FROM: U.S. DEFENSE DEPARTMENT
CONTRACTS
AIR FORCE
Lockheed Martin Corp., Newton, Pa., has been awarded a $245,778,905 modification (P00286) to cost-plus-incentive-fee contract FA8807-08-C-0010 to exercise the option for additional Global Positioning System III Space Vehicles 07 and 08. Work will be performed in Littleton, Colo., with an expected completion date of April 1, 2018 for Space Vehicle 07 and Oct. 1, 2018 for Space Vehicle 08. Fiscal 2014 procurement funds in the amount of $17,149,000 will be obligated on award. The Space and Missile Systems Center, Los Angeles Air Force Base, Calif., is the contracting activity.
Raytheon Missile Systems, Tucson, Ariz., has been awarded a $7,631,396 cost-plus-fixed-fee modification (P00028) to contract FA8675-11-C-0030 for production cut-in of an Advanced Range Telemetry (ARTM) transmitter into the AIM-120 Advanced Medium Range Air-to-Air Missile. The contract modification facilitates the cut-in of an advanced range telemetry transmitter into future production; including updates to all test equipment and technical documentation, approval from the test and safety community, as well as necessary updates to the depot repair infrastructure. Work will be performed in Tucson, Ariz., and is expected to be completed by Nov. 30, 2015. Fiscal 2013 Air Force procurement funds in the amount $6,431,396 and fiscal 2013 Navy procurement funds in the amount of $1,200,000 will be obligated at award. Air Force Life Cycle Management Center/EBAK, Eglin Air Force Base, Fla., is the contracting activity.
DEFENSE LOGISTICS AGENCY
Federal Contracts Corp.*, Tampa, Fla., has been awarded a maximum $87,500,000 fixed-price with economic-price-adjustment contract for the procurement of commercial type agricultural equipment. This contract is a competitive acquisition, and nine offers were received. This contract is one of up to five contracts being issued against solicitation number SPM8EC-11-R-0008 and will be competed amongst other contractors who receive a contract under this solicitation. Request for quotations will be issued to all five and the resulting contract delivery order(s) will be awarded to the offeror with the lowest price that is technically acceptable. This is a five-year base contract. Locations of performance are Florida, Minnesota, and France with a March 30, 2019 performance completion date. Using military services are Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and federal civilian agencies. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 through fiscal 2019 defense working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Troop Support, Philadelphia, Pa., (SPE8EC-14-D-0008).
Raytheon Co., Andover, Mass., has been awarded a maximum $6,880,715 firm-fixed-price contract for circuit card assemblies and electronic components. This is a sole-source acquisition. This is a five-year base contract with no option periods. Location of performance is Massachusetts with an April 30, 2019 performance completion date. Using military service is Army. Type of appropriation is fiscal 2014 through fiscal 2019 Army working capital funds. The contracting activity is the Defense Logistics Agency Aviation, Redstone Arsenal, Ala., (SPRRA2-14-D-0002).
ARMY
Oshkosh Corp., Oshkosh, Wis., was awarded a $47,655,674 modification (000729) to contract W56HZV-09-D-0159 to acquire 231 medium tactical vehicles. Fiscal 2012 other procurement funds in the amount of $47,655,674 were obligated at the time of the award. Estimated completion date is Aug. 31, 2015. Work will be performed in Oshkosh, Wis. Army Contracting Command, Warren, Mich., is the contracting activity.
Laughin, Marinaccio & Owens Inc., Arlington, Va., was awarded a $20,769,673 firm-fixed-price contract for Air National Guard recruiting and retention programs. Fiscal 2014 operations and maintenance, Army funds in the amount of $20,769,673 were obligated at the time of the award. Estimated completion date is March 31, 2015. This is a sole-source acquisition. Work will be performed in Arlington, Va. National Guard Bureau, Arlington, Va., is the contracting activity (W9133L-14-C-0023).
General Dynamics Information Technology, Fairfax, Va., has been awarded a $12,414,345 modification (P00010) to exercise option year two on cost-plus-fixed-fee contract W91RUS-12-C-0011. The contractor shall provide the 160th Signal Brigade and subordinate units staff support in the areas of administrative support, operations support and logistics support within the Central Command area of responsibility. Work will be performed in Kuwait, Afghanistan and Qatar with an estimated completion date of March 31, 2015. Fiscal 2014 overseas contingency operations funds in the amount of $12,414,345 are being obligated at award. Army Contracting Command – Netcom Branch, Fort Huachuca, Ariz., is the contracting activity.
Boro Developers Inc., doing business as Boro Construction, King of Prussia, Pa., was awarded an $11,894,900 firm-fixed-price contract for the construction of a consolidated dining facility at Fort Dix, N.J. Fiscal 2014 military construction funds in the amount of $11,894,900 were obligated at the time of the award. Estimated completion date is Sept. 30, 2015. Bids were solicited via the Internet with 11 received. Work will be performed at Fort Dix, N.J. Army Corps of Engineers, Louisville, Ky., is the contracting activity (W912QR-14-C-0015).
Raytheon IDS, Andover, Mass., was awarded an $8,254,244 modification (P00008) to foreign military sales contract W31P4Q-13-C-0111 for the repair and return of PATRIOT missile parts pertaining to Israel, Kuwait, Taiwan, Japan, Saudi Arabia, South Korea, Holland and the United Arab Emirates. Fiscal 2014 procurement funds in the amount of $8,239,097 and fiscal 2013 procurement funds in the amount of $15,147 were obligated at the time of the award. Estimated completion date is June 30, 2015. Work will be performed in Andover, Mass. Army Contracting Command, Redstone Arsenal, Ala., is the contracting activity.
NAVY
Engility Corp., Chantilly, Va., is being awarded a $36,550,954 cost-plus-fixed-fee contract for systems engineering and technical services in support of the Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division’s Software Engineering and Acquisition Management Division. This contract includes systems integration and software development, platform simulation, integration and laboratory engineering, and software engineering. These services are in support of the U.S. Navy and governments of Australia, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, Germany, Japan, Norway, Pakistan, South Korea, and Thailand. Work will be performed in Patuxent River, Md., and is expected to be completed in January 2015. Navy working capital funds in the amount of $620,000 are being obligated on this award, none of which will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was not competitively procured pursuant to FAR 6.302-1. This contract combines purchases for the U.S. Navy ($32,895,854; 90 percent) and the governments of Australia ($365,510; 1 percent); Brazil ($365,510; 1 percent); Canada ($365,510; 1 percent); Denmark ($365,510; 1 percent); Germany ($365,510; 1 percent); Japan ($365,510; 1 percent); Norway ($365,510; 1 percent); Pakistan ($365,510; 1 percent); South Korea ($365,510; 1 percent); and Thailand ($365,510; 1 percent) under the Foreign Military Sales Program. The Naval Air Warfare Center Aircraft Division, Patuxent River, Md., is the contracting activity (N00421-14-C-0021).
General Dynamics Bath Iron Works, Bath, Maine, is being awarded a $24,374,445 modification to previously awarded fixed-price incentive contract (N00024-11-C-2306) to exercise an option for DDG 1000 class services. This contract modification provides additional class services associated with the detail design and construction of DDG 1000 class ships. This work will provide technical and industrial engineering in the interpretation and application of the detail design to support construction and the maintenance of the ship design. Work will be performed in Bath, Maine, and is expected to be completed by September 2014. Fiscal 2014 shipbuilding and conversion, Navy contract funds in the amount of $24,374,445 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity.
BAE Systems, Land & Armaments L.P., Minneapolis, Minn., is being awarded a $21,080,510 modification to previously awarded contract (N00024-13-C-5314) to exercise options for fiscal 2014 MK 41 Vertical Launching System canister production requirements. The contractor will provide a quantity of 66 MK 14 MOD 2 canisters, a quantity of 66 MK14 MOD 2 GFE upgrades, and a quantity of 52 MK 21 MOD 2 canisters, with associated coding plug assemblies, explosive bolts, and impulse cartridge assemblies in support of MK 41 VLS canister production requirements. Work will be performed in Aberdeen, S.D. (87 percent), and Minneapolis, Minn. (13 percent), and is expected to be completed by June 2016. Fiscal 2014 weapons procurement, Navy contract funds in the amount of $21,080,510 will be obligated at time of award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity.
Lockheed Martin Maritime Systems and Sensors, Moorestown N.J., is being awarded a $13,697,367 modification to previously awarded contract (N00024-09-C-5103) to exercise contract options and incrementally fund the Aegis Platform Systems Engineering Agent (PSEA) activities and Aegis Modernization Advanced Capability Build (ACB) engineering. The Aegis PSEA manages the in-service combat systems configurations as well as the integration of new or upgraded capability into the CG57 Class of ships and the DDG 51 Class of ships. Aegis Modernization will provide upgrades to Aegis cruisers and Aegis destroyers and will be applicable to all Aegis ships with a computer program that is backfit compatible to Baseline 2 cruisers. Work will be performed in Moorestown, N.J., and is expected to be completed by September 2015. Fiscal 2014 research, development, test, and evaluation; fiscal 2014 defense procurement and fiscal 2014 operations and maintenance, Navy funds in the amount of $13,697,367 will be obligated at time of award. Contract funds in the amount of $200,000 will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Sea Systems Command, Washington, D.C., is the contracting activity.
EJB Facilities Services, Arlington, Va., is being awarded a $9,546,811 modification under a previously awarded firm-fixed-price, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract (N44255-05-D-5103) to exercise option eight for base operations support at various installations in the Naval Facilities Engineering Command (NAVFAC) Northwest area of responsibility (AOR). The work to be performed provides for, but is not limited to, all management and administration, visual services, security, housing, facilities support (excluding grounds and janitorial services), pavement clearance, utilities, base support vehicles and equipment, and environmental services. The total contract amount after exercise of this modification will be $555,939,429. Work will be performed at various installations in the NAVFAC Northwest AOR including but not limited to, Washington (95 percent), Alaska (1 percent), Idaho (1 percent), Montana (1 percent), Oregon (1 percent), and Wyoming (1 percent), and work is expected to be completed May 2014. Fiscal 2014 operations and maintenance, Navy; fiscal 2014 Navy working capital funds; fiscal 2014 defense health program funds; and fiscal 2014 non-appropriated funds in the amount of $7,688,768 are obligated on this award and will not expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Facilities Engineering Command, Northwest, Silverdale, Wash., is the contracting activity.
Raytheon Co., Tucson, Ariz., is being awarded an $8,908,069 modification to a previously awarded firm-fixed-price contract (N00019-12-C-2000) for the implementation, certification and integration of a replacement Input/Output (I/O) Circuit Card Assembly (CCA) into the current production Satellite Data Link Transceiver (SDLT) due to the obsolescence of the Field Programmable Gate Array. This modification includes I/O CCA-level and SDLT assembly level integration and qualification to verify that a SDLT updated with a replaced I/O CCA meets all requirements. The SDLT is used for data communications between the missile and missile/strike controller via satellite. Work will be performed in Tucson, Ariz. (66.5 percent) and Fort Wayne, Ind. (33.5 percent); and is expected to be completed in July 2016. Fiscal 2012 weapons procurement, Navy funds in the amount of $8,908,069 are being obligated on this award, all of which will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. The Naval Air Systems Command, Patuxent River, Md., is the contracting activity.
WASHINGTON HEADQUARTERS SERVICES
NetCentrics Corp., Herndon, Va., is being awarded a $33,042,835 modification to firm-fixed-price contract (HQ0034-11-D-0002) for information technology operations front office support for the Office of the Secretary of Defense, Washington Headquarters Services (WHS), WHS-supported organizations, Pentagon Force Protection Agency, Office of General Counsel, the Defense Legal Services Agency and the Central Adjudication facility, and the Office of Military Commissions. Work will be performed in Arlington, Va., with an expected completion date of March 31, 2015. Fiscal 2014 operations and maintenance funds in the amount of $33,042,835 are being obligated on this award and will expire at the end of the current fiscal year. This contract was competitively procured, with two proposals received. WHS, Arlington, Va., is the contracting activity.
MISSILE DEFENSE AGENCY
Lockheed Martin Mission Systems and Training, Moorestown, N.J., has been awarded a $20,112,266 modification (P00136) to contract HQ0276-10-C-0001 for procurement of necessary material, equipment, supplies to conduct the technical engineering to define, develop, integrate and test Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense 5.0 capability upgrade baseline for Navy Destroyers. Work will be performed at Moorestown, N.J., with an expected completion date of June 30, 2014. Fiscal 2014 research, development, test and evaluation funds in the amount of $20,112,266 are being obligated at time of award. The Missile Defense Agency, Dahlgren, Va. is the contracting activity.
*Small Business
Monday, March 31, 2014
RECENT U.S. NAVY PHOTOS
FROM: U.S. NAVY
140327-N-EI510-017 RED SEA (March 27, 2014) The Ticonderoga-class guided-missile cruiser USS San Jacinto (CG 56) transits alongside the Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyer USS Truxtun (DDG 103), not shown. Truxtun is deployed as part of the George H.W. Bush Carrier Strike Group on a scheduled deployment supporting maritime security operations and theater security cooperation efforts in the U.S. 5th Fleet area of responsibility. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Scott Barnes/Released).
140318-N-RB579-356 ICE CAMP NAUTILUS (March 18, 2014) The Los Angeles-class attack submarine USS Hampton (SSN 767) surfaces at Ice Camp Nautilus, located on a sheet of ice adrift on the Arctic Ocean, during Ice Exercise (ICEX) 2014. ICEX 2014 is a U.S. Navy exercise highlighting submarine capabilities in an arctic environment. U.S. Navy photo courtesy of Lockheed Martin by Dr.
ASSISTANT AG MASON'S REMARKS AT NATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON CHILD ABUSE
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Justice Programs Karol V. Mason Delivers Remarks at the 30th National Symposium on Child Abuse
~ Tuesday, March 25, 2014
Thank you, Chris [Newlin]. I’m delighted to be here in Huntsville and thrilled to join this large and distinguished group of child-serving professionals. It’s inspiring to see the number of people from all over the country and around the world – and from across many disciplines – who work so hard every day to protect our children. I bring you the Attorney General’s gratitude for the incredible work you all do.
I want to thank Chris, in particular, for his wonderful hospitality. As a fellow southerner, I feel right at home. As I’m sure everyone here knows, Chris is an amazing advocate for the work you all do and someone who cares deeply about the safety and health of America’s kids. Thank you, Chris, for your terrific leadership and for all you do on behalf of our children.
And let me thank Marilyn Grundy, as well. I know Marilyn has been the chief organizer of this conference for about a quarter of a century. Judging by the number of people who come to Huntsville year after year, not to mention the impressive range of topics being covered, she has once again done us all – and all of America – a great service.
Finally, I want to recognize one of my own colleagues at the Office of Justice Programs. Many of you know Lou Ann Holland from our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. She is the program manager responsible for our work with children’s advocacy centers, and she joins me on the dais. I want you all to know that she is one of the stalwart supporters of child advocacy centers in the federal government. You could have no better friend in Washington.
I want to say how proud I am to be with you today. I have long been a supporter of the work of our nation’s child advocacy centers, and I know what an incredible asset they have been to child welfare and public safety in America. It’s hard not to be a fan of the work you all do. Your mission is to help children who have suffered negligence, mistreatment, and abuse, and to get them through the worst times they will ever experience in their young lives. This is a tall order, and a great deal is expected of you – but you have risen to the challenge.
Thanks to your efforts, kids across the country who are brought into contact with our child protective and justice systems are getting the services they need to deal with the trauma they’ve experienced. They are receiving access to critical medical care. They are benefitting from more coordinated and more efficient case management and processing. In cases of child sexual abuse, they are seeing speedier filing decisions and much higher prosecution rates. And they are less afraid of being interviewed and of other aspects of the process – which is, in my view, one of the most important markers.
You are taking care of our kids when others have failed them. You play a vital role, and I, for one, am proud to be your partner. Last year, we awarded more than $5 million to the National Children’s Advocacy Center and to the four regional child advocacy Centers, and we made additional funding through the National Children’s Alliance to support local child advocacy centers and accreditation programs.
More funding will be available this year, and I am also pleased that President Obama’s budget request for next year includes $11 million for programs to support responses to child maltreatment. This funding will potentially provide critical operational assistance to child advocacy centers and valuable training and technical assistance that will further strengthen the multidisciplinary response to child abuse cases.
We are standing with you because we share an important goal: an America where all children live without the threat of harm and where those who have encountered violence and abuse have the support and resources they need to survive and thrive.
This is a top priority of mine and of the Attorney General’s. Since his days as a prosecutor, Eric Holder has recognized the terrible impact of violence, trauma, and abuse on children and the importance of coordinating our response to these cases. As Deputy Attorney General under Janet Reno, he launched an initiative called Safe Start, which was designed to reduce the impact of children’s exposure to violence.
When he took office as Attorney General in 2009, he picked up where he left off. In response to a study released that year by our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, he was determined to muster all available resources to address this problem head on. And so he launched an effort called Defending Childhood.
