “We don’t want Russia to come in.  We want our independence.” 

And I think that it is clear that Russia has been working hard to create a pretext for being able to invade further.  Russia has talked about Russian-speaking minority citizens who are under siege.  They’re not.  And in fact, this government has acted remarkably responsibly by urging total calm, by not wanting to have any provocation, by avoiding even their troops who have a legal right to resist the invasion of other troops, but has ordered them not to engage to give a pretext of anybody being in danger.  Here in the streets today, I didn’t see anybody who feels threatened, except for the potential of an invasion by Russia. 

So I would hope that President Putin, who is insisting against all evidence everywhere in the world about troops being in Crimea that they’re not there, that he will step back and listen carefully that we could like to see this de-escalated.  We are not looking for some major confrontation.  But – and I do not believe that his interests, which we understand – a base, strong ties, everybody knows that Khrushchev gave the Crimea to the Ukraine back in 1954 or ‘6, I think it was.  We all know these things.  There’s a long history of connection.  We get it.  But those things can continue and be worked out through the legal process, through the direct relationship with the Government of Ukraine.  It is not appropriate to invade a country and at the end of a barrel of a gun dictate what you are trying to achieve.  That is not 21st century, G8, major nation behavior.

And what we are looking for here is a responsible way to meet the needs of the parties but respect the integrity, the sovereignty, the territorial integrity of Ukraine.  And in fact, the UN Charter, the Final Act of Helsinki, the 1994 Budapest Agreement, and the 1997 Base Agreement between Russia and Ukraine all require a certain set of standards which have not been followed here.

So again, we would like to see President Putin address the problems not by deploying forces, not through confrontation, but by engaging in the time-honored tradition of diplomacy, of discussion, of negotiation, and let’s find a path forward which puts everybody on a track that benefits this region and the world more effectively.

QUESTION:  And will Germany stand with you against (inaudible)?

SECRETARY KERRY:  Excuse me.  We will be having further discussions.  I think the President will be talking before long with Chancellor Merkel.  I’m having more conversations with Foreign Minister Steinmeier.  And I believe we will stand united.  I believe that.

Yes.

MS. HARF:  Okay.  Our final question comes from Maria Korenyuk of EuroNews. 

QUESTION:  (Off-mike.) Thank you.

SECRETARY KERRY:  Well, let me answer the second part first.  We’re working on support as rapidly as we could make it available.  We already have people working on the economic – with the IMF team, consulting with the government, working to get the facts together.  We’re trying to actually define the needs as accurately as is possible, and as I said to you, we’ve announced the $1 billion loan guarantee.  We actually have the money appropriated.  We know where we’re heading with that.  We have additional initiatives that can be quickly put together as our team works in Washington. 

The President has instructed all of us to look at every option available with respect to direct economic aid.  And the President, particularly, yesterday when he met with Prime Minister Netanyahu in the White House, made a statement about Ukraine in which he asked Congress, which has been making very strong statements about support for Ukraine, to come to the table quickly with an economic package appropriated by the Congress.  We want that to happen immediately.

So this is urgent.  We understand that.  I don’t think it’s appropriate for the United States or any other country to come here, talk about the strength and courage of the people in the streets, to underscore the value of democracy and of freedom that people are fighting for here, and then just walk away and not doing anything about it.  So we are committed, and we are going to work to do what we can within our system as rapidly as possible. 

And with respect to the first part of your question, I – our purpose is to try – I’ve said this several times today – I want to repeat it.  We have lots of options, obviously.  There are lots of tools at the disposal of the President of the United States and the United States of America and other countries.  But none of us want to escalate this so that it becomes the kind of confrontation where people can’t find a reasonable path forward and where, as a result, you’re stuck in a place that’s very hard to climb down from.  That is not where we would like to see this go, which is why President Obama is stressing and wants me to stress our effort to try to find a way forward which allows Russia to have its interests – and they do have some interests – to be properly listened to and properly taken into account in the system. 

