SECRETARY OF DEFENSE HAGEL'S REMARKS ON NATO EXPANSION

FROM:  U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT 

Right:  Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel delivers remarks during the forum "Into the Fold or Out in the Cold? NATO Expansion and European Security After the Cold War," at the Ronald Reagan Building in Washington, D.C., May 2, 2014. DOD photo by Glenn Fawcett. 

Hagel Calls for NATO Meeting on Defense Investment
By Cheryl Pellerin
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, May 2, 2014 – At a Wilson Center forum here this morning on NATO’s 21st-century security challenges, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel called for the creation of a new NATO ministerial meeting focused on defense investment that includes finance ministers or senior budget officials.

Hagel’s proposal builds on President Barack Obama's March 26 speech in Brussels, and Atlantic Council statements earlier this week by Vice President Joe Biden and Secretary of State John F. Kerry urging every NATO-member state to meet its commitment to the alliance.

Holding such a ministerial meeting would allow finance ministers or senior budget officials “to receive detailed briefings from alliance military leaders on the challenges we face,” Hagel said.

“Leaders across our governments must understand the consequences of current trends in reduced defense spending,” he added, “and help break through the fiscal impasse.”

Since the end of the Cold War, America’s military spending has become increasingly disproportionate within the alliance, the secretary said. Today, America’s gross domestic product is smaller than the combined GDPs of the 27 NATO allies, but America’s defense spending is three times its allies’ combined defense spending, he added.

Over time, such a lopsided burden threatens NATO’s integrity, cohesion and capability, the secretary said, and ultimately, it affects European and transatlantic security.

“Many of NATO’s smaller members have pledged to increase their defense investment, and earlier this week at the Pentagon, I thanked Estonia’s defense minister for his nation’s renewed commitment and investment in NATO,” Hagel told the audience.

“But the alliance cannot afford for Europe’s larger economies and most militarily capable allies not to do the same, particularly as transatlantic economies grow stronger,” he said. “We must see renewed financial commitments from all NATO members.”

Russia’s actions in Ukraine have made NATO’s value abundantly clear, the secretary said, adding that he knows from frequent conversations with NATO defense ministers that they need no convincing.

“Talking amongst ourselves is no longer good enough,” Hagel said. “Having participated in three NATO defense ministerials and having met with all of my NATO counterparts, I have come away recognizing that the challenge is building support for defense investment across our governments, not just in our defense ministries.”

Defense investment must be discussed in the broader context of member nations’ overall fiscal challenges and priorities, he added.

In meeting its global security commitments, the United States must have strong, committed and capable allies, and this year’s Quadrennial Defense Review makes this clear, the secretary said. Going forward, the Defense Department will seek and increasingly rely on closer integration and collaboration with allies, and in ways that will influence U.S. strategic planning and future investments, Hagel said.
From the early days of the Cold War, American defense secretaries have called on European allies to ramp up their defense investment, he noted. In recent years, one of the biggest obstacles to alliance investment has been a sense that the end of the Cold War ushered in an end to insecurity, at least in Europe, from aggression by nation states, the secretary said.

“Russia’s actions in Ukraine shatter that myth and usher in bracing new realities. Even a united and deeply interconnected Europe still lives in a dangerous world,” Hagel said.

“In the short term, the transatlantic alliance has responded to Russian actions with strength and resolve,” he added. “But over the long term, we should expect Russia to test our alliance’s purpose, stamina and commitment. Future generations will note whether, at this moment of challenge, we summoned the will to invest in our alliance.”

NATO should find creative ways to help nations around the world adapt collective security to a rapidly evolving global strategic landscape, the secretary said.

Collective security is not only the anchor of the transatlantic alliance, he added, but also is a model for emerging security institutions around the world, from Africa to the Persian Gulf to Southeast Asia.

“I say this having just convened a forum of [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] defense ministers last month,” Hagel said, “and having called for a Gulf Cooperation Council defense ministerial this year.”

He added, “These institutions bring our people, interests and economies closer together, serving as anchors for stability, security and prosperity. Strengthening these regional security institutions must be a centerpiece of America’s defense policy as we continue investing in NATO.”

STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL REMARKS ON MISSILE DEFENSE AND EUROPEAN SECURITY

Photo:  Missile Launch.  Credit:  U.S. DOD.
FROM:  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Missile Defense and European Security
Remarks Frank A. Rose
Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance8th International Conference on Missile Defence
Paris, France
July 3, 2012
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak today. This venue provides an opportunity for constructive dialogue on missile defense, and in this context, I will share an update on the U.S. approach to missile defense. At the State Department, I am responsible for overseeing a wide range of defense policy issues, including missile defense. In that capacity, it was my responsibility to negotiate the details of the Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) agreements with Poland, Romania, and Turkey that will enable the United States to implement the European Phased Adaptive Approach, the U.S. contribution to NATO missile defense. I will touch more on this later in my presentation, but suffice to say that I have been focused over the last couple of years on ensuring that we are able to meet the vision President Obama laid out in his 2009 announcement regarding the European Phased Adaptive Approach.

Missile Defense Policy
Today, there is a growing threat from short-, medium-, and intermediate-range ballistic missiles to our deployed forces, allies, and partners. This threat is likely to increase in both quantitative and qualitative terms in the coming years, as some states are increasing their inventories, and making their ballistic missiles more accurate, reliable, and survivable.

Recognizing the seriousness of the ballistic missile threat, the United States seeks to create an environment, based on strong cooperation with allies and partners, which will diminish an adversary’s confidence in the effectiveness of ballistic missile attacks. This will devalue ballistic missiles and provide a disincentive for their development, acquisition, deployment, and use. To that end, President Obama has made international cooperation on missile defense a key priority, and we are pursuing a region-by-region approach based on the following three principles:

1) First, the United States will strengthen regional deterrence architectures built upon solid cooperative relationships with an eye toward efficiently incorporating assets and structures that our partners already have today or are seeking.

2) Second, the United States is pursuing phased adaptive approaches (PAAs) to missile defense within key regions that are tailored to their unique deterrence requirements and threats, including the scale, scope, and pace of their development, and the capabilities available and most suited for deployment. Specifically, we will phase in the best available technology to meet existing and evolving threats, and adapt to situations that evolve in the future.

3) Third, recognizing that our supply of missile defense assets cannot meet the global demand we face, the United States is developing mobile capabilities that can be relocated to adapt to a changing threat and provide surge defense capabilities where they are most needed.

Missile defense plays an important role in the broader U.S. international security strategy, supporting both deterrence and diplomacy. Missile defense assures our allies and partners that the United States has the will and the means to deter and, if necessary, defeat a limited ballistic missile attack against the U.S. homeland and regional ballistic missile attacks against our deployed forces, allies, and partners.

NATO and European Missile Defense
Today I will focus on our work in Europe, which continues to receive a great deal of attention. In order to augment the defense of the United States against a future long-range threat and provide more comprehensive and more rapid protection to our deployed forces and European Allies against the current short- and medium- range threat, President Obama outlined a four-phase approach for European missile defense called the European Phased Adaptive Approach or EPAA. Through the EPAA, the United States will deploy increasingly capable BMD assets to defend Europe against a ballistic missile threat from the Middle East that is increasing both quantitatively and qualitatively.

The EPAA is designed to protect our deployed forces and Allies in Europe, as well as improve protection of the U.S. homeland against potential ICBMs from the Middle East. As part of Phase 1, we have deployed to Turkey a missile defense radar, referred to as the AN/TPY-2 radar in support of NATO’s common missile defense efforts. Also, as part of Phase 1, the United States deployed a BMD-capable Aegis ship to the Mediterranean Sea in March of 2011, and has maintained a BMD-capable ship presence in the region ever since.

Slightly more than a year ago, we reached an agreement with Romania to host a U.S. land-based SM-3 BMD interceptor site, designed to extend missile defense protection to a greater portion of Europe. The land-based SM-3 system to be deployed to Romania is anticipated to become operational in the 2015 timeframe. We also reached an agreement with Poland to place a similar U.S. BMD interceptor site there in the 2018 timeframe, which will extend missile defense protection to all of NATO Europe. Spain has also agreed to host four U.S. Aegis destroyers at the existing naval facility at Rota. These multi-mission ships will support the EPAA as well as other EUCOM and NATO maritime missions.

The Obama Administration is implementing the EPAA within the NATO context. At the 2010 Lisbon Summit, NATO Heads of State and Government approved a new Strategic Concept and took the historic decision to develop the capability to defend NATO European populations and territory against the increasing threat posed by ballistic missile proliferation. The Allies also welcomed the EPAA as a U.S. national contribution to the new NATO territorial missile defense capability, in support of our commitment to the collective defense of the Alliance under Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty.