The goal of Defending Childhood is fairly straightforward: To improve our understanding of the impact of children’s exposure to violence and to turn that knowledge into workable strategies and effective programs. In other words, we’re working to find evidence-based approaches that will counter the effects of violence in children.
This work comes at a critical time. The study I mentioned a moment ago showed the astonishing prevalence of violence in the lives of America’s children. More than 60 percent – that’s six-zero – of kids in the United States are exposed to some form of violence, crime, or abuse, ranging from brief encounters as witnesses to serious violent episodes as victims. Almost 40 percent are direct victims of 2 or more violent acts.
I think you’ll all agree that these numbers are alarming and unacceptable. Attorney General Holder put it best when he said that kids are “living with violence at rates that we, as adults, would never tolerate.”
I don’t have to tell any of you that the consequences of this exposure can be serious. It can lead to poor performance in school. It can lead to drug and alcohol abuse. It can lead to long-term physical and psychological harm. And it can lead to involvement with the juvenile and criminal justice systems. And that’s not even the full story. A growing body of research in developmental psychology and neuroscience is showing us that trauma does great harm to the brain and can have life-long consequences. Kids who are exposed to violence have higher rates of heart disease, obesity, diabetes, and other physical issues. They’re at greater risk of future victimization and suicide. Exposure to violence damages a child's DNA the way smoking or radiation exposure does, which means it can significantly shorten one’s life.
And this damage extends beyond the individual children who are affected. We all feel the effects in rising healthcare, criminal justice, and other public costs. And violence robs us of a future generation of leaders. This is a significant public safety problem that is fast becoming a serious public health problem – and it requires a full-throated response.
The good news is that we know that kids are resilient. When met with the proper response, they are capable of overcoming the challenges that violence presents. The key is to intervene with effective programs and as early as possible. Under Defending Childhood, we’re supporting demonstration programs to help build our base of evidence about what works, and we’re supporting research that will give us the scientific knowledge we need to improve our collective response.
One of the key elements of Defending Childhood was a national task force that held hearings across the country and examined the research on children’s exposure to violence. The task force, which was co-chaired by Joe Torre and Bob Listenbee, who is now the Administrator of our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention and one of the most dedicated child advocates you’ll ever meet, produced a report with 56 recommendations for researchers and policymakers and practitioners at all levels.
A theme echoed throughout the report is the need for trauma-informed care for those who experience violence – in other words, responses that take into account triggers of trauma and that work to avoid re-traumatizing those being served. Given the emphasis on this approach, it should come as no surprise that many of the recommendations have implications for child advocacy centers. This is further evidence that the work done by the people in this room is vital to the safety and well-being of our nation’s children.
It also recognizes the vast scope of your efforts. Here in the U.S., child advocacy centers served more than 293,000 children in 2013 alone. Centers reach kids in 19 countries and in every corner of the United States, from the most populated urban centers to the smallest rural communities.
I’m especially grateful for the work being done in underserved areas like Indian country. One of the major findings of the National Task Force on Children’s Exposure to Violence was the need for more work to understand and respond to children in tribal communities.
Rates of crime and violence in some tribal areas are alarmingly high, and while current research doesn’t give us a complete picture of the scope of violence among native children, we have some evidence to show that they are particularly vulnerable. A 2008 report by the Indian Country Child Trauma Center calculated that native youth are two-and-a-half times more likely to experience trauma when compared with their non-native peers.
Because relatively little is known about violence against American Indian and Alaska Native children and because what we do know is of great concern, the Attorney General appointed a new task force specifically to study this issue. That task force is now holding hearings throughout the country, addressing issues such as the impact of child sexual abuse, the intersection between child maltreatment and domestic violence, and the impact of the juvenile justice system.
In conjunction with the most recent hearing in Arizona, my staff and members of the task force had the opportunity to visit a terrific child advocacy center in the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community. The center is run by a real dynamo named Sheri Freemont, who’s the former chief tribal prosecutor.
The center is a wonderful example of coordinated, culturally-oriented services. The environment is child-friendly. The advocates are steeped in trauma-informed care. They handle all interviews on-site. They use technology to maximize information access. And their approach is built on both traditional values and evidence-based methods.
Ms. Freemont is an outstanding spokesperson for the child advocacy community. Her testimony before the task force emphasized the important work done by child and family advocacy centers and multidisciplinary teams. Hearing her, it was clear that, although there’s a great deal of work to be done, there is no shortage of energy and commitment on the part of our tribal partners.
We must apply that same level of energy and commitment to all the children we serve. This goes especially for children living in disadvantaged communities, a disproportionate number of whom are children of color. Our intervention with these kids is critical because it can mean the difference between a life of frustration and disappointment and one characterized by opportunity.
The President is committed to seeing that minority youth have the same chance to succeed as everyone else and that their chances of success extend into their teenage and adult years. Last month, he announced a new initiative called My Brother’s Keeper, which is designed to support young men of color who are willing to work hard and play by the rules. He’s asked for support from businesses and philanthropies and he’s directed federal agencies to focus on ways we can improve opportunities for these young men.
My Brother’s Keeper is a natural next step in the work so many of you are already doing – meeting the needs of disadvantaged young people and helping them overcome the obstacles that have been placed in their way.
We know this is a huge challenge. Thousands of children – in communities across America – are in need of your services, and your response will help determine the course of their future, whether it will be one darkened by the violence and abuse they have experienced or one lit by the care and hope you provide.
I have no doubt, knowing the work each of you is doing already, that we are capable of great things. I know that we have a strong and ever-growing community of advocates striving diligently every day to help children in need. And I am confident that, working together, sharing ideas, and supporting one another, we will create a brighter future for the children who come into our nation’s child advocacy centers.
Thank you for your time, and thank you for your service to America’s children.
Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Justice Programs Karol V. Mason Delivers Remarks at the 30th National Symposium on Child Abuse
~ Tuesday, March 25, 2014
Thank you, Chris [Newlin]. I’m delighted to be here in Huntsville and thrilled to join this large and distinguished group of child-serving professionals. It’s inspiring to see the number of people from all over the country and around the world – and from across many disciplines – who work so hard every day to protect our children. I bring you the Attorney General’s gratitude for the incredible work you all do.
I want to thank Chris, in particular, for his wonderful hospitality. As a fellow southerner, I feel right at home. As I’m sure everyone here knows, Chris is an amazing advocate for the work you all do and someone who cares deeply about the safety and health of America’s kids. Thank you, Chris, for your terrific leadership and for all you do on behalf of our children.
And let me thank Marilyn Grundy, as well. I know Marilyn has been the chief organizer of this conference for about a quarter of a century. Judging by the number of people who come to Huntsville year after year, not to mention the impressive range of topics being covered, she has once again done us all – and all of America – a great service.
Finally, I want to recognize one of my own colleagues at the Office of Justice Programs. Many of you know Lou Ann Holland from our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. She is the program manager responsible for our work with children’s advocacy centers, and she joins me on the dais. I want you all to know that she is one of the stalwart supporters of child advocacy centers in the federal government. You could have no better friend in Washington.
I want to say how proud I am to be with you today. I have long been a supporter of the work of our nation’s child advocacy centers, and I know what an incredible asset they have been to child welfare and public safety in America. It’s hard not to be a fan of the work you all do. Your mission is to help children who have suffered negligence, mistreatment, and abuse, and to get them through the worst times they will ever experience in their young lives. This is a tall order, and a great deal is expected of you – but you have risen to the challenge.
Thanks to your efforts, kids across the country who are brought into contact with our child protective and justice systems are getting the services they need to deal with the trauma they’ve experienced. They are receiving access to critical medical care. They are benefitting from more coordinated and more efficient case management and processing. In cases of child sexual abuse, they are seeing speedier filing decisions and much higher prosecution rates. And they are less afraid of being interviewed and of other aspects of the process – which is, in my view, one of the most important markers.
You are taking care of our kids when others have failed them. You play a vital role, and I, for one, am proud to be your partner. Last year, we awarded more than $5 million to the National Children’s Advocacy Center and to the four regional child advocacy Centers, and we made additional funding through the National Children’s Alliance to support local child advocacy centers and accreditation programs.
More funding will be available this year, and I am also pleased that President Obama’s budget request for next year includes $11 million for programs to support responses to child maltreatment. This funding will potentially provide critical operational assistance to child advocacy centers and valuable training and technical assistance that will further strengthen the multidisciplinary response to child abuse cases.
We are standing with you because we share an important goal: an America where all children live without the threat of harm and where those who have encountered violence and abuse have the support and resources they need to survive and thrive.
This is a top priority of mine and of the Attorney General’s. Since his days as a prosecutor, Eric Holder has recognized the terrible impact of violence, trauma, and abuse on children and the importance of coordinating our response to these cases. As Deputy Attorney General under Janet Reno, he launched an initiative called Safe Start, which was designed to reduce the impact of children’s exposure to violence.
When he took office as Attorney General in 2009, he picked up where he left off. In response to a study released that year by our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, he was determined to muster all available resources to address this problem head on. And so he launched an effort called Defending Childhood.
The goal of Defending Childhood is fairly straightforward: To improve our understanding of the impact of children’s exposure to violence and to turn that knowledge into workable strategies and effective programs. In other words, we’re working to find evidence-based approaches that will counter the effects of violence in children.
This work comes at a critical time. The study I mentioned a moment ago showed the astonishing prevalence of violence in the lives of America’s children. More than 60 percent – that’s six-zero – of kids in the United States are exposed to some form of violence, crime, or abuse, ranging from brief encounters as witnesses to serious violent episodes as victims. Almost 40 percent are direct victims of 2 or more violent acts.
I think you’ll all agree that these numbers are alarming and unacceptable. Attorney General Holder put it best when he said that kids are “living with violence at rates that we, as adults, would never tolerate.”
I don’t have to tell any of you that the consequences of this exposure can be serious. It can lead to poor performance in school. It can lead to drug and alcohol abuse. It can lead to long-term physical and psychological harm. And it can lead to involvement with the juvenile and criminal justice systems. And that’s not even the full story. A growing body of research in developmental psychology and neuroscience is showing us that trauma does great harm to the brain and can have life-long consequences. Kids who are exposed to violence have higher rates of heart disease, obesity, diabetes, and other physical issues. They’re at greater risk of future victimization and suicide. Exposure to violence damages a child's DNA the way smoking or radiation exposure does, which means it can significantly shorten one’s life.
And this damage extends beyond the individual children who are affected. We all feel the effects in rising healthcare, criminal justice, and other public costs. And violence robs us of a future generation of leaders. This is a significant public safety problem that is fast becoming a serious public health problem – and it requires a full-throated response.
The good news is that we know that kids are resilient. When met with the proper response, they are capable of overcoming the challenges that violence presents. The key is to intervene with effective programs and as early as possible. Under Defending Childhood, we’re supporting demonstration programs to help build our base of evidence about what works, and we’re supporting research that will give us the scientific knowledge we need to improve our collective response.
One of the key elements of Defending Childhood was a national task force that held hearings across the country and examined the research on children’s exposure to violence. The task force, which was co-chaired by Joe Torre and Bob Listenbee, who is now the Administrator of our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention and one of the most dedicated child advocates you’ll ever meet, produced a report with 56 recommendations for researchers and policymakers and practitioners at all levels.
A theme echoed throughout the report is the need for trauma-informed care for those who experience violence – in other words, responses that take into account triggers of trauma and that work to avoid re-traumatizing those being served. Given the emphasis on this approach, it should come as no surprise that many of the recommendations have implications for child advocacy centers. This is further evidence that the work done by the people in this room is vital to the safety and well-being of our nation’s children.
It also recognizes the vast scope of your efforts. Here in the U.S., child advocacy centers served more than 293,000 children in 2013 alone. Centers reach kids in 19 countries and in every corner of the United States, from the most populated urban centers to the smallest rural communities.
I’m especially grateful for the work being done in underserved areas like Indian country. One of the major findings of the National Task Force on Children’s Exposure to Violence was the need for more work to understand and respond to children in tribal communities.
Rates of crime and violence in some tribal areas are alarmingly high, and while current research doesn’t give us a complete picture of the scope of violence among native children, we have some evidence to show that they are particularly vulnerable. A 2008 report by the Indian Country Child Trauma Center calculated that native youth are two-and-a-half times more likely to experience trauma when compared with their non-native peers.
Because relatively little is known about violence against American Indian and Alaska Native children and because what we do know is of great concern, the Attorney General appointed a new task force specifically to study this issue. That task force is now holding hearings throughout the country, addressing issues such as the impact of child sexual abuse, the intersection between child maltreatment and domestic violence, and the impact of the juvenile justice system.
In conjunction with the most recent hearing in Arizona, my staff and members of the task force had the opportunity to visit a terrific child advocacy center in the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community. The center is run by a real dynamo named Sheri Freemont, who’s the former chief tribal prosecutor.
The center is a wonderful example of coordinated, culturally-oriented services. The environment is child-friendly. The advocates are steeped in trauma-informed care. They handle all interviews on-site. They use technology to maximize information access. And their approach is built on both traditional values and evidence-based methods.
Ms. Freemont is an outstanding spokesperson for the child advocacy community. Her testimony before the task force emphasized the important work done by child and family advocacy centers and multidisciplinary teams. Hearing her, it was clear that, although there’s a great deal of work to be done, there is no shortage of energy and commitment on the part of our tribal partners.
We must apply that same level of energy and commitment to all the children we serve. This goes especially for children living in disadvantaged communities, a disproportionate number of whom are children of color. Our intervention with these kids is critical because it can mean the difference between a life of frustration and disappointment and one characterized by opportunity.
The President is committed to seeing that minority youth have the same chance to succeed as everyone else and that their chances of success extend into their teenage and adult years. Last month, he announced a new initiative called My Brother’s Keeper, which is designed to support young men of color who are willing to work hard and play by the rules. He’s asked for support from businesses and philanthropies and he’s directed federal agencies to focus on ways we can improve opportunities for these young men.
My Brother’s Keeper is a natural next step in the work so many of you are already doing – meeting the needs of disadvantaged young people and helping them overcome the obstacles that have been placed in their way.
We know this is a huge challenge. Thousands of children – in communities across America – are in need of your services, and your response will help determine the course of their future, whether it will be one darkened by the violence and abuse they have experienced or one lit by the care and hope you provide.
I have no doubt, knowing the work each of you is doing already, that we are capable of great things. I know that we have a strong and ever-growing community of advocates striving diligently every day to help children in need. And I am confident that, working together, sharing ideas, and supporting one another, we will create a brighter future for the children who come into our nation’s child advocacy centers.
Thank you for your time, and thank you for your service to America’s children.
CDC SAYS STUDY SHOWS FLU VACCINE REDUCED CHILDREN'S FLU INTENSIVE CARE ADMISSIONS
FROM: CENTERS FOR DISEASE CONTROL AND PREVENTION
New Study Shows Flu Vaccine Reduced Children’s Risk of Intensive Care Unit Flu Admission by Three-Fourths
Getting a flu vaccine reduces a child’s risk of flu-related intensive care hospitalization by 74 percent, according to a CDC study published today in the Journal of Infectious DiseasesExternal Web Site Icon.
The study is the first to estimate vaccine effectiveness (VE) against flu admissions to pediatric intensive care units (PICU). It illustrates the important protection flu vaccine can provide to children against more serious flu outcomes. CDC recommends annual flu vaccination for everyone 6 months and older and especially for children at high risk of serious flu-related complications.
“These study results underscore the importance of an annual flu vaccination, which can keep your child from ending up in the intensive care unit,” said Dr. Alicia Fry, a medical officer in CDC’s Influenza Division. “It is extremely important that all children – especially children at high risk of flu complications – are protected from what can be a life-threatening illness."
Children younger than 5 years and children of any age with certain chronic medical conditions like asthma, diabetes or developmental delays, are at high risk of serious flu complications.
Fry’s team analyzed the medical records of 216 children age 6 months through 17 years admitted to 21 PICUs in the United States during the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 flu seasons. They found that flu vaccination reduced a child's risk of ending up in the pediatric intensive care unit for flu by an estimated 74 percent. These findings show that while vaccination may not always prevent flu illness, it protects against more serious outcomes.
Though flu vaccination was associated with a significant reduction in risk of PICU admission, flu vaccine coverage was relatively low among the children in this study: only 18 percent of flu cases admitted to the ICU had been fully vaccinated.
More than half (55 percent) of cases had at least one underlying chronic medical condition that placed them at higher risk of serious flu-related complications.
CDC usually measures flu VE against “medically attended flu illness” – that is, how well it protects against having to go to the doctor for flu symptoms. During the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 seasons, the midpoint VE estimates against medically attended illness were 60 percent and 47 percent respectively.
"Because some people who get vaccinated may still get sick, it's important to remember to use our second line of defense against flu: antiviral drugs to treat flu illness,” Fry said. “People at high risk of complications should seek treatment if they get a flu-like illness. Their doctors may prescribe antiviral drugs if it looks like they have influenza."