I have heard each Ukrainian leader who’s talked to me acknowledge that they understand that, that there will be a relationship with Russia.  There is a capacity for a strong relationship between Ukraine and Russia, but it is a relationship that shouldn’t be at the expense of not being able to have a relationship with the rest of the world, and not be forced on them, and not a relationship that precludes the full sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation of Ukraine being respected.  That’s what should guide this, and that’s exactly what is motivating our efforts here right now.

Thank you all very, very much.  I appreciate it.  Good to be with you.  I’m sorry.  We have, unfortunately, a schedule to stay on and I apologize for that.  I would like to take more questions but we’ve got to run.  Thank you.


SECRETARY KERRY'S REMARKS IN KYIV, UKRAINE

FROM:  U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT

Meeting With Staff and Families of Embassy Kyiv

Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Kyiv, Ukraine
March 4, 2014




AMBASSADOR PYATT: I’ll just say, Mr. Secretary, let me present to you the team of Embassy Kyiv, the hardest working embassy in the U.S. Foreign Service today. (Laughter.)

SECRETARY KERRY: Wow. I’ll tell you, I go to some places and the ambassador says that and I say, “Okay.” (Laughter.) But here, you are the hardest working embassy in the world right now. Thank you very, very much for all that you are doing. Geoff, thanks so much for your leadership.

I think character is sometimes shown when the whole world is watching and people see character, but more often than not, real character is shown when people aren’t watching or when you don’t think they’re listening – and they’ve been listening to him. We all know that. But this guy is attentive to all of you, to staff, to family, to everybody’s concerns, and I hope you will join me in just saying thank you because I think we have a terrific ambassador here and a great leader here. Thank you. (Applause.)

Thank you very much. And I see – you guys know we got a bunch of Marines here who help protect us. Thank you. Semper Fi and thank you for your service to our country, all of you in uniform, and some of you I know are not in uniform but you serve in the military or as attaches or otherwise. Thank you very much for your service, all of you. (Applause.) Thank you.
I guess we have, somewhere in the vicinity, about 100 Americans assigned here and several hundred, 300 or more, foreign nationals who work for us. And I just want to say a word to all of you, but let me speak first to the foreign nationals. How many of you are foreign nationals? How many of you are – thank you. We can’t do this without you. And so I want to say, profoundly, thank you to you, because you facilitate our ability to really understand what’s happening, to understand the country, and you are great ambassadors for us in the country because you can explain what we’re really all about and what we try to accomplish, so I thank you very, very much. I know sometimes somebody may criticize you or say, “What are you doing working with them,” and you put yourselves on the line, and we admire you enormously and everybody here thanks you for your service to us. We appreciate it. (Applause.)

And then – now I know we’re living right now under a sort of – one of those tricky moments where we have an authorized departure and some folks who are in Warsaw. And it’s hard. It’s hard even if you’re unaccompanied here. It’s hard to have family and loved ones separated. This is a difficult time. We are witnessing transformation globally. I cannot tell you how many embassies I go to that are sharing a level of tension today that makes being in the Foreign Service or Civil Service – civil servants but also working in tense situations, and our Marines all around the world know, given the experience of Benghazi, what we see in the attempted plots on many places in the world.

There are bad guys out there. There are bad folks out there who incidentally don’t have a program for educating people. They don’t have a program or complaint with the government about its healthcare system. They don’t have anything whatsoever to say about macroeconomic policy or how you develop jobs, how you’re going to take care of growing populations of young people who need opportunity. They don’t say anything about that. All they do is say, “You got to believe what I believe, and if you don’t, we’re going to kill you.” It’s the antithesis of everything that we have fought for since the days of the founding of our country. It’s an anachronism that runs against everything that we thought we had resolved in the course of the 20th century in two great World Wars and several other wars where we learned about how we can best help people live a fuller life and have the right to fulfill their aspirations.