At the Lisbon Summit, NATO Heads of State and Government also decided to expand the scope of the NATO Active Layered Theatre Ballistic Missile Defense (ALTBMD) program to serve as the command, control, and communications network to support this new capability. NATO allies have committed to investing over $1 billion for command, control, and communications infrastructure to support NATO missile defense. NATO’s plan for missile defense is based on the principle that individual Allies will make voluntary national contributions of the sensors and interceptor systems, BMD capabilities that will be integrated into the NATO ALTBMD C2 backbone. As with any national contribution, Allies are responsible for the costs associated with their own contributions. NATO agreed at Chicago that only the command and control systems of ALTBMD and their expansion to territorial defense are eligible for common funding.

On May 20-21, the NATO Heads of State and Government met in Chicago for the NATO Summit and announced that NATO has achieved an interim BMD capability. This means that the Alliance has an operationally meaningful standing peacetime ballistic missile defense capability. NATO also agreed on the command and control procedures for ballistic missile defense, designated Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) as the commander for this mission, and demonstrated an interoperable command and control capability. As with all of NATO’s operations, full political control by Allies over military actions undertaken pursuant to Interim Capability will be ensured.

To support this interim BMD capability, the United States will offer EPAA assets to the Alliance as voluntary national contributions to the BMD mission, and will welcome contributions by other Allies. For example, President Obama announced in Chicago that he has directed the transfer of the AN/TPY-2 radar deployed in Turkey to NATO operational control. The EPAA also includes BMD-capable Aegis ships that can perform many roles besides BMD. U.S. missile defense-capable ships in Europe are able to operate under NATO operational control when necessary.

These decisions have created a framework for Allies to contribute and optimize their own BMD assets for our collective defense, and the United States welcomes contributions from other Allies. We believe that NATO missile defense will be more effective should Allies decide to provide sensors and interceptors to complement the U.S. EPAA contributions. If Allies should decide to develop their own missile defense capabilities, that would create significant opportunities for European industries. In short, there is absolutely no requirement or assumption that NATO missile defense will be “made in the USA.” The only requirement is that the systems contributed by Allies be interoperable with NATO's missile defense command and control capability. Several NATO Allies possess land- and sea-based sensors that could be linked into the system, as well as lower tier systems that can be integrated and used to provide point defense. For example, the Netherlands has indicated that it will spend close to 250 million Euros to modify the radars on its frigates to detect and track ballistic missiles at long ranges and has indicated it will contribute its Patriot BMD systems to the NATO missile defense mission. There are potentially many more opportunities for joint development and procurement.

Russia
An update on missile defense cooperation with Europe should also include a discussion of our efforts to pursue cooperation with the Russian Federation. Missile defense cooperation with Russia is a Presidential priority, as it has been for several Administrations going back to President George H.W. Bush in the early 1990s.

When President Obama announced his new vision for missile defense in Europe in September 2009, he stated that “we welcome Russia’s cooperation to bring its missile defense capabilities into a broader defense of our common strategic interests.” Missile defense cooperation with Russia will not only strengthen our bilateral and NATO-Russia relationships, but also could enhance NATO’s missile defense capabilities. Successful missile defense cooperation would provide concrete benefits to Russia, our NATO Allies, and the United States and will strengthen – not weaken – strategic stability over the long term.

This means it is important to get the Russian Federation inside the missile defense tent now, working alongside the United States and NATO, while we are in the early stages of our efforts. Close cooperation between Russia and the United States and NATO is the best and most enduring way for Russia to gain the assurance that European missile defenses cannot and will not undermine its strategic deterrent.
Russia is not being asked to blindly trust us. Through cooperation, Russia would see firsthand that this system is designed for the ballistic missile threat from outside the Euro-Atlantic area, and that NATO missile defense systems will not undermine Russia’s strategic nuclear deterrent capabilities. Cooperation would send a strong message to proliferators that the United States, NATO, and Russia are working together to counter their efforts.

That said, Russia has raised the issue of wanting a legal guarantee with a set of “military-technical criteria” that could, in effect, create limitations on our ability to develop and deploy future missile defense systems against regional ballistic missile threats such as those presented by Iran and North Korea. We have made it clear that we cannot and will not accept limitations on our ability to defend ourselves, our allies, and our partners, including where we deploy our BMD-capable Aegis ships. These are multi-mission ships that are used for a variety of purposes around the world, not just for missile defense.

While we seek to develop ways to cooperate with Russia on missile defense, it is important to remember that under the terms of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, NATO alone bears responsibility for defending the Alliance from the ballistic missile threat. This is why the United States and NATO cannot agree to Russia’s proposal for “sectoral” missile defense. Just as Russia must ensure the defense of Russian territory, NATO must ensure the defense of NATO territory. NATO cannot and will not outsource its Article 5 commitments.

We would, however, be willing to agree to a political framework for cooperation that includes a statement that our missile defenses are not oriented toward Russia. Any such statement would publicly proclaim our intent to work together and chart the direction for cooperation.