Symptoms of flu may include fever, cough, sore throat, runny or stuffy nose, body aches, headache, chills, and sometimes diarrhea and vomiting.
Flu causes hospitalizations in children each season, but how many children are affected varies, depending on the severity of the season. CDC estimates that 20,000 children younger than 5 years are hospitalized on average each year. For children younger than 18 years, published studies suggest an annual range of flu-related hospitalization rates of between one child and seven children per 10,000 children. Between 4 percent and 24 percent of hospitalized children require PICU admission.
New Study Shows Flu Vaccine Reduced Children’s Risk of Intensive Care Unit Flu Admission by Three-Fourths
Getting a flu vaccine reduces a child’s risk of flu-related intensive care hospitalization by 74 percent, according to a CDC study published today in the Journal of Infectious DiseasesExternal Web Site Icon.
The study is the first to estimate vaccine effectiveness (VE) against flu admissions to pediatric intensive care units (PICU). It illustrates the important protection flu vaccine can provide to children against more serious flu outcomes. CDC recommends annual flu vaccination for everyone 6 months and older and especially for children at high risk of serious flu-related complications.
“These study results underscore the importance of an annual flu vaccination, which can keep your child from ending up in the intensive care unit,” said Dr. Alicia Fry, a medical officer in CDC’s Influenza Division. “It is extremely important that all children – especially children at high risk of flu complications – are protected from what can be a life-threatening illness."
Children younger than 5 years and children of any age with certain chronic medical conditions like asthma, diabetes or developmental delays, are at high risk of serious flu complications.
Fry’s team analyzed the medical records of 216 children age 6 months through 17 years admitted to 21 PICUs in the United States during the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 flu seasons. They found that flu vaccination reduced a child's risk of ending up in the pediatric intensive care unit for flu by an estimated 74 percent. These findings show that while vaccination may not always prevent flu illness, it protects against more serious outcomes.
Though flu vaccination was associated with a significant reduction in risk of PICU admission, flu vaccine coverage was relatively low among the children in this study: only 18 percent of flu cases admitted to the ICU had been fully vaccinated.
More than half (55 percent) of cases had at least one underlying chronic medical condition that placed them at higher risk of serious flu-related complications.
CDC usually measures flu VE against “medically attended flu illness” – that is, how well it protects against having to go to the doctor for flu symptoms. During the 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 seasons, the midpoint VE estimates against medically attended illness were 60 percent and 47 percent respectively.
"Because some people who get vaccinated may still get sick, it's important to remember to use our second line of defense against flu: antiviral drugs to treat flu illness,” Fry said. “People at high risk of complications should seek treatment if they get a flu-like illness. Their doctors may prescribe antiviral drugs if it looks like they have influenza."
Symptoms of flu may include fever, cough, sore throat, runny or stuffy nose, body aches, headache, chills, and sometimes diarrhea and vomiting.
Flu causes hospitalizations in children each season, but how many children are affected varies, depending on the severity of the season. CDC estimates that 20,000 children younger than 5 years are hospitalized on average each year. For children younger than 18 years, published studies suggest an annual range of flu-related hospitalization rates of between one child and seven children per 10,000 children. Between 4 percent and 24 percent of hospitalized children require PICU admission.
NSF PROJECT SPROUTS CENSUS BUREAU MAPPING TOOL
FROM: NATIONAL SCIENCE FOUNDATION
Mapping tool used by Census Bureau has roots in NSF-funded project
Census Explorer, a new online tool that displays demographic information on maps of states, counties, and neighborhoods, is powered by Social Explorer, a data visualization tool developed by NSF-funded sociologist Andrew Beveridge
In colleges and universities across the country, undergraduate students in the social sciences are using an online educational tool that goes beyond the traditional presentation of demographic data as numbers and tables. Social Explorer provides students with robust data visualization capabilities, allowing students to "see" and "play with" their data by generating maps.
Social Explorer is now routinely used in undergraduate introductory and upper division sociology courses, as well as in topical seminars, where students design and research their own demography questions.
Though Social Explorer was originally designed for teaching purposes, the utility of this tool today goes far beyond the undergraduate classroom. In fact, it was the basis for, a tool released by the U.S. Census Bureau late last year to give members of the media and the public a means to create maps displaying a range of demographic information, including median household income, educational level, and home ownership rate.
Development of an undergraduate teaching tool
In 1993, the New York Times hired Andrew Beveridge, a sociology professor at Queens College of the City University of New York, as a consultant to help with demographic analyses of New York City and the greater United States. During this work, Beveridge realized the potential value of using demographic mapping techniques as teaching tools in the sociology classroom.
So in 1999, Beveridge turned to the National Science Foundation (NSF) with his idea, applying for and receiving a grant in the area of Course, Curriculum, and Laboratory Improvement through the Division of Undergraduate Education (DUE). The tool that Beveridge developed under this grant offered social science students the opportunity to visualize datasets.
DUE Program Director Myles Boylan funded this initial grant for the project that would later become Social Explorer. Boylan recognized how Beveridge's proposed work fit well in the larger movement underway within the social sciences with respect to simplifying the presentation of location-related features, stating that "spatial data are inherently difficult to process and understand."
Following the first iteration of his data visualization tool, Beveridge realized that the interface was proving to be beyond the capabilities of many students. The underlying datasets were inherently complex, and use of the tool typically required students to be proficient in sophisticated computer coding techniques.
So in his next research grant application to NSF, Beveridge included a collaborative partnership with sociologist David Halle from the University of California, Los Angeles, to develop a more accessible user interface and expand beyond New York City to the Los Angeles region.
"Our initial goal was to develop a tool easy enough for a freshman or a CEO to use," says Beveridge.
A later award from the National Science Digital Library program allowed Beveridge to take his visualization tool nationwide, in part using material from the National Historical Geographical Information System. Then, in 2002, the collaboration launched the product known today as Social Explorer, which offers robust visualization capabilities for a massive dataset that is drawn from complete historical U.S. Census Bureau records, spanning the entire country and more than two centuries.
"Little did I expect or even hope that a small-scale concept demonstration project would lead to an application used last year alone by more than 750,000 individuals, who made over 14 million maps, while helping to educate hundreds of thousands of students," says Beveridge.
The full Social Explorer package is now distributed by a free limited edition, by subscription from Oxford University press, and as a student edition licensed by Pearson Higher Education for use with many of their textbooks. The current version of Social Explorer provides access to U.S. demographic data dating to 1790, in addition to religion, election, and business activity data.
"The approach developed by Beveridge in creating Social Explorer has considerably facilitated the ability of students to understand social forces at the spatial level, particularly racial and demographic trends," says Boylan. With many more educators including the utilities offered by Social Explorer into their social science curricula, the tool's popularity continues to grow.
Impact on middle and high school students
More recently, Beveridge's research collaboration with Social Explorer has expanded to include Leilah Lyons, as well as continuing work with Joshua Radinsky, both faculty members at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
This team is investigating how individuals comprehend complex geospatial data in various settings. While Lyons has extensive background in museum learning environments, Radinsky's work focuses mainly on K-12 classroom teaching and learning with complex data.
As part of their work, the team is implementing Social Explorer in Chicago public schools' social science classes, an effort that entails not only developing appropriate, classroom-specific curricula for individual teachers but also supporting those teachers in the process of implementation.
"Incorporating Social Explorer into a social studies classroom is as much about the teachers as the students. Every teacher is excited and loves it," states Radinsky. "But the biggest challenge is for teachers to develop clear objectives for why they're using Social Explorer."
With a clear focus on learning objectives, teachers are more confident engaging Social Explorer and its extensive capabilities.
Radinsky has also found that many teachers initially expect him to offer them a pre-existing map paired with pre-written questions, like a classic textbook activity. However, Radinsky is more interested in developing lessons that generate questions, instead of providing those questions.
"When students can choose what they want to investigate, it's a very empowering experience," says Radinsky. "I want students to wonder and to question datasets and to think why certain types of data are or are not gathered."
From a research perspective, the investigators are using this effort to study how pre-college students develop representational fluency, otherwise known as the ability to create and interpret visual representations of data. Using Social Explorer helps students understand a map as a representation of the world with colors and shapes that can represent people and historical time and with data that can be gathered in different types of units.
In addition to supporting the educational experience, the researchers are engaging demographic groups that have previously been underrepresented in science, engineering, technology, and mathematics (STEM) fields.
For example, the team utilizes the American Migrations Project, which is a teaching and research resource, to explore how African American and Latino migrations within the United States have shaped our collective history. Because the team works with teachers and classrooms in minority communities, as students reach out to local community members for help with their social studies projects, the effort continuously engages larger sectors of underrepresented communities.
Supporting the scientific literacy of all Americans
Radinsky, who is a self-described believer in "the democratization of data," says that the team's work with Social Explorer is much broader than serving the educational needs of K-12 students and undergraduates. He explains that, "historically, Census Bureau data have been perceived as only accessible to the most educated individuals, with few opportunities for the average person or student to engage with this data collection."
By working to engage the public with Census Bureau data and the Social Explorer platform through various online and museum experiences, the research team hopes that nationwide demographic data will become increasingly accessible to every American. For example, the Social Explorer platform has already been adapted to create other publically accessible tools.
In late 2013, the U.S. Census Bureau released Census Explorer. Built on the Social Explorer platform, this free, web-based tool functions very similarly, offering users access to demographic data from 1990 to the present. Because the data that Census Explorer engages were gathered at the resolution of census tracts, which are small geographic regions defined specifically for the purposes of census taking, users can analyze trends within neighborhoods, among neighborhoods, or even across states.
Within the first week of its release, Census Explorer had more than 70,000 users, including 40-50 media outlets. After a few months, the technology had enabled more than 100,000 users to create 4 million data maps.
Michael Ratcliffe, an assistant division chief of the Census Bureau's Geographic Division says, "Census Explorer leverages the power of both Social Explorer's functionality and the Census Bureau's expertise to provide easy access to the richness of Census Bureau data and maps. It is a tool that should be in every analyst's tool kit."
Additionally, in the future, visitors to Ellis Island will find a new opportunity to learn about immigration within the United States. Beveridge and his team are working with the Ellis Island Immigration Museum to install an interactive kiosk that will allow visitors to investigate immigration patterns based on ethnic and racial data. Users will be able to see where certain groups settled within the United States, and how these patterns changed over time. Generations later, many of these patterns still significantly influence local culture.
To date, Social Explorer has reached hundreds of thousands of undergraduates, in addition to many K-12 teachers and students, and via Census Explorer, a significant fraction of the American public. These impacts have promising implications for both the next generation of scientists, and the technological literacy of all citizens.
-- Elizabeth Boatman
-- Maria C. Zacharias
Investigators
Andrew Beveridge
David Halle
Leilah Lyons
Joshua Radinsky
Mapping tool used by Census Bureau has roots in NSF-funded project
Census Explorer, a new online tool that displays demographic information on maps of states, counties, and neighborhoods, is powered by Social Explorer, a data visualization tool developed by NSF-funded sociologist Andrew Beveridge
In colleges and universities across the country, undergraduate students in the social sciences are using an online educational tool that goes beyond the traditional presentation of demographic data as numbers and tables. Social Explorer provides students with robust data visualization capabilities, allowing students to "see" and "play with" their data by generating maps.
Social Explorer is now routinely used in undergraduate introductory and upper division sociology courses, as well as in topical seminars, where students design and research their own demography questions.
Though Social Explorer was originally designed for teaching purposes, the utility of this tool today goes far beyond the undergraduate classroom. In fact, it was the basis for, a tool released by the U.S. Census Bureau late last year to give members of the media and the public a means to create maps displaying a range of demographic information, including median household income, educational level, and home ownership rate.
Development of an undergraduate teaching tool
In 1993, the New York Times hired Andrew Beveridge, a sociology professor at Queens College of the City University of New York, as a consultant to help with demographic analyses of New York City and the greater United States. During this work, Beveridge realized the potential value of using demographic mapping techniques as teaching tools in the sociology classroom.
So in 1999, Beveridge turned to the National Science Foundation (NSF) with his idea, applying for and receiving a grant in the area of Course, Curriculum, and Laboratory Improvement through the Division of Undergraduate Education (DUE). The tool that Beveridge developed under this grant offered social science students the opportunity to visualize datasets.
DUE Program Director Myles Boylan funded this initial grant for the project that would later become Social Explorer. Boylan recognized how Beveridge's proposed work fit well in the larger movement underway within the social sciences with respect to simplifying the presentation of location-related features, stating that "spatial data are inherently difficult to process and understand."
Following the first iteration of his data visualization tool, Beveridge realized that the interface was proving to be beyond the capabilities of many students. The underlying datasets were inherently complex, and use of the tool typically required students to be proficient in sophisticated computer coding techniques.
So in his next research grant application to NSF, Beveridge included a collaborative partnership with sociologist David Halle from the University of California, Los Angeles, to develop a more accessible user interface and expand beyond New York City to the Los Angeles region.
"Our initial goal was to develop a tool easy enough for a freshman or a CEO to use," says Beveridge.
A later award from the National Science Digital Library program allowed Beveridge to take his visualization tool nationwide, in part using material from the National Historical Geographical Information System. Then, in 2002, the collaboration launched the product known today as Social Explorer, which offers robust visualization capabilities for a massive dataset that is drawn from complete historical U.S. Census Bureau records, spanning the entire country and more than two centuries.
"Little did I expect or even hope that a small-scale concept demonstration project would lead to an application used last year alone by more than 750,000 individuals, who made over 14 million maps, while helping to educate hundreds of thousands of students," says Beveridge.
The full Social Explorer package is now distributed by a free limited edition, by subscription from Oxford University press, and as a student edition licensed by Pearson Higher Education for use with many of their textbooks. The current version of Social Explorer provides access to U.S. demographic data dating to 1790, in addition to religion, election, and business activity data.
"The approach developed by Beveridge in creating Social Explorer has considerably facilitated the ability of students to understand social forces at the spatial level, particularly racial and demographic trends," says Boylan. With many more educators including the utilities offered by Social Explorer into their social science curricula, the tool's popularity continues to grow.
Impact on middle and high school students
More recently, Beveridge's research collaboration with Social Explorer has expanded to include Leilah Lyons, as well as continuing work with Joshua Radinsky, both faculty members at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
This team is investigating how individuals comprehend complex geospatial data in various settings. While Lyons has extensive background in museum learning environments, Radinsky's work focuses mainly on K-12 classroom teaching and learning with complex data.
As part of their work, the team is implementing Social Explorer in Chicago public schools' social science classes, an effort that entails not only developing appropriate, classroom-specific curricula for individual teachers but also supporting those teachers in the process of implementation.
"Incorporating Social Explorer into a social studies classroom is as much about the teachers as the students. Every teacher is excited and loves it," states Radinsky. "But the biggest challenge is for teachers to develop clear objectives for why they're using Social Explorer."
With a clear focus on learning objectives, teachers are more confident engaging Social Explorer and its extensive capabilities.
Radinsky has also found that many teachers initially expect him to offer them a pre-existing map paired with pre-written questions, like a classic textbook activity. However, Radinsky is more interested in developing lessons that generate questions, instead of providing those questions.
"When students can choose what they want to investigate, it's a very empowering experience," says Radinsky. "I want students to wonder and to question datasets and to think why certain types of data are or are not gathered."
From a research perspective, the investigators are using this effort to study how pre-college students develop representational fluency, otherwise known as the ability to create and interpret visual representations of data. Using Social Explorer helps students understand a map as a representation of the world with colors and shapes that can represent people and historical time and with data that can be gathered in different types of units.
In addition to supporting the educational experience, the researchers are engaging demographic groups that have previously been underrepresented in science, engineering, technology, and mathematics (STEM) fields.
For example, the team utilizes the American Migrations Project, which is a teaching and research resource, to explore how African American and Latino migrations within the United States have shaped our collective history. Because the team works with teachers and classrooms in minority communities, as students reach out to local community members for help with their social studies projects, the effort continuously engages larger sectors of underrepresented communities.
Supporting the scientific literacy of all Americans
Radinsky, who is a self-described believer in "the democratization of data," says that the team's work with Social Explorer is much broader than serving the educational needs of K-12 students and undergraduates. He explains that, "historically, Census Bureau data have been perceived as only accessible to the most educated individuals, with few opportunities for the average person or student to engage with this data collection."
By working to engage the public with Census Bureau data and the Social Explorer platform through various online and museum experiences, the research team hopes that nationwide demographic data will become increasingly accessible to every American. For example, the Social Explorer platform has already been adapted to create other publically accessible tools.
In late 2013, the U.S. Census Bureau released Census Explorer. Built on the Social Explorer platform, this free, web-based tool functions very similarly, offering users access to demographic data from 1990 to the present. Because the data that Census Explorer engages were gathered at the resolution of census tracts, which are small geographic regions defined specifically for the purposes of census taking, users can analyze trends within neighborhoods, among neighborhoods, or even across states.
Within the first week of its release, Census Explorer had more than 70,000 users, including 40-50 media outlets. After a few months, the technology had enabled more than 100,000 users to create 4 million data maps.