But we got some people out there who are ready to throw over whole governments or take over governments simply to say no – no to modernity, no to opportunity, no particularly to women in so many parts of the world, no to education for children. So this challenge is much bigger, folks, than a lot of people have really kind of focused on. And here, particularly, we are witnessing a real throwback to 19th century behavior – imperialism. At the butt of a gun we’re going to impose our will and we’re going to deny you the right to be free. And particularly, some of those people I met today on Institutska Street when I was walking down there and I went over to talk to a few people, these women came up to me and pleaded and said, “Don’t let us go back to have to live under a man like Yanukovych who steals our future, who steals from us.” Met a man who said, “I went to Australia last year,” said, “I came back here, but I want to live like I saw people be able to live in Australia.”

People want respect, they want opportunity. That Tunisian fruit vendor who burned himself, burned himself because he was exhausted by the corruption of his government and the denial of his opportunity to be able to live his life, sell his fruit. We take a lot of things for granted unfortunately in America. We’re privileged to be able to, as much as I think we shouldn’t. You don’t. None of you do. Every one of you has chosen to be here because you’ve joined the Foreign Service or the Civil Service or you’re representing one of the other agencies that are represented in the Embassy because you want to make a difference and you believe you can make a difference. And I’m here tonight to tell you, you are making a difference – tough as it is sometimes, as small as the gesture may seem sometimes. Here in the consulate division and somebody walks in to get their visa – how they’re treated, how they’re greeted, how fast we react, how much we respect them may be their only contact with America or our values, particularly if they’re denied the opportunity to get the visa.

So everybody here is an ambassador, and I just want to thank you tonight for being willing to be on the front lines. Thank you on behalf of President Obama and our country for representing us on the front lines of a struggle now that could define a lot of things going forward. Whether or not we can peacefully make the institutions of rule of law work when a country is in violation of the UN Charter, the Final Act of Helsinki, its own basing agreement with Ukraine, as well as the 1994 Budapest agreement where we all agreed we would protect Ukraine from external attack, and here they are externally taking over and trying to annex Crimea.

So we got a lot of work to do, but rest assured there aren’t a lot of jobs around where you can get up in the morning and go to work and know that you’re doing something that’s bigger than yourself, that’s exciting, that may change day by day where you get as much intellectual input, as much information, as much opportunity to know people in other parts of the world, learn other languages, learn other cultures, and carry the values of the United States of America with you every single day.

So I say God bless you, thank you, we’re proud of you, keep up the good work, and we will ultimately achieve many of the goals if not all of the goals we’re chasing. Thank you. God bless. (Applause.)

U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT CONTRACTS FOR MARCH 4, 2014

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT

CONTRACTS

ARMY

Boeing Co., Mesa, Ariz. was awarded a $1,156,446,681 modification (P00007) to contract W58RGZ-12-C-0055 for full rate production of the AH-64E Apache helicopter, seventy-two remanufactured helicopter systems, ten new helicopter systems, and for refreshing five crew trainers , refurbishing one crew trainer, and integrated logistics support, peculiar ground support equipment, initial spares, over and above, and engineering studies.  Fiscal 2013other procurement funds in the amount of $380,043,678 and fiscal 2014 other procurement funds in the amount of $494,322,830 were obligated at the time of the award. Estimated completion date is June 30, 2016. Work will be performed in Mesa, Ariz.  Army Contracting Command, Redstone Arsenal, Ala., is the contracting activity.

Torch Technologies, Inc., Huntsville, Ala. was awarded a $70,997,405 cost-plus-fixed-fee contract for missile element simulation which will enhance and maintain the current suite of missile modeling simulation, hardware-in-the-loop and prototype development facilities. Funding and work performance location will be determined with each order.  Estimated completion date is Feb. 11, 2019.  Bids were solicited via the Internet with one received. Army Contracting Command, Redstone Arsenal, Ala. is the contracting activity (W31P4Q-14-D-0017).

DRS Tactical Systems Inc., Melbourne, Fla. was awarded a $12,596,227 firm-fixed-price contract for improved platform integration kits for the M777A2 and M119A3 howitzer.  Funding and work performance location will be determined with each order.  Estimated completion date is Feb. 27, 2019.  One bid was solicited with six received. Army Contracting Command, Picatinny Arsenal, N.J. is the contracting activity (W15QKN-14-D-0036).