During the G-20 Meeting in Los Cabos, Mexico, President Obama and President Putin announced in their June 18 Joint Statement that “despite differences in assessments, we have agreed to continue a joint search for solutions to challenges in the field of missile defense.”

The United States looks forward to continuing discussions with the Russian Federation to develop a mutually agreed framework for missile defense cooperation.

I want to close by noting the obvious which is that the worst-case scenario for dealing with missile threats is after a missile has launched. We are taking several steps diplomatically to counter missile proliferation and address missile programs of concern. We are working with the other 33 Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) Partners to create the global standard for controlling the transfer of equipment, software, and technology that could make a contribution to rockets and unmanned aerial vehicles. We also are working to support the efforts of the Hague Code of Conduct Against Ballistic Missile Proliferation (HCOC), and are working through the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) to help partners improve their ability to stop shipments of proliferation concern. Those are just some of the efforts that are ongoing to address missile threats, and while we do this work quietly, these efforts are having an impact.

Conclusion
Let me conclude by saying that today’s ballistic missile threats continue to increase in number and sophistication. This increasing threat reinforces the importance of our collaborative missile defense efforts with allies and partners around the world, which not only strengthen regional stability, but also provide protection for our forces serving abroad and augment the defense of the United States.
Thank you for your time and attention.

DURING CHICAGO NATO SUMMIT THE MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEM WAS DECLARED OPERATIONAL

Photo Credit:  U.S. Air Force 
FROM:  AMERICAN FORCES PRESS SERVICE
NATO Declares Missile Defense System Operational
By Cheryl Pellerin
CHICAGO, May 20, 2012 - During its first session at the 25th NATO Summit here today, the alliance's senior governing body declared operational the missile defense system it endorsed at its November 2010 summit in Lisbon, Portugal, NATO's secretary general said.

During a news conference following the North Atlantic Council session, Anders Fogh Rasmussen characterized the accomplishment as true trans-Atlantic teamwork.
"We call this an interim capability, ... the first step toward our long-term goal of providing full coverage and protection for all NATO European populations, territory and forces," Rasmussen said.

"Our system will link together missile defense assets from different allies -- satellites, ships, radars and interceptors -- under NATO command and control," he added. "It will allow us to defend against threats from outside the Euro-Atlantic area."

The secretary general described the culture of cooperation in NATO as "smart defense," in which countries work together to develop capabilities they could not develop on their own.

"We already have some good examples," he said, noting that NATO allies share the job of patrolling airspace in the Balkan states.

"This means our Baltic allies can focus their resources in other critical areas, such as deployable forces for Afghanistan," he said. "This is why we have agreed that NATO will provide continuous air policing for the Baltic states."

The council also agreed today to acquire an alliance ground surveillance capability that uses unarmed drones to provide crucial intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance information to military commanders who must monitor developing situations and identify potential threats.

"During our operation to protect the people of Libya, we learned how important it is to have the best possible intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance." Rasmussen said. "So we realized that we need more of this capability. We are now filling that gap."

According to a White House fact sheet, a group of 14 allies has agreed to acquire five unmanned aerial vehicles and their command-and-control ground stations. Participating allies are Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and the United States.

NATO will operate and maintain the system on behalf of the alliance, with common funding from all 28 allies, the fact sheet said.

The council also approved a package of more than 20 multinational projects to provide capabilities at an affordable price for NATO, the secretary general said. These include a project among several allies to jointly acquire remote-controlled robots that can clear deadly roadside bombs, he said. Another group of allies will pool their maritime patrol aircraft to efficiently provide more awareness of activities on the sea.

"Within NATO we have also agreed that our forces will step up exercises, training and education, including with our partners, so they can preserve the skills they've mastered in operations," Rasmussen added.

At the 2010 Lisbon summit, NATO leaders adopted a strategic concept that committed NATO to meeting security challenges of the 21st century, from terrorism to ballistic missile and cyber attacks to nuclear proliferation, White House officials said.

At this summit, NATO's leadership outlined a vision of how NATO will maintain the capabilities it needs. A new document titled "NATO Forces 2020" helps to set NATO's priorities for investing in capabilities over the next decade.

The framework calls for realistic efforts to maintain and develop multinational capabilities despite defense budget cuts in the United States and Europe, White House officials said. It also institutionalizes lessons learned from recent and current operations, ensures that NATO can maintain interoperability among allies and with partners, and identifies critical capabilities gaps.

"Our goal," the secretary general said, is ... an alliance that deals with the economic challenges of today and is prepared for the security challenges of the future."