Michael Ratcliffe, an assistant division chief of the Census Bureau's Geographic Division says, "Census Explorer leverages the power of both Social Explorer's functionality and the Census Bureau's expertise to provide easy access to the richness of Census Bureau data and maps. It is a tool that should be in every analyst's tool kit."
Additionally, in the future, visitors to Ellis Island will find a new opportunity to learn about immigration within the United States. Beveridge and his team are working with the Ellis Island Immigration Museum to install an interactive kiosk that will allow visitors to investigate immigration patterns based on ethnic and racial data. Users will be able to see where certain groups settled within the United States, and how these patterns changed over time. Generations later, many of these patterns still significantly influence local culture.
To date, Social Explorer has reached hundreds of thousands of undergraduates, in addition to many K-12 teachers and students, and via Census Explorer, a significant fraction of the American public. These impacts have promising implications for both the next generation of scientists, and the technological literacy of all citizens.
-- Elizabeth Boatman
-- Maria C. Zacharias
Investigators
Andrew Beveridge
David Halle
Leilah Lyons
Joshua Radinsky
Sunday, March 30, 2014
HOUSTON MAN FACES MANY YEARS IN PRISON FOR THREATENING TO BOMB TWO SYNAGOGUES
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Department of Justice
Office of Public Affairs
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Thursday, March 27, 2014
Houston Man Charged with Threatening to Bomb Synagogues
The Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Texas announced today that a federal grand jury in Houston returned a six count indictment charging Dante Phearse, 33, with calling in bomb threats to two Houston synagogues, a municipal courthouse and a private business.
Phearse, of Houston, has been charged with two civil rights violations for threat of force with an explosive device against two synagogues, which allegedly obstructed members of the synagogues from enjoying the free exercise of their religious beliefs. Phearse is also charged with four counts of using an instrument of interstate commerce to communicate a threat to kill and injure people and destroy a building by means of an explosive device.
The indictment alleges that on April 30, 2013, Phearse telephoned two different synagogues in Houston, Congregation Beth Israel and Congregation Or Ami, and left voicemails threatening to bomb the buildings and cause other harms to the members. According to the indictment, on the same day, Phearse also called in and threatened to bomb the City of Houston Municipal Courts building and a private business.
If convicted, Phearse faces a statutory maximum penalty of 20 years in prison for each civil rights violation, and a statutory maximum penalty of 10 years in prison for each count of making bomb threats over the phone. Phearse has been in custody since his arrest. He is expected to make an initial appearance on the indictment in the near future, at which time the U.S. expects to request his continued detention pending trial.
This case is being investigated by the Houston Division of the FBI in cooperation with the Houston Police Department. It is being prosecuted by Trial Attorneys Nicholas Murphy and Saeed Mody of the Civil Rights Division and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ruben Perez and Joe Magliolo of the Southern District of Texas, in cooperation with the Harris County District Attorney’s Office.
An indictment is merely an accusation and the defendant is presumed innocent unless proven guilty through due process of law.
Department of Justice
Office of Public Affairs
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Thursday, March 27, 2014
Houston Man Charged with Threatening to Bomb Synagogues
The Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Texas announced today that a federal grand jury in Houston returned a six count indictment charging Dante Phearse, 33, with calling in bomb threats to two Houston synagogues, a municipal courthouse and a private business.
Phearse, of Houston, has been charged with two civil rights violations for threat of force with an explosive device against two synagogues, which allegedly obstructed members of the synagogues from enjoying the free exercise of their religious beliefs. Phearse is also charged with four counts of using an instrument of interstate commerce to communicate a threat to kill and injure people and destroy a building by means of an explosive device.
The indictment alleges that on April 30, 2013, Phearse telephoned two different synagogues in Houston, Congregation Beth Israel and Congregation Or Ami, and left voicemails threatening to bomb the buildings and cause other harms to the members. According to the indictment, on the same day, Phearse also called in and threatened to bomb the City of Houston Municipal Courts building and a private business.
If convicted, Phearse faces a statutory maximum penalty of 20 years in prison for each civil rights violation, and a statutory maximum penalty of 10 years in prison for each count of making bomb threats over the phone. Phearse has been in custody since his arrest. He is expected to make an initial appearance on the indictment in the near future, at which time the U.S. expects to request his continued detention pending trial.
This case is being investigated by the Houston Division of the FBI in cooperation with the Houston Police Department. It is being prosecuted by Trial Attorneys Nicholas Murphy and Saeed Mody of the Civil Rights Division and Assistant U.S. Attorneys Ruben Perez and Joe Magliolo of the Southern District of Texas, in cooperation with the Harris County District Attorney’s Office.
An indictment is merely an accusation and the defendant is presumed innocent unless proven guilty through due process of law.
ACTING ASSISTANT AD FOR NATIONAL SECURITY CARLIN'S REMARKS AT AMERICAN UNIVERSITY BUSINESS LAW REVIEW 2014
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security John P. Carlin Delivers Remarks at the American University Business Law Review 2014 Symposium
~ Friday, March 28, 2014
Thank you for that kind introduction – and for inviting me here today. It’s a pleasure to be back at AU, and a privilege to join so many experts, essential partners, and good friends in advancing one of the most important conversations currently facing government and private sector leaders across the country.
At the Justice Department’s National Security Division, there is little we do that is more important than working on how the government can partner with private companies to protect our nation and its people better – from terrorism, from cyber attacks, and from a range of other malicious activities.
This past December, I attended a ceremony marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which claimed the lives of 259 people on the plane and 11 on the ground. 189 were Americans. It was the deadliest act of terror against the United States prior to September 11th.
The families and friends of those who were lost came together that winter day at Arlington National Cemetery to recall the event that changed their lives forever. They spoke movingly of loved ones who had been on board that plane, many of whom were American college students flying home for the holidays.
On December 21, 1988, instead of reuniting with their companions and loved ones, they heard news reports of a catastrophic explosion and wreckage strewn over miles of the Scottish countryside. Shortly thereafter, they learned, as did the rest of the world, that terrorists were to blame.
There was a call for justice – to find the perpetrators and hold them responsible. And there was also a call for new security measures designed to stop another attack from happening.
At the ceremony last winter, former Secretary of Labor Ann McLaughlin Korologos spoke of her experience leading the seven-member Presidential Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism that was formed a few months after the attack to investigate what went wrong. Eighteen months after Lockerbie, that Commission issued a report calling for national attention to our aviation security system, and identifying a host of specific proposals intended to harden our nation’s airline security and keep all Americans safe – both at airports and in the skies.
Many of these measures did not become reality. Interest faded, attention waned – and so did political and social will. Twelve years later, the horror of 9/11 changed that. It reinvigorated the focus on aviation security – and the 9/11 Commission called for many of the same security measures called for in the wake of Lockerbie. This time, almost all of them were implemented.
Today, national leaders in both government and private industry must apply the lessons we learned from unspeakable tragedies like these, and from decades of effective counterterrorism policy, to business action in cyberspace. It is imperative that we take action promptly, without waiting for a galvanizing tragedy. We can work together to change norms now -- not in the wake of an immensely damaging terrorist cyber attack. In doing so, we will have a much better chance of preventing such an attack from ever taking place.
I grew up in New York City, a place where you can experience the anonymity now enjoyed by so many on the Internet. And when I was a kid, the NYPD sent an officer to our school who told us how to conduct ourselves on the streets of New York.
Our version of Officer Friendly told us to look both ways when we crossed the street. Of course, he told us not to make eye contact with people on the street -- which was pretty standard advice back then.
As a kid, that seemed to make total sense. Decades later, New York City is now one of the safest major cities on the planet. And when we look back at that advice, it seems crazy that there was a consensus of blaming the victim for making eye contact. These days, on the internet, we tell our kids to beware of chatting with individuals they don’t know, to avoid certain websites or apps.
When a person’s credit card gets stolen, or their credentials for accessing a social media site or their bank are hacked, we tell them, “You should have known better than to go to that website,” or, “You shouldn’t have used the same 18-character password more than once.” Together, hopefully, we can look back in a few short years and think that that those warnings and the victim-blaming is also strange and that we’ve come a long way with regards to cyber security.
One of the things that’s changed in New York over the years is its social norms – like making eye contact. We need to shape social norms in the cyber area, too. Just as it was in a chaotic urban environment, it’s tricky to cultivate trust in cyberspace. There were streets in New York where the bad guys and the good guys passed each other shoulder to shoulder. The same thing is true in cyberspace. Legitimate businesses and innocent customers use the same Internet that hackers and terrorists use.
As my former boss at the FBI, Bob Mueller, explained, bad actors – specifically terrorists – are using cyberspace for at least three discrete aspects of terrorist activity: (1) to propagandize and recruit; (2) to plot and plan attacks in the physical world; and (3) to launch attacks in the virtual world itself. It’s hard to cultivate trust online amidst such company and to restore a sense of security.
But like change in New York, change in cyberspace will be a community effort. When our Officer Friendly came to visit, he told us about Safe Havens – businesses that opened themselves up just a little bit, to be better members of the community, and to provide a place for people to go if they felt threatened. Back then, there were little yellow Safe Haven signs on the doors of stores in New York, and he told us, “If you’re feeling uncomfortable or scared, or are being targeted, don’t be afraid to go into one of these stores and seek help. Your safety should be your first priority.”
Just as those Safe Havens existed as trusted businesses when I was kid, the government and the corporate community can come together to create safe havens in cyberspace.
We need to work together to prevent terrorists from using networks – using the very websites and apps we use every day – to plot attacks in the physical world. And we need to shore up our security so that devastating attacks cannot be launched in the virtual world. These tasks are not easy, and they are ones we need to undertake with care, to strike a proper balance between security and liberty.
Some businesses, especially those in the communications sectors, may be hesitant to build new partnerships with government – or are drawing back from their current partnerships – because of the national discussion that has taken place over the last year.
The President has committed to providing greater transparency about the government’s lawful use of data collection authorities. However, as the President has noted, the nature of some unauthorized disclosures have shed more heat than light. And that heat has come onto companies as well, often unfairly. We take their concerns seriously, and we are dedicated to increasing transparency as well as protecting civil liberties. That is why many layers of checks and balances are built into the systems – without question some of the best protections provided by any country in the world. Our authorities are rigorously overseen by Congress, and often scrutinized by the courts and independent government watchdogs. And they are aimed at ensuring the safety of the nation and our allies.
Of course, the private sector should not be punished for complying with the law. We are concerned about this issue, and we are dedicated to working with companies to address misconceptions, correct misinformation, and help to rebuild the public’s confidence that our partnerships are conducted under the law. We are working with industry to help them be more transparent about what kinds of information they are required to share with the government, and how very few of their customers are ever impacted by government actions.
Yesterday’s announcement by the President of a way forward on the handling of telephony metadata indicates just how committed the Government is to ensuring that the public’s concerns are addressed, without the Government sacrificing certain operational needs. As you might have heard, the President announced a proposal that will, with the passage of appropriate legislation, allow the government to end bulk collection of telephony metadata records under Section 215, while ensuring that the government has access to the information it needs to meet its national security requirements.
Getting our legal policies right is one thing. But make no mistake: It will lead to tragedy if the ultimate result of these disclosures is to cause businesses to shy away from working with the government to prevent terrorism. The undeniable truth is that our collaboration, and the protections we have put in place together, make us safer from those who would attempt to do us harm – from terrorists to hostile nation-states seeking to capitalize on our vulnerabilities.
One example that comes to mind is the case of Khalid Aldawsari, a college student from Saudi Arabia who took chemistry classes at Texas Tech in Lubbock, Texas. When he began placing large and unusual orders for chemicals online, the chemical company reported the order to the FBI, as did the shipping company. Ultimately, he was convicted in federal court and sentenced to life in prison for trying to use those chemicals to make a bomb, potentially to attack a former President. And heading off that threat all began with two companies taking the right step of alerting the FBI to suspicious activity.
Whenever the public faces a threat, whether from terrorists, computer hackers, or pick-pockets on the Metro, people expect the government to protect them. But the government can’t do it alone. And that is particularly true in the context of cyber threats, given just how much of our nation’s most essential information is found online and, in particular, in the hands of private companies.
You know the threats we face. You’ve seen them firsthand. Although we often think of the government and our brave men and women serving abroad as a primary focus of terrorist attacks, we must keep in mind that the 9/11 attacks targeted this nation as a whole, and its impact was felt by all of us.
Since then, terrorism is now increasingly diverse and decentralized, from al Qaeda affiliates overseas to homegrown terrorists – such as the Boston Marathon bombers – who may live in the communities they intend to strike. But the cyber threat is growing rapidly, and down the road, may rival or even surpass the threat we face today.
Malicious cyber actors are an increasing risk to our security and prosperity. Last year, BP’s CEO stated that his company sees approximately 50,000 attempted cyber intrusions each day. And he is not alone.
As you know, hackers – in many cases working for foreign states or organized criminal syndicates – break into private businesses’ servers and steal the key intellectual property that gives us a competitive edge in the global marketplace. And malicious cyber actors sometimes target companies’ infrastructure. In 2012, Saudi Arabia’s state oil company, Aramco, suffered an attack that destroyed 30,000 of its computers – nearly 75% of its workstations, a devastating loss for any company.
Many of these same hackers exploit vulnerabilities in software, turning home computers or servers into launch pads for malicious denial-of-service attacks against banks, companies, and government agencies – shutting them down and disrupting their ability to do business. It does not take much imagination to see how these same tools could be used by terrorists, resulting in what has been referred to as a potential “cyber 9/11.”
When these attacks happen, people ask the same two basic questions many asked after the Lockerbie bombing: “What more could have been done to protect me?” And, “are they going to get these guys?” To answer these questions, we need the private sector and the government to work together.
Intrusions by nation-states have gone on longer than acknowledged. Why are so many companies waiting to come to the government for help? This situation is not unlike the way that organized crime was able to intimidate small businesses into paying for so-called “insurance” . For each mom and pop store, individually, it made more sense to pay the insurance rather than face retaliation for speaking up or going to the cops. And as a result, the criminal organizations made big profits. They only took a small amount from each business, but the money added up over the dozens or hundreds of businesses they intimidated. It wasn’t until the cost of doing business with the mafia got too high – or someone was brave enough to stand up to the mob – that law enforcement was able to break up these organized crime rings.
The calculus that many businesses make today is similar to the decisions that the mom and pop stores had to make several decades ago: Does the cost of paying out – that is, failing to tell the authorities about cyber attacks – outweigh the costs of potential retaliation? When faced with the prospect of taking on a nation-state with all of its powers – not to mention the fear of not being able to do business in that’s nation’s marketplace – many companies have made the calculation of remaining silent.
But the cost of that silence is increasing. As valuable assets, proprietary information, and research and development investments are repeatedly compromised by increasingly relentless attacks, businesses can no longer afford to stay silent victims. The calculus has changed. Companies are taking action.
Over the last year, we have seen a tipping point. As more and more companies come forward, more and more will feel emboldened. Eventually, these nation-state hackers – just like the mafia – will lose the ability to intimidate victims.
Public-private partnerships are particularly important because of the key role that businesses play in our society. Unlike some countries, where government maintains control over the telecommunications and energy industries, nearly all critical infrastructure in the United States is owned and managed by private companies. The fiber-optic cables that our communications transit; the servers that direct our Internet traffic; the software that allows us to communicate; and the energy we use to power our daily lives – all of these things, and so many more, are created and operated by private companies.
We thrive as a nation because of private innovation, and the creativity that comes with the freedom to innovate. This has been true throughout our history. But these unique strengths also create opportunities for attacks. When attacked, companies are often in the best position to protect themselves and their customers from cyber aggressors. But they may not always be in the best position to know the precise threats they face, which is where we can help.
Take, for example, the Department’s work on cyber threats. On a daily basis, the FBI is working with companies that have been the victims of hacks – many of whom may not even know they have been victimized, or how to protect themselves. The Washington Post reported earlier this week that federal agents notified more than 2,000 U.S. companies last year that their computer systems were hacked – and, as the article explained, even that considerable figure represents only a fraction of the actual number of cyber intrusions into the private sector.
There are many efforts underway across the government to work with private corporations on strengthening public-private cyber cooperation. The Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Energy, and other departments and agencies routinely work closely with companies to protect critical infrastructure.
In driving this work forward, the FBI has long relied on its InfraGard program, which brings together individuals in law enforcement, government, the private sector, and academia to talk about how to protect our critical infrastructure. InfraGard has more than 85 chapters across the country, with more than 47,000 members.
These are all positive and important efforts, but we have to do more.
As we speak, the Department of Justice is working hard to be a more accessible partner to companies. Over the past two years, the National Security Division established a national program to focus on cyber threats to the national security – those posed by terrorist and nation state actors – and we are continuing to grow. We are still a very new Division, but we are evolving quickly to meet new and emerging threats.