NAVY

Huntington Ingalls Inc., Newport News, Va., is being awarded a $1,294,817,351 modification to previously awarded contract (N00024-09-C-2116) to continue construction preparation efforts and provide the ability to procure additional material and advance construction activities for CVN 79.  Huntington Ingalls Inc. will provide all services and material in preparation for construction of CVN 79 including necessary research studies; engineering; design; related development efforts; advance planning; advance procurement for detail design and procurement of material; advance construction; life cycle support; logistics data and other data to support the anticipated fiscal year 2015 contract award of the detail design and construction of CVN 79.  The modification allows continuation of ongoing planning, construction and material procurement that are aligned with the optimal build plan for the ship, and it affords an opportunity for the shipbuilder to incorporate further construction process improvements into the construction plan.  Work will be performed in Newport News, Va., and is expected to be completed by October 2017.  Fiscal 2014 shipbuilding and conversion, Navy ($69,724,812) and Fiscal 2014 research, development, test & evaluation ($1,200,000) funding in the amount of $70,924,812 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year.  The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C. is the contracting activity.

Lockheed Martin Corp., Liverpool, N.Y., is being awarded a $16,237,711 firm-fixed-price contract for the procurement of specialized test equipment and associated technical data packages and adapters required to perform testing of line replacement modules for the E-2D AN/APY-9 radar system.  Work will be performed in Liverpool, N.Y., and is expected to be completed in February 2017.  Fiscal 2012 aircraft procurement, Navy funds in the amount of $16,237,711 are being obligated on this award, all of which will expire at the end of the current fiscal year.  This contract was not competitively procured pursuant to FAR 6.302-1.  The Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division, Lakehurst, N.J., is the contracting activity (N68335-14-C-0145).

Lockheed Martin Corp. Owego, N.Y. is being awarded $10,630,597 for firm-fixed-price delivery order 7048 against a previously awarded firm-fixed-price long term contract (N00383-09-D-021F) for the repair of 13 items in support of the Multi-Mode Radar System, and the Electronic Measurement System for the H-60R Helicopter.  Work will be performed in Owego, N.Y., and work is expected to be completed by March 2015.  Fiscal 2014 Navy working capital funds in the amount of 10,501,093 and Fiscal 2014 aircraft procurement, Navy funds in the amount of $129,504 will be obligated at the time of award, and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year.  The contract was not competitively procured in accordance with 10 U.S.C. 2304 (c)(1).  The NAVSUP Weapon Systems Support, Philadelphia, Pa., is the contracting activity.

DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY

Atlantic Diving Supply doing business as ADS Inc.,* Virginia Beach, Va., has been awarded a maximum $776,000,000 fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment contract for the procurement of commercial type construction equipment.  This contract is a competitive acquisition, and eighteen offers were received.  This contract is one of up to ten contracts being issued against solicitation number SPM8EC-11-R-0003 and with requirements that specifically call for construction equipment within the product line and will be competed amongst other contractors who receive a contract under this solicitation.  This is a five-year base contract.  Locations of performance are Virginia, Iowa, North Dakota, Kansas and Georgia with a Mar. 2, 2019 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies.  Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 through fiscal year 2019 defense working capital funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa., (SPE8EC-14-D-0013).

Tyson Foods, Inc., Springdale, Ark., has been awarded a maximum $444,000,000 fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment contract for commercial chicken items. This contract is a competitive acquisition, and nine offers were received. This is a three-year base contract. Locations of performance are Oklahoma, Arkansas, North Carolina and Mississippi with a March 3, 2017 performance completion date.  Subsistence overseas prime vendors will order from this contract in support of overseas military customers.  Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa., (SPM300-14-D-4002).