The story of NSD’s creation is an interesting one. Although not formally created until 2006, NSD’s story begins, like so many others, with calls for reforms that were first spotted years ago. We trace our origin all the way back to 1978, with the passage of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. FISA was, in part, a response to public and congressional dissatisfaction with a series of intentional abuses of wiretaps and surveillance for political purposes. The Church Committee’s report set out those problems and made a case for reform. The report emphasized that the Attorney General, as the nation’s chief legal officer, plays an essential role in maintaining the lawfulness of actions by our country’s intelligence agencies. NSD was created, and is proud, to execute that mission decades later on his behalf.
So as we tackle the cyber threat, we build upon our roots. We were created so that prosecutors and law enforcement officials could work smoothly and effectively with intelligence attorneys and the Intelligence Community, to ensure that we most effectively defend our nation’s security while at the same time protecting our vital civil liberties. And I would be remiss in describing the vital work of our Division if I neglected to acknowledge this week’s conviction of Sulaiman Abu Ghayth in New York. Abu Ghayth, described as a senior spokesman for Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda, was convicted by a federal jury on all counts, including conspiring to kill Americans and other terrorism charges.
So, even as we defend our national security through successful counterterrorism prosecutions in federal court, we also defend our security while protecting our civil liberties in cyberspace. In 2012, we established the National Security Cyber Specialists’ Network, with members from across all of our areas of expertise, federal prosecutors from each and every U.S. Attorney’s Office, and partners from the Department’s Computer Crime and Intellectual Property Section, who have had longstanding and continuing success against organized cyber criminals, hacktivists, criminal fraudsters and other bad actors.
Since then, we have hosted extensive training for these network members and for every member of the National Security Division, to ensure we have the skills we need to tackle the threat. Federal prosecutors across the country are reaching out to companies in their districts to let them know about the network and how we can help.
Here in our nation’s capital, we work closely with the FBI’s National Cyber Investigative Joint Task Force to assess cyber issues in real time as they arise. We’ve launched a 24/7 cyber response capacity. We are now a one-stop shop and resource for national security cyber matters across the country.
There are criminal cases to be brought against these actors, but that is just one tool. We are committed to using every tool at our disposal, law enforcement and others, to disrupt adversaries’ activities and prevent damage to U.S. national interests – just as we do in other arenas of counterterrorism, counterespionage, and export control.
We are drawing from our expertise in those areas, and building new capabilities to ensure that we can use all available tools to meet a range of constantly-evolving threats.
Employing this comprehensive, “all-tools” approach means we need to be prepared not only to prosecute cyber intrusions, economic espionage, and export control violations, but also to work with our partners to enforce other civil and regulatory laws.
We cannot do this alone. This “all-tools” approach requires trusted collaboration, including with operational and legal experts in the private sector.
It’s often said, there are only two types of companies: those that have been hacked and those that will be. Now, that’s no longer the case. Today, there is only one category: those that have been hacked, and that will be hacked again.
Going forward, we want to work even more closely with our private sector partners to be ready for whatever may happen in the near future. Of course, private companies will remain our first line of defense, and their legal teams must be prepared to face difficult questions and complex matters, including how to respond to cyber breaches; how to interpret and comply with the cyber Executive Order and the cybersecurity framework recently released by the Administration; and, how to stay on top of the evolving “standard of care” for cyber security.
All of us – including lawyers and operators in the public and private sectors – will need to cooperate closely to address these and associated threats. We all must act on the premise that success requires reporting from, and close relationships with, victims and potential victims who seek indicators of malicious activity.
My colleagues and I have already met with a number of private entities and received a positive response, and we will continue these meetings to keep the dialogue going.
And as we look toward the future, we must continue establishing channels that regularly communicate cyber threat information between the public and private sectors. Information must move in both directions. It is an approach that works in other contexts, and it will succeed here as well.
We have come a long way in our collective approach to counterterrorism. Together, we have improved airline safety, hardened critical infrastructure, developed new technology that can help first responders, and designed a wide range of protective measures. These measures, of course, don’t eliminate the threat of to our national security, which remains very real and very dangerous. But we are safer than we used to be, and better prepared to cope with any potential attack.
We need to achieve this same success in the cyber realm. So the critical question is: What will it take?
We’ve certainly had plenty of attacks that caused real pain, exposed real weaknesses, and suggested real problems for the future. Yet, despite all of these warnings, we don’t seem to have fully turned the corner in addressing this threat. And the reasons for that are understandable.
Confronting cyber threats incurs real economic cost. We appreciate that. But doing nothing will cost us all more in the long run, and may, for some businesses, prove devastating.
The writing is on the wall – our adversaries are getting bolder, more aggressive, and more skilled. They flex their muscle to show us what they can do, but it is only the tip of the iceberg. Without a concerted, collective effort to make the changes needed to protect ourselves in cyberspace, it is only a matter of time before we are really hit – hard. Far better to form partnerships and make the required investments before a large-scale attack takes place.
Indeed, perhaps even more than in the terrorism context, the private sector is critical to our success in the cyber context because of just how much vital information is now held “in corporate trust,” so to speak.
While government holds and protects some of what cyber terrorists want to access, the private sector has much, much more. So, whether it’s about ensuring that our electric grid is safe from attacks – whether physical or cyber – or making sure you can access your bank account information on your smartphone without getting hacked, we urgently need to form the type of public-private partnerships to keep those vital resources safe. These are the type of partnerships we’ve created for counterterrorism. We must build on those partnerships to combat cyber threats – not pull away from each other.
This is the challenge now before us – and this is the cause that everyone in this room, and many beyond it, must come together to confront. Each of us has a unique role to play, and distinct responsibilities to fulfill.
Leaders in government can articulate precisely what we have to offer the private sector. Leaders in the private sector can demonstrate what these partnerships have to offer to their customers. And leaders in academia can survey the legal authorities we have – and take stock of what legal authorities we don’t have but need – to facilitate cooperative, productive cyber partnerships. We can build these partnerships while respecting civil liberties and do it in a transparent and productive way.
We are committed to meeting regularly with critical partners to get your feedback on how we are doing; to solicit suggestions on how we can do better; and to gain the benefit of your views on how the overall landscape is looking. Please reach out to us so that we can talk more about what NSD does, and how we can work together to keep you safer and our nation safer.
I want to close today by calling upon everyone here to continue the important open dialogue we’re holding here at AU today. I urge you to serve as connectors – as bridges – to make private-public partnerships a reality.
We had warnings before 9/11. But we didn’t act – at least not enough. The state of security of the Internet today is a rumbling storm in the distance. We need to be smart and work together, now, before a cyber 9/11 – before there’s an attack or intrusion or exfiltration so big – and so devastating – we are forever changed. Thank you for participating in this important conversation, and thank you for having me here today.
Acting Assistant Attorney General for National Security John P. Carlin Delivers Remarks at the American University Business Law Review 2014 Symposium
~ Friday, March 28, 2014
Thank you for that kind introduction – and for inviting me here today. It’s a pleasure to be back at AU, and a privilege to join so many experts, essential partners, and good friends in advancing one of the most important conversations currently facing government and private sector leaders across the country.
At the Justice Department’s National Security Division, there is little we do that is more important than working on how the government can partner with private companies to protect our nation and its people better – from terrorism, from cyber attacks, and from a range of other malicious activities.
This past December, I attended a ceremony marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, which claimed the lives of 259 people on the plane and 11 on the ground. 189 were Americans. It was the deadliest act of terror against the United States prior to September 11th.
The families and friends of those who were lost came together that winter day at Arlington National Cemetery to recall the event that changed their lives forever. They spoke movingly of loved ones who had been on board that plane, many of whom were American college students flying home for the holidays.
On December 21, 1988, instead of reuniting with their companions and loved ones, they heard news reports of a catastrophic explosion and wreckage strewn over miles of the Scottish countryside. Shortly thereafter, they learned, as did the rest of the world, that terrorists were to blame.
There was a call for justice – to find the perpetrators and hold them responsible. And there was also a call for new security measures designed to stop another attack from happening.
At the ceremony last winter, former Secretary of Labor Ann McLaughlin Korologos spoke of her experience leading the seven-member Presidential Commission on Aviation Security and Terrorism that was formed a few months after the attack to investigate what went wrong. Eighteen months after Lockerbie, that Commission issued a report calling for national attention to our aviation security system, and identifying a host of specific proposals intended to harden our nation’s airline security and keep all Americans safe – both at airports and in the skies.
Many of these measures did not become reality. Interest faded, attention waned – and so did political and social will. Twelve years later, the horror of 9/11 changed that. It reinvigorated the focus on aviation security – and the 9/11 Commission called for many of the same security measures called for in the wake of Lockerbie. This time, almost all of them were implemented.
Today, national leaders in both government and private industry must apply the lessons we learned from unspeakable tragedies like these, and from decades of effective counterterrorism policy, to business action in cyberspace. It is imperative that we take action promptly, without waiting for a galvanizing tragedy. We can work together to change norms now -- not in the wake of an immensely damaging terrorist cyber attack. In doing so, we will have a much better chance of preventing such an attack from ever taking place.
I grew up in New York City, a place where you can experience the anonymity now enjoyed by so many on the Internet. And when I was a kid, the NYPD sent an officer to our school who told us how to conduct ourselves on the streets of New York.
Our version of Officer Friendly told us to look both ways when we crossed the street. Of course, he told us not to make eye contact with people on the street -- which was pretty standard advice back then.
As a kid, that seemed to make total sense. Decades later, New York City is now one of the safest major cities on the planet. And when we look back at that advice, it seems crazy that there was a consensus of blaming the victim for making eye contact. These days, on the internet, we tell our kids to beware of chatting with individuals they don’t know, to avoid certain websites or apps.
When a person’s credit card gets stolen, or their credentials for accessing a social media site or their bank are hacked, we tell them, “You should have known better than to go to that website,” or, “You shouldn’t have used the same 18-character password more than once.” Together, hopefully, we can look back in a few short years and think that that those warnings and the victim-blaming is also strange and that we’ve come a long way with regards to cyber security.
One of the things that’s changed in New York over the years is its social norms – like making eye contact. We need to shape social norms in the cyber area, too. Just as it was in a chaotic urban environment, it’s tricky to cultivate trust in cyberspace. There were streets in New York where the bad guys and the good guys passed each other shoulder to shoulder. The same thing is true in cyberspace. Legitimate businesses and innocent customers use the same Internet that hackers and terrorists use.
As my former boss at the FBI, Bob Mueller, explained, bad actors – specifically terrorists – are using cyberspace for at least three discrete aspects of terrorist activity: (1) to propagandize and recruit; (2) to plot and plan attacks in the physical world; and (3) to launch attacks in the virtual world itself. It’s hard to cultivate trust online amidst such company and to restore a sense of security.
But like change in New York, change in cyberspace will be a community effort. When our Officer Friendly came to visit, he told us about Safe Havens – businesses that opened themselves up just a little bit, to be better members of the community, and to provide a place for people to go if they felt threatened. Back then, there were little yellow Safe Haven signs on the doors of stores in New York, and he told us, “If you’re feeling uncomfortable or scared, or are being targeted, don’t be afraid to go into one of these stores and seek help. Your safety should be your first priority.”
Just as those Safe Havens existed as trusted businesses when I was kid, the government and the corporate community can come together to create safe havens in cyberspace.
We need to work together to prevent terrorists from using networks – using the very websites and apps we use every day – to plot attacks in the physical world. And we need to shore up our security so that devastating attacks cannot be launched in the virtual world. These tasks are not easy, and they are ones we need to undertake with care, to strike a proper balance between security and liberty.
Some businesses, especially those in the communications sectors, may be hesitant to build new partnerships with government – or are drawing back from their current partnerships – because of the national discussion that has taken place over the last year.
The President has committed to providing greater transparency about the government’s lawful use of data collection authorities. However, as the President has noted, the nature of some unauthorized disclosures have shed more heat than light. And that heat has come onto companies as well, often unfairly. We take their concerns seriously, and we are dedicated to increasing transparency as well as protecting civil liberties. That is why many layers of checks and balances are built into the systems – without question some of the best protections provided by any country in the world. Our authorities are rigorously overseen by Congress, and often scrutinized by the courts and independent government watchdogs. And they are aimed at ensuring the safety of the nation and our allies.
Of course, the private sector should not be punished for complying with the law. We are concerned about this issue, and we are dedicated to working with companies to address misconceptions, correct misinformation, and help to rebuild the public’s confidence that our partnerships are conducted under the law. We are working with industry to help them be more transparent about what kinds of information they are required to share with the government, and how very few of their customers are ever impacted by government actions.
Yesterday’s announcement by the President of a way forward on the handling of telephony metadata indicates just how committed the Government is to ensuring that the public’s concerns are addressed, without the Government sacrificing certain operational needs. As you might have heard, the President announced a proposal that will, with the passage of appropriate legislation, allow the government to end bulk collection of telephony metadata records under Section 215, while ensuring that the government has access to the information it needs to meet its national security requirements.
Getting our legal policies right is one thing. But make no mistake: It will lead to tragedy if the ultimate result of these disclosures is to cause businesses to shy away from working with the government to prevent terrorism. The undeniable truth is that our collaboration, and the protections we have put in place together, make us safer from those who would attempt to do us harm – from terrorists to hostile nation-states seeking to capitalize on our vulnerabilities.
One example that comes to mind is the case of Khalid Aldawsari, a college student from Saudi Arabia who took chemistry classes at Texas Tech in Lubbock, Texas. When he began placing large and unusual orders for chemicals online, the chemical company reported the order to the FBI, as did the shipping company. Ultimately, he was convicted in federal court and sentenced to life in prison for trying to use those chemicals to make a bomb, potentially to attack a former President. And heading off that threat all began with two companies taking the right step of alerting the FBI to suspicious activity.
Whenever the public faces a threat, whether from terrorists, computer hackers, or pick-pockets on the Metro, people expect the government to protect them. But the government can’t do it alone. And that is particularly true in the context of cyber threats, given just how much of our nation’s most essential information is found online and, in particular, in the hands of private companies.
You know the threats we face. You’ve seen them firsthand. Although we often think of the government and our brave men and women serving abroad as a primary focus of terrorist attacks, we must keep in mind that the 9/11 attacks targeted this nation as a whole, and its impact was felt by all of us.
Since then, terrorism is now increasingly diverse and decentralized, from al Qaeda affiliates overseas to homegrown terrorists – such as the Boston Marathon bombers – who may live in the communities they intend to strike. But the cyber threat is growing rapidly, and down the road, may rival or even surpass the threat we face today.
Malicious cyber actors are an increasing risk to our security and prosperity. Last year, BP’s CEO stated that his company sees approximately 50,000 attempted cyber intrusions each day. And he is not alone.
As you know, hackers – in many cases working for foreign states or organized criminal syndicates – break into private businesses’ servers and steal the key intellectual property that gives us a competitive edge in the global marketplace. And malicious cyber actors sometimes target companies’ infrastructure. In 2012, Saudi Arabia’s state oil company, Aramco, suffered an attack that destroyed 30,000 of its computers – nearly 75% of its workstations, a devastating loss for any company.
Many of these same hackers exploit vulnerabilities in software, turning home computers or servers into launch pads for malicious denial-of-service attacks against banks, companies, and government agencies – shutting them down and disrupting their ability to do business. It does not take much imagination to see how these same tools could be used by terrorists, resulting in what has been referred to as a potential “cyber 9/11.”
When these attacks happen, people ask the same two basic questions many asked after the Lockerbie bombing: “What more could have been done to protect me?” And, “are they going to get these guys?” To answer these questions, we need the private sector and the government to work together.
Intrusions by nation-states have gone on longer than acknowledged. Why are so many companies waiting to come to the government for help? This situation is not unlike the way that organized crime was able to intimidate small businesses into paying for so-called “insurance” . For each mom and pop store, individually, it made more sense to pay the insurance rather than face retaliation for speaking up or going to the cops. And as a result, the criminal organizations made big profits. They only took a small amount from each business, but the money added up over the dozens or hundreds of businesses they intimidated. It wasn’t until the cost of doing business with the mafia got too high – or someone was brave enough to stand up to the mob – that law enforcement was able to break up these organized crime rings.
The calculus that many businesses make today is similar to the decisions that the mom and pop stores had to make several decades ago: Does the cost of paying out – that is, failing to tell the authorities about cyber attacks – outweigh the costs of potential retaliation? When faced with the prospect of taking on a nation-state with all of its powers – not to mention the fear of not being able to do business in that’s nation’s marketplace – many companies have made the calculation of remaining silent.
But the cost of that silence is increasing. As valuable assets, proprietary information, and research and development investments are repeatedly compromised by increasingly relentless attacks, businesses can no longer afford to stay silent victims. The calculus has changed. Companies are taking action.
Over the last year, we have seen a tipping point. As more and more companies come forward, more and more will feel emboldened. Eventually, these nation-state hackers – just like the mafia – will lose the ability to intimidate victims.
Public-private partnerships are particularly important because of the key role that businesses play in our society. Unlike some countries, where government maintains control over the telecommunications and energy industries, nearly all critical infrastructure in the United States is owned and managed by private companies. The fiber-optic cables that our communications transit; the servers that direct our Internet traffic; the software that allows us to communicate; and the energy we use to power our daily lives – all of these things, and so many more, are created and operated by private companies.
We thrive as a nation because of private innovation, and the creativity that comes with the freedom to innovate. This has been true throughout our history. But these unique strengths also create opportunities for attacks. When attacked, companies are often in the best position to protect themselves and their customers from cyber aggressors. But they may not always be in the best position to know the precise threats they face, which is where we can help.
Take, for example, the Department’s work on cyber threats. On a daily basis, the FBI is working with companies that have been the victims of hacks – many of whom may not even know they have been victimized, or how to protect themselves. The Washington Post reported earlier this week that federal agents notified more than 2,000 U.S. companies last year that their computer systems were hacked – and, as the article explained, even that considerable figure represents only a fraction of the actual number of cyber intrusions into the private sector.
There are many efforts underway across the government to work with private corporations on strengthening public-private cyber cooperation. The Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Energy, and other departments and agencies routinely work closely with companies to protect critical infrastructure.
In driving this work forward, the FBI has long relied on its InfraGard program, which brings together individuals in law enforcement, government, the private sector, and academia to talk about how to protect our critical infrastructure. InfraGard has more than 85 chapters across the country, with more than 47,000 members.
These are all positive and important efforts, but we have to do more.
As we speak, the Department of Justice is working hard to be a more accessible partner to companies. Over the past two years, the National Security Division established a national program to focus on cyber threats to the national security – those posed by terrorist and nation state actors – and we are continuing to grow. We are still a very new Division, but we are evolving quickly to meet new and emerging threats.
The story of NSD’s creation is an interesting one. Although not formally created until 2006, NSD’s story begins, like so many others, with calls for reforms that were first spotted years ago. We trace our origin all the way back to 1978, with the passage of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. FISA was, in part, a response to public and congressional dissatisfaction with a series of intentional abuses of wiretaps and surveillance for political purposes. The Church Committee’s report set out those problems and made a case for reform. The report emphasized that the Attorney General, as the nation’s chief legal officer, plays an essential role in maintaining the lawfulness of actions by our country’s intelligence agencies. NSD was created, and is proud, to execute that mission decades later on his behalf.
So as we tackle the cyber threat, we build upon our roots. We were created so that prosecutors and law enforcement officials could work smoothly and effectively with intelligence attorneys and the Intelligence Community, to ensure that we most effectively defend our nation’s security while at the same time protecting our vital civil liberties. And I would be remiss in describing the vital work of our Division if I neglected to acknowledge this week’s conviction of Sulaiman Abu Ghayth in New York. Abu Ghayth, described as a senior spokesman for Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda, was convicted by a federal jury on all counts, including conspiring to kill Americans and other terrorism charges.
So, even as we defend our national security through successful counterterrorism prosecutions in federal court, we also defend our security while protecting our civil liberties in cyberspace. In 2012, we established the National Security Cyber Specialists’ Network, with members from across all of our areas of expertise, federal prosecutors from each and every U.S. Attorney’s Office, and partners from the Department’s Computer Crime and Intellectual Property Section, who have had longstanding and continuing success against organized cyber criminals, hacktivists, criminal fraudsters and other bad actors.
Since then, we have hosted extensive training for these network members and for every member of the National Security Division, to ensure we have the skills we need to tackle the threat. Federal prosecutors across the country are reaching out to companies in their districts to let them know about the network and how we can help.
Here in our nation’s capital, we work closely with the FBI’s National Cyber Investigative Joint Task Force to assess cyber issues in real time as they arise. We’ve launched a 24/7 cyber response capacity. We are now a one-stop shop and resource for national security cyber matters across the country.
There are criminal cases to be brought against these actors, but that is just one tool. We are committed to using every tool at our disposal, law enforcement and others, to disrupt adversaries’ activities and prevent damage to U.S. national interests – just as we do in other arenas of counterterrorism, counterespionage, and export control.
We are drawing from our expertise in those areas, and building new capabilities to ensure that we can use all available tools to meet a range of constantly-evolving threats.
Employing this comprehensive, “all-tools” approach means we need to be prepared not only to prosecute cyber intrusions, economic espionage, and export control violations, but also to work with our partners to enforce other civil and regulatory laws.
We cannot do this alone. This “all-tools” approach requires trusted collaboration, including with operational and legal experts in the private sector.
It’s often said, there are only two types of companies: those that have been hacked and those that will be. Now, that’s no longer the case. Today, there is only one category: those that have been hacked, and that will be hacked again.
Going forward, we want to work even more closely with our private sector partners to be ready for whatever may happen in the near future. Of course, private companies will remain our first line of defense, and their legal teams must be prepared to face difficult questions and complex matters, including how to respond to cyber breaches; how to interpret and comply with the cyber Executive Order and the cybersecurity framework recently released by the Administration; and, how to stay on top of the evolving “standard of care” for cyber security.
All of us – including lawyers and operators in the public and private sectors – will need to cooperate closely to address these and associated threats. We all must act on the premise that success requires reporting from, and close relationships with, victims and potential victims who seek indicators of malicious activity.
My colleagues and I have already met with a number of private entities and received a positive response, and we will continue these meetings to keep the dialogue going.
And as we look toward the future, we must continue establishing channels that regularly communicate cyber threat information between the public and private sectors. Information must move in both directions. It is an approach that works in other contexts, and it will succeed here as well.
We have come a long way in our collective approach to counterterrorism. Together, we have improved airline safety, hardened critical infrastructure, developed new technology that can help first responders, and designed a wide range of protective measures. These measures, of course, don’t eliminate the threat of to our national security, which remains very real and very dangerous. But we are safer than we used to be, and better prepared to cope with any potential attack.
We need to achieve this same success in the cyber realm. So the critical question is: What will it take?
We’ve certainly had plenty of attacks that caused real pain, exposed real weaknesses, and suggested real problems for the future. Yet, despite all of these warnings, we don’t seem to have fully turned the corner in addressing this threat. And the reasons for that are understandable.
Confronting cyber threats incurs real economic cost. We appreciate that. But doing nothing will cost us all more in the long run, and may, for some businesses, prove devastating.
The writing is on the wall – our adversaries are getting bolder, more aggressive, and more skilled. They flex their muscle to show us what they can do, but it is only the tip of the iceberg. Without a concerted, collective effort to make the changes needed to protect ourselves in cyberspace, it is only a matter of time before we are really hit – hard. Far better to form partnerships and make the required investments before a large-scale attack takes place.
Indeed, perhaps even more than in the terrorism context, the private sector is critical to our success in the cyber context because of just how much vital information is now held “in corporate trust,” so to speak.
While government holds and protects some of what cyber terrorists want to access, the private sector has much, much more. So, whether it’s about ensuring that our electric grid is safe from attacks – whether physical or cyber – or making sure you can access your bank account information on your smartphone without getting hacked, we urgently need to form the type of public-private partnerships to keep those vital resources safe. These are the type of partnerships we’ve created for counterterrorism. We must build on those partnerships to combat cyber threats – not pull away from each other.
This is the challenge now before us – and this is the cause that everyone in this room, and many beyond it, must come together to confront. Each of us has a unique role to play, and distinct responsibilities to fulfill.
Leaders in government can articulate precisely what we have to offer the private sector. Leaders in the private sector can demonstrate what these partnerships have to offer to their customers. And leaders in academia can survey the legal authorities we have – and take stock of what legal authorities we don’t have but need – to facilitate cooperative, productive cyber partnerships. We can build these partnerships while respecting civil liberties and do it in a transparent and productive way.
We are committed to meeting regularly with critical partners to get your feedback on how we are doing; to solicit suggestions on how we can do better; and to gain the benefit of your views on how the overall landscape is looking. Please reach out to us so that we can talk more about what NSD does, and how we can work together to keep you safer and our nation safer.
I want to close today by calling upon everyone here to continue the important open dialogue we’re holding here at AU today. I urge you to serve as connectors – as bridges – to make private-public partnerships a reality.
We had warnings before 9/11. But we didn’t act – at least not enough. The state of security of the Internet today is a rumbling storm in the distance. We need to be smart and work together, now, before a cyber 9/11 – before there’s an attack or intrusion or exfiltration so big – and so devastating – we are forever changed. Thank you for participating in this important conversation, and thank you for having me here today.
ASSOCIATE AG WEST'S REMARKS ON TRANSGENDER LAW ENFORCEMENT TRAINING
FROM: U.S. JUSTICE DEPARTMENT
Associate Attorney General Tony West Delivers Remarks at the Community Relations Service Transgender Law Enforcement Training
~ Thursday, March 27, 2014
Thank you, Director Lum, for that warm welcome. I am very pleased to be with you this morning to help kick off the Community Relations Service’s new Transgender Law Enforcement Training.
This training has been in the works for some time now. For the last several years, the Justice Department at various levels has engaged in a constructive dialogue, animated by common aspirations and common concerns, with LGBT leaders throughout the country. And one of the many ideas we’ve received finds its manifestation in today’s gathering: a transgender law enforcement cultural professionalism training.
It’s clear that such a training is as necessary as it is overdue. Because too often, in too many places, we know that transgender victims are discouraged from reporting hate crimes and hate violence due to their past negative interactions with and perceptions of law enforcement. We know that such experiences have undermined the confidence transgender victims have in our justice system: they’ve sown seeds of distrust; they’ve created fear where there should be reassurance; and they’ve led victims of crime to think twice about seeking the assistance of or cooperating with law enforcement.
By helping us turn the page on these painful experiences, today’s training will help lay a stronger foundation of trust between LGBT communities that are disproportionately the victims of hate violence — particularly the transgender community – and those who are charged with the awesome responsibility of protecting and serving.
And there is no better DOJ component to take the lead in this effort than CRS. Under both the Attorney General’s and Grande’s leadership, CRS has redoubled its dedication to its mission under the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act: to help communities prevent and respond to hate violence, and to build stronger communities in the process.
Indeed, one of CRS’ core strengths lies in its singular ability to convene parties who are in conflict and get them to work together. It’s a skill CRS has been exercising for nearly 50 years, since it was established under the Civil Rights Act of 1964. That’s thousands of cases resolved; thousands of disputes mediated; and thousands of peaceful outcomes obtained across this nation by the dedicated efforts of CRS conciliators.
Today’s launch of the Transgender Law Enforcement Training is yet another important step in the right direction. It’s what the pursuit of justice can look like in the 21st century.
Let me close by saying that as someone who has been privileged to work with law enforcement for most of my career -- first as a federal prosecutor in a U.S. Attorney's Office, then as an attorney in the California Attorney General's Office, and now as part of the Department’s leadership – I have a deep appreciation and admiration for those who take on the extremely difficult duties of serving in law enforcement. Theirs is not an easy task and for most, excellence is their yardstick.
Today’s training will help these dedicated women and men in uniform achieve that goal of excellence in service. That is why I’m so grateful to all of you who are here to help make today’s session a success.
Associate Attorney General Tony West Delivers Remarks at the Community Relations Service Transgender Law Enforcement Training
~ Thursday, March 27, 2014
Thank you, Director Lum, for that warm welcome. I am very pleased to be with you this morning to help kick off the Community Relations Service’s new Transgender Law Enforcement Training.
This training has been in the works for some time now. For the last several years, the Justice Department at various levels has engaged in a constructive dialogue, animated by common aspirations and common concerns, with LGBT leaders throughout the country. And one of the many ideas we’ve received finds its manifestation in today’s gathering: a transgender law enforcement cultural professionalism training.
It’s clear that such a training is as necessary as it is overdue. Because too often, in too many places, we know that transgender victims are discouraged from reporting hate crimes and hate violence due to their past negative interactions with and perceptions of law enforcement. We know that such experiences have undermined the confidence transgender victims have in our justice system: they’ve sown seeds of distrust; they’ve created fear where there should be reassurance; and they’ve led victims of crime to think twice about seeking the assistance of or cooperating with law enforcement.
By helping us turn the page on these painful experiences, today’s training will help lay a stronger foundation of trust between LGBT communities that are disproportionately the victims of hate violence — particularly the transgender community – and those who are charged with the awesome responsibility of protecting and serving.
And there is no better DOJ component to take the lead in this effort than CRS. Under both the Attorney General’s and Grande’s leadership, CRS has redoubled its dedication to its mission under the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act: to help communities prevent and respond to hate violence, and to build stronger communities in the process.
Indeed, one of CRS’ core strengths lies in its singular ability to convene parties who are in conflict and get them to work together. It’s a skill CRS has been exercising for nearly 50 years, since it was established under the Civil Rights Act of 1964. That’s thousands of cases resolved; thousands of disputes mediated; and thousands of peaceful outcomes obtained across this nation by the dedicated efforts of CRS conciliators.
Today’s launch of the Transgender Law Enforcement Training is yet another important step in the right direction. It’s what the pursuit of justice can look like in the 21st century.
Let me close by saying that as someone who has been privileged to work with law enforcement for most of my career -- first as a federal prosecutor in a U.S. Attorney's Office, then as an attorney in the California Attorney General's Office, and now as part of the Department’s leadership – I have a deep appreciation and admiration for those who take on the extremely difficult duties of serving in law enforcement. Theirs is not an easy task and for most, excellence is their yardstick.
Today’s training will help these dedicated women and men in uniform achieve that goal of excellence in service. That is why I’m so grateful to all of you who are here to help make today’s session a success.
SEC COMMISSIONER GALLAGHER ON FEDERAL PREEMPTIONS OF STATE CORPORATE GOVERNANCE
FROM: U.S. SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION
Remarks at the 26th Annual Corporate Law Institute, Tulane University Law School: Federal Preemption of State Corporate Governance
Commissioner Daniel M. Gallagher
New Orleans, LA
March 27, 2014
Thank you, David [Katz], for that kind introduction. I’m very pleased to be here with you this afternoon.
In April 2010, when my friend and former colleague Troy Paredes spoke at this conference, he expressed his misgivings about the draft legislation moving through Congress that ultimately became the Dodd-Frank Act.[i] Today, nearly four years after its enactment, the fundamentally flawed nature of the Act has become clear—or, to those of us who recognized its many faults from the start, clearer.
Title I of Dodd-Frank, for example, created the apparently unaccountable and inherently politicized Financial Stability Oversight Council, or FSOC. The FSOC is dominated by bank regulators, and Title I authorizes it to designate non-bank financial services companies as systemically important financial institutions, thereby making them subject to prudential regulation. This can happen without regard for whether that regulatory paradigm is appropriate for non-bank entities operating in the capital markets—or, as I like to call them, the “non-centrally controlled” markets.
I believe it is important for the SEC and other capital markets regulators to openly debate and resist where necessary the encroachment of the bank regulatory paradigm into the capital markets. I hope that market participants and lawmakers will join the debate about the proper regulatory framework for non-bank markets. To be clear, this is not a partisan issue. The structure of FSOC vests tremendous authority to appointees from the President’s party. Those who enthusiastically support FSOC today may well be singing a different tune upon a change in administration.
I should also make clear that I’m not motivated by turf wars or empire building. In fact, I believe the SEC should be willing to recognize areas where we should be the ones to stand down in favor of an alternative legal regime that is a better fit.
And so today I’d like to focus on an area where the SEC should be taking less of a role: the regulation of corporate governance.
I. Federalization of Corporate Governance
Unfortunately, the trend towards increased federalization of corporate governance law seems well-entrenched.[ii] The Sarbanes-Oxley Act included significant incursions into state corporate governance regulation, but Title IX of Dodd-Frank may cause some of you to long for the simpler days of SOX § 404.
Title IX mandates an array of new federal regulations relating to matters traditionally left to state corporate governance law, the most infamous being a requirement to hold a shareholder vote on executive compensation, or “say on pay.” Concerns that a negative vote may harm a company’s reputation or encourage litigation can lead companies to expend significant resources to guarantee passage of the vote. Even more concerning, boards of directors could substitute proxy advisors’ views on pay for their own judgment as a means of minimizing potential conflict.
And that’s just one of the new Dodd-Frank requirements encroaching on corporate governance. Others include the politically-motivated pay ratio disclosure requirement, proposed by a majority of the Commission in September 2013,[iii] as well as mandated rules micromanaging certain incentive-based compensation structures, which were proposed jointly with other regulators, again by a majority of the Commission, in March 2011.[iv] In addition, Dodd-Frank calls for rules regarding compensation clawbacks in the event of an accounting restatement, pay for performance, and employee and director hedging of company stock.
Some of these requirements unashamedly interfere in corporate governance matters traditionally and appropriately left to the states. Others masquerade as disclosure, but are in reality attempts to affect substantive behavior through disclosure regulation. This mandated intrusion into corporate governance will impose substantial compliance costs on companies, along with a one-size-fits-all approach that will likely result in a one-size-fits-none model instead. This stands in stark contrast with the flexibility traditionally achieved through private ordering under more open-ended state legal regimes.
II. Shareholder Proposals
One area where the SEC’s incursions into corporate governance have had a particularly negative effect is shareholder proposals.