West-Ward Pharmaceuticals, Inc., Eatontown, N.J., has been awarded a maximum $70,947,789 modification (P00062) exercising the first option year on a one-year base contract (SPM2D0-07-D-0004) with nine one-year option periods for various pharmaceutical products.  This is a firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract.  Location of performance is New Jersey with a Feb. 26, 2015 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps.  Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 war-stopper funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

I Solutions Direct Inc., Fort Washington, Pa., has been awarded a maximum $68,724,679  modification (P00101) exercising the third option year on a two-year base contract (SPM8E5-10-D-0004) with three one-year option periods for carbon steel bar, sheet, and plate materials. This is a fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract. Location of performance is Pennsylvania with a Mar. 3, 2015 performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies. Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 through fiscal year 2015 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

Bayer Healthcare Pharmaceuticals, Whippany, N.J., has been awarded a maximum $49,375,502 modification (P00008) exercising the second option year on a one-year base contract (SPM2D0-12-D-0002) with seven one-year option periods for various pharmaceutical products.  This is a fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract.  Location of performance is New Jersey with a Mar. 5, 2015 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies.  Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 war-stopper funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

Admiral Metals Servicenter Inc.,* Woburn, Mass., has been awarded a maximum $47,801,294 modification (P00101) exercising the third option year on a two-year base contract (SPM8E5-10-D-0001) with three one-year option periods for steel alloy, stainless steel, bar, sheet, and plate materials.  This is a fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract.  Location of performance is Massachusetts with a Mar. 3, 2014 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies.  Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 through fiscal year 2015 defense working capital funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

I Solutions Direct Inc., Fort Washington, Pa., has been awarded a maximum $46,641,107 modification (P00101) exercising the third option year on a two-year base contract (SPM8E5-10-D-0002) with three one-year option periods for carbon steel bar, sheet, and plate materials.  This is a fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract.  Location of performance is Pennsylvania with a Mar. 2, 2015 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies.  Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 through fiscal year 2015 defense working capital funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

TW Metals, Carol Stream, Ill., has been awarded a maximum $43,478,335 modification (P00101) exercising the third option year on a two-year base contract (SPM8E5-10-D-0003) with three one-year option periods for various carbon steel bar and plate materials. This is a fixed-price with economic-price adjustment, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract. Location of performance is Illinois with a Mar. 3, 2015 performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps and federal civilian agencies. Type of appropriation is fiscal year 2014 through fiscal 2015 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

Charleston Aluminum LLC,* Gaston, S.C., has been awarded a maximum $35,363,758 modification (P00101) exercising the third option year on a two-year base contract (SPM8E5-10-D-0006) with three one-year option periods for carbon steel bar, sheet, and plate materials. This is a fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment, indefinite delivery/indefinite quantity contract. Location of performance is South Carolina with a Mar. 7, 2015 performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 through fiscal 2015 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

Short Bark Industries, Inc.,** Vonore, Tenn., has been awarded a maximum $23,339,900 modification (P00102) exercising the first option year on a one-year base contract (SPM1C1-13-D-1030) with four one-year option periods for various types of Permethrin Army Combat Uniform coats. This is a firm-fixed-price contract.  Locations of performance are Tennessee, Puerto Rico, and Mississippi with a Mar. 4, 2015 performance completion date. Using military service is Army.  Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 through fiscal 2015 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

Universal Sodexho, Tacoma, Wash., has been awarded a maximum $10,800,000 modification (P00027) exercising the fifth bridge contract on a two-year base contract (SPM500-05-D-BP07) with three one-year option periods for maintenance, repair and operations supplies for the Korea Region. This is a firm-fixed-price, indefinite delivery/indefinite quantity contract. Location of performance is Washington with a June 30, 2014 performance completion date.  Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 defense working capital funds.  The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa.

AIR FORCE

DLT Solutions, LLC, Herndon, Va., has been awarded a $45,973,106 delivery order (6K15) on an existing firm-fixed-price, blanket purchase agreement (W91QUZ-06-A-0002) for software maintenance and support for perpetual enterprise Oracle software licenses used throughout the Air Force and the U.S. Transportation Command.  Work will be performed at Herndon, Va., and is expected to be completed March 31, 2014.  Fiscal 2014 research and development, operations and maintenance, TRANSCOM Working Capital funds in the amount of $10,454,875 are being obligated at time of award.  Air Force Life Cycle Management Center/HIK, Maxwell Air Force Base-Gunter Annex, Ala., is the contracting activity.

*Small Business

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