1. The Problem
While the conduct of the annual shareholder meeting is generally governed by state law, the process of communicating with shareholders to solicit proxies for voting at that meeting is regulated by the Commission. The Commission’s rules have for decades permitted qualifying shareholders to require the company to publish certain proposals in the company’s proxy statement, which are then voted upon at the annual meeting.
Unfortunately, the Commission has never adequately assessed the costs and benefits of this process. Currently, a proponent can bring a shareholder proposal if he or she has owned $2,000 or 1% of the company’s stock for one year, so long as the proposal complies with a handful of substantive—but in some cases discretionary—requirements. Activist investors and corporate gadflies have used these loose rules to hijack the shareholder proposal system.
The data and statistics are striking. In 2013, the number of shareholder proposals rose,[v] with an amazing 41% of those proposals addressing social and environmental issues.[vi] And while proposals calling for disclosure of political contributions or lobbying activities continued to predominate,[vii] these proposals received particularly poor support from shareholders.[viii] Overall, only 7% of shareholder proposals received majority support in 2013.[ix]
These proposals are not coming from ordinary shareholders concerned with promoting shareholder value for all investors. Rather, they are predominantly from organized labor, including union pension funds, which brought approximately 34% of last year’s shareholder proposals, as well as social or policy investors and religious institutions, which accounted for about 25% of 2013’s proposals. Approximately 40% were brought by an array of corporate gadflies, with a staggering 24% of those proposals brought by just two individuals.[x]
In other words, the vast majority of proposals are brought by individuals or institutions with idiosyncratic and often political agendas that are often unrelated to, or in conflict with, the interests of other shareholders. I find it particularly notable that corporations that donated more funds to Republicans than to Democrats were more than twice as likely to be targeted with political spending disclosure proposals sponsored by labor-affiliated funds.[xi]
Astonishingly, only 1% of proposals are brought by ordinary institutional investors—including hedge funds. As you all know, hedge funds are not shy about elbowing their way into the boardroom when they believe a shake-up is overdue. The low level of hedge fund activism here implies that their concerns with corporate management are being addressed using avenues other than shareholder proposals—as most legitimate concerns can be.[xii]
Given all of this, it’s time we asked whether the shareholder proposal system as currently designed is a net negative for the average investor.[xiii]
2. Needed Reforms
a. Who should be able to bring a proposal?
All of this isn’t to condemn shareholder activism per se. I’ll leave that debate to Marty Lipton and Lucian Bebchuk. But existing shareholders who are unhappy with management have a range of well-accepted responses other than proposals. Given the depth and liquidity of today’s markets, passive investors can simply sell their position—taking the s0-called “Wall Street Walk.” Activist investors can threaten to take this Walk as a means of influencing management. Investors can also vote against directors who are not sufficiently overseeing management—this strategy doesn’t have a clever name, but perhaps “vote the bums out” will do.
And, of course, where management is breaching its fiduciary duties, investors can have recourse to the courts. This “see you in court” strategy is particularly viable given the outstanding job the Delaware courts do, day in and day out, in refereeing disputes between shareholders and management. Given these and other strategies, I’m not sure we need shareholder proposals at all.
But if we must have shareholder proposals, the SEC’s rules can and should do a better job ensuring that activist investors don’t crowd out everyday and long-term investors—and that their causes aren’t inconsistent with the promotion of shareholder value.
One thing is clear: we can’t continue to take the approach of our current regulatory program, especially the all too liberal program of the last five years, and simply err on the side of over-inclusion. It is enormously expensive for companies to manage shareholder proposals. They must negotiate with proponents, seek SEC no-action to exclude improper ones, form and articulate views in support or opposition in the proxy, include the proposal and the statement in the proxy itself, then take the vote on it at the annual meeting. Conversely, companies can simply fold and acquiesce to the activists’ demands. Both approaches are costly, and these costs are borne by all shareholders. Taking money out of the pocket of someone investing for retirement or their child’s education and using it instead to subsidize activist agendas is simply inexcusable. It is incumbent on the Commission to create a regulatory environment that promotes shareholder value over special interest agendas. I have a few suggestions.
First, the holding requirement to submit proxies should be updated. $2,000 is absurdly low, and was not subject to meaningful economic analysis when adopted.[xiv] The threshold should be substantially more, by orders of magnitude: perhaps $200,000 or even better, $2 million. But I don’t believe that this is actually the right fix: a flat number is inherently over- or under-inclusive, depending on the company’s size. A percentage threshold by contrast is scalable, varies less over time, better aligns with the way that many companies manage their shareholder relations, and is more consistent with the Commission’s existing requirements. Therefore, I believe the flat dollar test should be dropped, leaving only a percentage test.
Of course, we’d have to make sure we get the percentage holding requirement right. Requiring a sufficient economic stake in the company could lead to proposals that focus on promoting shareholder value rather than those championed by gadflies with only a nominal stake in the company. We would need to apply rigorous economic analysis to determine what percentage would be an appropriate default, as well as what factors should be taken into account when deviating from that default. This could be an opportunity to address the practice of “proposal by proxy,” where the proponent of a resolution—typically one of the corporate gadflies—has no skin in the game, but rather receives permission to act “on behalf” of a shareholder that meets the threshold. While I would support banning proposal by proxy, we could also consider alternatives such as requiring a proponent acting on behalf of one or more shareholders to meet a higher percentage threshold of outstanding shares than would be the case for a proponent who owns the shares directly.
I also think we need to take another look at the length of the holding requirement. A one-year holding period is hardly a serious impediment to some activists, who can easily buy into a company solely for the purpose of bringing a proposal. All that’s needed is a bit of patience, and perhaps a hedge. A longer investment period could help curtail some of this gamesmanship.
Making adjustments along these lines will go a long way towards ensuring that the proposals that make it onto the proxy are brought by shareholders concerned first and foremost about the company—and the value of their investments in that company—not their pet projects.
b. What issues should proponents be able to raise?
I also believe that we need to do a better job setting requirements as to the substance of proposals. While I don’t think a complete reevaluation of the existing categories for exclusion is necessary, we do need to re-think their application.
For example, the “ordinary business” criterion for exclusion in our rules has been perennially problematic.[xv] This provision permits exclusion of a proposal that deals with the company’s “ordinary business operations,” unless it raises “significant policy issues.” However, these terms are not defined and the Commission has given no guidance, leaving the Staff to fend for itself in determining whether to issue no-action relief pursuant to the provision.
As a result, we have seen a number of dubious “significant policy issue” proposals. For example, in 2013 the Staff denied no-action relief to PNC Bank with respect to a proposal requesting a report on greenhouse gas emissions resulting from its lending portfolio, on the grounds that climate change is a significant policy issue—arguably a reversal of a prior Staff position.[xvi] And, in 2012, Staff denials of no-action relief forced AT&T, Verizon, and Sprint to include a net neutrality proposal, even though proposals on that same topic were excludable in prior years as ordinary business. That year, 94% of AT&T shareholders voted “no” on the net neutrality proposal despite the best efforts of Michael Diamond, who some of you will know as Mike D. of the Beastie Boys—who, by helping to bring the proposal to a vote, at least succeeded in his fight for the right to proxy.[xvii]
It is a disservice to the Staff—and, more importantly to investors—when the Commission promulgates a discretion-based rule for the Staff to administer without providing guidance as to how to exercise that discretion. In addition to providing better guidance, the Commission needs to become more involved in the administration of this rule. In particular, I believe that the Commission should be the final arbiter on the types of proposals for which the Staff proposes to deny no-action relief on “significant policy issue” grounds. The Presidential appointees should vote on these often-thorny policy issues and not hide behind the Staff.
We also need to take another look at the rule which permits the exclusion of proposals that are contrary to the Commission’s proxy rules—including proposals that are materially false and misleading or that are overly vague.[xviii] In Staff Legal Bulletin 14B, issued in 2004,[xix] the Staff curtailed the use of this ground for exclusion in light of the extensive Staff resources that were being consumed in their line-by-line review of shareholder proposals, instead forcing issuers to use their statement in opposition to take issue with factual inaccuracies or vagueness.[xx] I believe issuers have raised some legitimate concerns with this approach. For example, while issuers are not legally responsible for the proposals or statements in support, they are still being forced to publish, in their proxy, statements they believe are false or misleading. Moreover, use of the statement in opposition is sometimes an incomplete remedy. Taking valuable space to correct misstatements distracts from a substantive discussion about the proposal itself, and proposals that are overly vague make it difficult to draft a sensible rebuttal.
In light of these competing concerns, I believe the pendulum has swung too far in the direction of non-intervention. And I’m not alone in this belief. Recently, a district court in Missouri granted summary judgment to Express Scripts, permitting it to exclude a proposal that contained four separate misstatements.[xxi] While I support companies exercising their right to take matters to the court system,[xxii] which can serve as a useful external check on the SEC’s no-action process, companies shouldn’t have to go through the time and expense of litigation to vindicate their substantive rights under our rules. The burden to ensure that a submission is clear and factually accurate should be placed on the proponent, not the company. I believe that the Staff should take a more aggressive posture toward proponents that fail to meet that burden. And I hope issuers would refrain from using our rule to quibble over minutiae. If this happy medium is not achievable, I believe the SEC needs to revisit our rules: we as a Commission either need to give the Staff the capacity to enforce the rule as it is currently written, or craft a rule that is enforceable.
c. How many times may a proposal be repeated?
The final issue I want to raise today with respect to the shareholder proposal process is the frequency of reproposals. Currently, once a proposal is required to be included in the proxy, it can be resubmitted for years to come, even if it never comes close to commanding majority support. Proposals need only 3, 6, or 10% of votes in support to stay alive, depending on whether the proposal has been brought once, twice, or three times or more in the past five years.[xxiii] So a proposal that gets a bare 10% of the votes, year after year, is not excludable on that basis under our current rules. Such proposals are an enormous waste of time and shareholder money.
We need to substantially strengthen the resubmission thresholds, perhaps by taking a “three strikes and you’re out” policy. That is, if a proposal fails in its third year to garner majority support, the proposal should be excludable for the following 5 years. The thresholds for the prior 2 years should be high enough to demonstrate that the proposal is realistically on the path toward 50%, for example, 5% and 20%.
3. Conclusion
Implementing these kinds of reforms can, I believe, help provide some much-needed improvement to the shareholder proposal system. I hope the Commission can consider such common-sense issues in the near future. These are real and substantial issues, and the Commission has the authority to effectuate needed change. We should not dare Congress to intervene due to our inaction, as it had to with the JOBS Act.
III. Remaining the Right Regulator
Finally, I want to return to my original theme: good government requires that, when we must regulate, we should do so in the most efficient manner possible. This means assigning the right regulator to the issue and minimizing unnecessary regulatory overlap. And of course, the Commission must continue to ensure that its regulatory approach advances its core goals of investor protection and the promotion of efficiency, competition, and capital formation.
That means, for example, pressing ahead with much-needed reforms to our corporate disclosure requirements to ensure that our filings provide investors with the information they need to make informed investment decisions and are not overwhelmed by extraneous information—like conflict minerals reports.
We must also take exception to efforts by third parties that attempt to prescribe what should be in corporate filings. It is the Commission’s responsibility to set the parameters of required disclosure.
The somewhat confusingly-named Sustainability Accounting Standards Board provides a good example of an outside party attempting to prescribe disclosure standards. I say “confusingly-named” because the SASB does not actually promulgate accounting standards, nor does it limit itself to sustainability topics, although I suppose it is in fact a Board. The SASB argues that its disclosure standards elicit material information that management should assess for inclusion in companies’ periodic filings with the Commission.[xxiv]
I don’t mean to single out the SASB, but it’s important to stress that, with the sole exception of financial accounting—where the Commission, as authorized by Congress, has recognized the standards of the Financial Accounting Standards Board as generally accepted, and therefore required under Regulation S‑X—the Commission does not and should not delegate to outside, non-governmental bodies the responsibility for setting disclosure requirements. So while companies are free to make whatever disclosures they choose on their own time, so to speak, it is important to remember that groups like SASB have no role in the establishment of mandated disclosure requirements.
With respect to information that the Commission requires to be included in filings, we need to be sure that our requirements are eliciting decision-useful and up-to-date information. We should be willing to reexamine all of our disclosure requirements. Indeed, the Commission should be engaged in a comprehensive program of periodic re-assessment of its disclosure rules to ensure that the benefits of disclosure continue to justify its often-substantial costs.
This is of course a tall order, but I know the fine men and women who serve the public at the Commission are up for the challenge.
* * *
Thank you all for your time and attention today, and I hope you enjoy the rest of the conference.
[i] See Troy A. Paredes, Speech by SEC Commissioner: Remarks at the 22nd Annual Tulane Corporate Law Institute (Apr. 15, 2010), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech/2010/spch041510tap.htm.
[ii] See Daniel M. Gallagher, Speech, Remarks before the Corporate Directors Forum (Jan. 29, 2013), available at www.sec.gov/News/Speech/Detail/Speech/1365171492142; see also, e.g., J. Robert Brown, Jr., The Politicization of Corporate Governance: Bureaucratic Discretion, the SEC, and Shareholder Ratification of Auditors, 2 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. 61, 62 (2012).
[iii] Rel. 33-9452, Pay Ratio Disclosure (Sept. 18, 2013).
[iv] Rel. 34-64140, Incentive-based Compensation Arrangements (Mar. 29, 2011).
[v] James R. Copeland & Margaret M. O’Keefe, Proxy Monitor 2013: A Report on Corporate Governance and Shareholder Activism (Manhattan Institute, Fall 2013) at 2 (average Fortune 250 company faced 1.26 proposals in 2013 versus 1.22 in 2012); Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP, Shareholder Proposal Developments During the 2013 Proxy Season (July 9, 2013) at 1 (noting more proposals in 2013 (~820) than 2012 (~739)).
[vi] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 7.
[vii] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 12 (“[P]roposals related to corporate political spending or lobbying have been more numerous than any other class of proposal in each of the last two years.”).
[viii] ISS reports political contribution/lobbying activity approval percentage at 29%, an increase of 7.3% over 2012. See Gibson Dunn at 6. However, Proxy Monitor finds the opposite trend, at least with respect to the Fortune 250 companies. See Proxy Monitor 2013 at 2. Specifically, disaggregating lobbying and political spending proposals shows a decline in y-o-y support for both proposal classes: 22% in 2012 to 20% in 2013 for lobbying, and 17% to 16% for political spending. Id. But a change in the mix of proposals—there were more lobbying-related proposals, which typically garner higher support, given that 2013 is a non-election year—creates the impression of an increasing overall rate.
[ix] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 2 (contrasting with 9% in 2012).
[x] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 6–7.
[xi] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 8 (“Those companies [giving at least $1.5 million to candidates or PACs], as a group, were much more likely to be targeted by shareholder proposals introduced by labor-affiliated pension funds in 2013: 44 percent of these politically most active companies faced a labor-sponsored proposal, as opposed to only 18 percent of all other companies. What’s more, those corporations that gave at least half of their donations to support Republicans were more than twice as likely to be targeted by shareholder proposals sponsored by labor-affiliated funds as those companies that gave a majority of their politics-related contributions on behalf of Democrats.”).
[xii] James R. Copeland, Proxy Monitor 2011: A Report on Corporate Governance and Shareholder Activism (Manhattan Institute, Sept. 2011) at 4.
[xiii] Allan T. Ingraham & Anna Koyfman, Analysis of the Wealth Effects of Shareholder Proposals–Vol. III (U.S. Chamber of Commerce, May 2, 2013).
[xiv] See Rel. 34-40018, Amendments to Rules on Shareholder Proposals (May 21, 1998) (describing the change from $1,000 to $2,000 as an adjustment for inflation).
[xv] Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(7).
[xvi] See, e.g., Hunton & Williams, Client Alert, SEC Refused to Allow Bank to Omit Climate Change Proposal from Proxy Materials (Mar. 2013). It has been argued, however, that PNC was not a reversal, but rather was driven by some substantive differences with PNC’s lending portfolio. See Gibson Dunn at 9–10 (citing a “SEC spokesman” commenting to that effect). This may indicate a need for the Staff to provide fuller statements of their reasoning in no-action letters, so as to avoid confusion among practitioners and the public.
[xvii] See Larry Downes, AT&T, Verizon, and Sprint Net Neutrality Proposals: Simply Awful, Forbes.com (Apr. 12, 2012, updated Apr. 27, 2012), at http://www.forbes.com/sites/larrydownes/2012/04/12/att-verizon-and-sprint-net-neutrality-proposals-simply-awful/.
[xviii] Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(3).
[xix] See SLB 14B (2004).
[xx] Of 90 denials of exclusion during the 2013 proxy season, 63% of them had raised (i)(3) arguments. Gibson Dunn at 2. While there could be several reasons for this trend, it calls for further examination.
[xxi] Express Scripts Holding Co. v. Chevedden, No. 4:13-CV-2520-JAR (E.D. Mo., Feb. 18, 2014).
[xxii] See Waste Connections v. Chevedden, No. 13-20336, slip op. (5th Cir., Feb. 13, 2014) (affirming court’s subject matter jurisdiction over company’s declaratory judgment action despite Chevedden’s promise not to sue if company excluded the proposal).
[xxiii] See Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(12).
[xxiv] See, e.g., SASB, Commercial Banks Sustainability Accounting Standard, Provisional Version (Feb. 2014) (“SASB Standards are comprised of (1) disclosure guidance and (2) accounting standards on sustainability topics for use by U.S. and foreign public companies in their annual filings (Form 10-K or 20-F) with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). To the extent relevant, SASB Standards may also be applicable to other periodic mandatory fillings with the SEC, such as the Form 10-Q, Form S-1, and Form 8-K. SASB’s disclosure guidance identifies sustainability topics at an industry level, which may be material—depending on a company’s specific operating context—to a company within that industry. Each company is ultimately responsible for determining which information is material and is therefore required to be included in its Form 10-K or 20-F and other periodic SEC filings.”).
Remarks at the 26th Annual Corporate Law Institute, Tulane University Law School: Federal Preemption of State Corporate Governance
Commissioner Daniel M. Gallagher
New Orleans, LA
March 27, 2014
Thank you, David [Katz], for that kind introduction. I’m very pleased to be here with you this afternoon.
In April 2010, when my friend and former colleague Troy Paredes spoke at this conference, he expressed his misgivings about the draft legislation moving through Congress that ultimately became the Dodd-Frank Act.[i] Today, nearly four years after its enactment, the fundamentally flawed nature of the Act has become clear—or, to those of us who recognized its many faults from the start, clearer.
Title I of Dodd-Frank, for example, created the apparently unaccountable and inherently politicized Financial Stability Oversight Council, or FSOC. The FSOC is dominated by bank regulators, and Title I authorizes it to designate non-bank financial services companies as systemically important financial institutions, thereby making them subject to prudential regulation. This can happen without regard for whether that regulatory paradigm is appropriate for non-bank entities operating in the capital markets—or, as I like to call them, the “non-centrally controlled” markets.
I believe it is important for the SEC and other capital markets regulators to openly debate and resist where necessary the encroachment of the bank regulatory paradigm into the capital markets. I hope that market participants and lawmakers will join the debate about the proper regulatory framework for non-bank markets. To be clear, this is not a partisan issue. The structure of FSOC vests tremendous authority to appointees from the President’s party. Those who enthusiastically support FSOC today may well be singing a different tune upon a change in administration.
I should also make clear that I’m not motivated by turf wars or empire building. In fact, I believe the SEC should be willing to recognize areas where we should be the ones to stand down in favor of an alternative legal regime that is a better fit.
And so today I’d like to focus on an area where the SEC should be taking less of a role: the regulation of corporate governance.
I. Federalization of Corporate Governance
Unfortunately, the trend towards increased federalization of corporate governance law seems well-entrenched.[ii] The Sarbanes-Oxley Act included significant incursions into state corporate governance regulation, but Title IX of Dodd-Frank may cause some of you to long for the simpler days of SOX § 404.
Title IX mandates an array of new federal regulations relating to matters traditionally left to state corporate governance law, the most infamous being a requirement to hold a shareholder vote on executive compensation, or “say on pay.” Concerns that a negative vote may harm a company’s reputation or encourage litigation can lead companies to expend significant resources to guarantee passage of the vote. Even more concerning, boards of directors could substitute proxy advisors’ views on pay for their own judgment as a means of minimizing potential conflict.
And that’s just one of the new Dodd-Frank requirements encroaching on corporate governance. Others include the politically-motivated pay ratio disclosure requirement, proposed by a majority of the Commission in September 2013,[iii] as well as mandated rules micromanaging certain incentive-based compensation structures, which were proposed jointly with other regulators, again by a majority of the Commission, in March 2011.[iv] In addition, Dodd-Frank calls for rules regarding compensation clawbacks in the event of an accounting restatement, pay for performance, and employee and director hedging of company stock.
Some of these requirements unashamedly interfere in corporate governance matters traditionally and appropriately left to the states. Others masquerade as disclosure, but are in reality attempts to affect substantive behavior through disclosure regulation. This mandated intrusion into corporate governance will impose substantial compliance costs on companies, along with a one-size-fits-all approach that will likely result in a one-size-fits-none model instead. This stands in stark contrast with the flexibility traditionally achieved through private ordering under more open-ended state legal regimes.
II. Shareholder Proposals
One area where the SEC’s incursions into corporate governance have had a particularly negative effect is shareholder proposals.
1. The Problem
While the conduct of the annual shareholder meeting is generally governed by state law, the process of communicating with shareholders to solicit proxies for voting at that meeting is regulated by the Commission. The Commission’s rules have for decades permitted qualifying shareholders to require the company to publish certain proposals in the company’s proxy statement, which are then voted upon at the annual meeting.
Unfortunately, the Commission has never adequately assessed the costs and benefits of this process. Currently, a proponent can bring a shareholder proposal if he or she has owned $2,000 or 1% of the company’s stock for one year, so long as the proposal complies with a handful of substantive—but in some cases discretionary—requirements. Activist investors and corporate gadflies have used these loose rules to hijack the shareholder proposal system.
The data and statistics are striking. In 2013, the number of shareholder proposals rose,[v] with an amazing 41% of those proposals addressing social and environmental issues.[vi] And while proposals calling for disclosure of political contributions or lobbying activities continued to predominate,[vii] these proposals received particularly poor support from shareholders.[viii] Overall, only 7% of shareholder proposals received majority support in 2013.[ix]
These proposals are not coming from ordinary shareholders concerned with promoting shareholder value for all investors. Rather, they are predominantly from organized labor, including union pension funds, which brought approximately 34% of last year’s shareholder proposals, as well as social or policy investors and religious institutions, which accounted for about 25% of 2013’s proposals. Approximately 40% were brought by an array of corporate gadflies, with a staggering 24% of those proposals brought by just two individuals.[x]
In other words, the vast majority of proposals are brought by individuals or institutions with idiosyncratic and often political agendas that are often unrelated to, or in conflict with, the interests of other shareholders. I find it particularly notable that corporations that donated more funds to Republicans than to Democrats were more than twice as likely to be targeted with political spending disclosure proposals sponsored by labor-affiliated funds.[xi]
Astonishingly, only 1% of proposals are brought by ordinary institutional investors—including hedge funds. As you all know, hedge funds are not shy about elbowing their way into the boardroom when they believe a shake-up is overdue. The low level of hedge fund activism here implies that their concerns with corporate management are being addressed using avenues other than shareholder proposals—as most legitimate concerns can be.[xii]
Given all of this, it’s time we asked whether the shareholder proposal system as currently designed is a net negative for the average investor.[xiii]
2. Needed Reforms
a. Who should be able to bring a proposal?
All of this isn’t to condemn shareholder activism per se. I’ll leave that debate to Marty Lipton and Lucian Bebchuk. But existing shareholders who are unhappy with management have a range of well-accepted responses other than proposals. Given the depth and liquidity of today’s markets, passive investors can simply sell their position—taking the s0-called “Wall Street Walk.” Activist investors can threaten to take this Walk as a means of influencing management. Investors can also vote against directors who are not sufficiently overseeing management—this strategy doesn’t have a clever name, but perhaps “vote the bums out” will do.
And, of course, where management is breaching its fiduciary duties, investors can have recourse to the courts. This “see you in court” strategy is particularly viable given the outstanding job the Delaware courts do, day in and day out, in refereeing disputes between shareholders and management. Given these and other strategies, I’m not sure we need shareholder proposals at all.
But if we must have shareholder proposals, the SEC’s rules can and should do a better job ensuring that activist investors don’t crowd out everyday and long-term investors—and that their causes aren’t inconsistent with the promotion of shareholder value.
One thing is clear: we can’t continue to take the approach of our current regulatory program, especially the all too liberal program of the last five years, and simply err on the side of over-inclusion. It is enormously expensive for companies to manage shareholder proposals. They must negotiate with proponents, seek SEC no-action to exclude improper ones, form and articulate views in support or opposition in the proxy, include the proposal and the statement in the proxy itself, then take the vote on it at the annual meeting. Conversely, companies can simply fold and acquiesce to the activists’ demands. Both approaches are costly, and these costs are borne by all shareholders. Taking money out of the pocket of someone investing for retirement or their child’s education and using it instead to subsidize activist agendas is simply inexcusable. It is incumbent on the Commission to create a regulatory environment that promotes shareholder value over special interest agendas. I have a few suggestions.
First, the holding requirement to submit proxies should be updated. $2,000 is absurdly low, and was not subject to meaningful economic analysis when adopted.[xiv] The threshold should be substantially more, by orders of magnitude: perhaps $200,000 or even better, $2 million. But I don’t believe that this is actually the right fix: a flat number is inherently over- or under-inclusive, depending on the company’s size. A percentage threshold by contrast is scalable, varies less over time, better aligns with the way that many companies manage their shareholder relations, and is more consistent with the Commission’s existing requirements. Therefore, I believe the flat dollar test should be dropped, leaving only a percentage test.
Of course, we’d have to make sure we get the percentage holding requirement right. Requiring a sufficient economic stake in the company could lead to proposals that focus on promoting shareholder value rather than those championed by gadflies with only a nominal stake in the company. We would need to apply rigorous economic analysis to determine what percentage would be an appropriate default, as well as what factors should be taken into account when deviating from that default. This could be an opportunity to address the practice of “proposal by proxy,” where the proponent of a resolution—typically one of the corporate gadflies—has no skin in the game, but rather receives permission to act “on behalf” of a shareholder that meets the threshold. While I would support banning proposal by proxy, we could also consider alternatives such as requiring a proponent acting on behalf of one or more shareholders to meet a higher percentage threshold of outstanding shares than would be the case for a proponent who owns the shares directly.
I also think we need to take another look at the length of the holding requirement. A one-year holding period is hardly a serious impediment to some activists, who can easily buy into a company solely for the purpose of bringing a proposal. All that’s needed is a bit of patience, and perhaps a hedge. A longer investment period could help curtail some of this gamesmanship.
Making adjustments along these lines will go a long way towards ensuring that the proposals that make it onto the proxy are brought by shareholders concerned first and foremost about the company—and the value of their investments in that company—not their pet projects.
b. What issues should proponents be able to raise?
I also believe that we need to do a better job setting requirements as to the substance of proposals. While I don’t think a complete reevaluation of the existing categories for exclusion is necessary, we do need to re-think their application.
For example, the “ordinary business” criterion for exclusion in our rules has been perennially problematic.[xv] This provision permits exclusion of a proposal that deals with the company’s “ordinary business operations,” unless it raises “significant policy issues.” However, these terms are not defined and the Commission has given no guidance, leaving the Staff to fend for itself in determining whether to issue no-action relief pursuant to the provision.
As a result, we have seen a number of dubious “significant policy issue” proposals. For example, in 2013 the Staff denied no-action relief to PNC Bank with respect to a proposal requesting a report on greenhouse gas emissions resulting from its lending portfolio, on the grounds that climate change is a significant policy issue—arguably a reversal of a prior Staff position.[xvi] And, in 2012, Staff denials of no-action relief forced AT&T, Verizon, and Sprint to include a net neutrality proposal, even though proposals on that same topic were excludable in prior years as ordinary business. That year, 94% of AT&T shareholders voted “no” on the net neutrality proposal despite the best efforts of Michael Diamond, who some of you will know as Mike D. of the Beastie Boys—who, by helping to bring the proposal to a vote, at least succeeded in his fight for the right to proxy.[xvii]
It is a disservice to the Staff—and, more importantly to investors—when the Commission promulgates a discretion-based rule for the Staff to administer without providing guidance as to how to exercise that discretion. In addition to providing better guidance, the Commission needs to become more involved in the administration of this rule. In particular, I believe that the Commission should be the final arbiter on the types of proposals for which the Staff proposes to deny no-action relief on “significant policy issue” grounds. The Presidential appointees should vote on these often-thorny policy issues and not hide behind the Staff.
We also need to take another look at the rule which permits the exclusion of proposals that are contrary to the Commission’s proxy rules—including proposals that are materially false and misleading or that are overly vague.[xviii] In Staff Legal Bulletin 14B, issued in 2004,[xix] the Staff curtailed the use of this ground for exclusion in light of the extensive Staff resources that were being consumed in their line-by-line review of shareholder proposals, instead forcing issuers to use their statement in opposition to take issue with factual inaccuracies or vagueness.[xx] I believe issuers have raised some legitimate concerns with this approach. For example, while issuers are not legally responsible for the proposals or statements in support, they are still being forced to publish, in their proxy, statements they believe are false or misleading. Moreover, use of the statement in opposition is sometimes an incomplete remedy. Taking valuable space to correct misstatements distracts from a substantive discussion about the proposal itself, and proposals that are overly vague make it difficult to draft a sensible rebuttal.
In light of these competing concerns, I believe the pendulum has swung too far in the direction of non-intervention. And I’m not alone in this belief. Recently, a district court in Missouri granted summary judgment to Express Scripts, permitting it to exclude a proposal that contained four separate misstatements.[xxi] While I support companies exercising their right to take matters to the court system,[xxii] which can serve as a useful external check on the SEC’s no-action process, companies shouldn’t have to go through the time and expense of litigation to vindicate their substantive rights under our rules. The burden to ensure that a submission is clear and factually accurate should be placed on the proponent, not the company. I believe that the Staff should take a more aggressive posture toward proponents that fail to meet that burden. And I hope issuers would refrain from using our rule to quibble over minutiae. If this happy medium is not achievable, I believe the SEC needs to revisit our rules: we as a Commission either need to give the Staff the capacity to enforce the rule as it is currently written, or craft a rule that is enforceable.
c. How many times may a proposal be repeated?
The final issue I want to raise today with respect to the shareholder proposal process is the frequency of reproposals. Currently, once a proposal is required to be included in the proxy, it can be resubmitted for years to come, even if it never comes close to commanding majority support. Proposals need only 3, 6, or 10% of votes in support to stay alive, depending on whether the proposal has been brought once, twice, or three times or more in the past five years.[xxiii] So a proposal that gets a bare 10% of the votes, year after year, is not excludable on that basis under our current rules. Such proposals are an enormous waste of time and shareholder money.
We need to substantially strengthen the resubmission thresholds, perhaps by taking a “three strikes and you’re out” policy. That is, if a proposal fails in its third year to garner majority support, the proposal should be excludable for the following 5 years. The thresholds for the prior 2 years should be high enough to demonstrate that the proposal is realistically on the path toward 50%, for example, 5% and 20%.
3. Conclusion
Implementing these kinds of reforms can, I believe, help provide some much-needed improvement to the shareholder proposal system. I hope the Commission can consider such common-sense issues in the near future. These are real and substantial issues, and the Commission has the authority to effectuate needed change. We should not dare Congress to intervene due to our inaction, as it had to with the JOBS Act.
III. Remaining the Right Regulator
Finally, I want to return to my original theme: good government requires that, when we must regulate, we should do so in the most efficient manner possible. This means assigning the right regulator to the issue and minimizing unnecessary regulatory overlap. And of course, the Commission must continue to ensure that its regulatory approach advances its core goals of investor protection and the promotion of efficiency, competition, and capital formation.
That means, for example, pressing ahead with much-needed reforms to our corporate disclosure requirements to ensure that our filings provide investors with the information they need to make informed investment decisions and are not overwhelmed by extraneous information—like conflict minerals reports.
We must also take exception to efforts by third parties that attempt to prescribe what should be in corporate filings. It is the Commission’s responsibility to set the parameters of required disclosure.
The somewhat confusingly-named Sustainability Accounting Standards Board provides a good example of an outside party attempting to prescribe disclosure standards. I say “confusingly-named” because the SASB does not actually promulgate accounting standards, nor does it limit itself to sustainability topics, although I suppose it is in fact a Board. The SASB argues that its disclosure standards elicit material information that management should assess for inclusion in companies’ periodic filings with the Commission.[xxiv]
I don’t mean to single out the SASB, but it’s important to stress that, with the sole exception of financial accounting—where the Commission, as authorized by Congress, has recognized the standards of the Financial Accounting Standards Board as generally accepted, and therefore required under Regulation S‑X—the Commission does not and should not delegate to outside, non-governmental bodies the responsibility for setting disclosure requirements. So while companies are free to make whatever disclosures they choose on their own time, so to speak, it is important to remember that groups like SASB have no role in the establishment of mandated disclosure requirements.
With respect to information that the Commission requires to be included in filings, we need to be sure that our requirements are eliciting decision-useful and up-to-date information. We should be willing to reexamine all of our disclosure requirements. Indeed, the Commission should be engaged in a comprehensive program of periodic re-assessment of its disclosure rules to ensure that the benefits of disclosure continue to justify its often-substantial costs.
This is of course a tall order, but I know the fine men and women who serve the public at the Commission are up for the challenge.
* * *
Thank you all for your time and attention today, and I hope you enjoy the rest of the conference.
[i] See Troy A. Paredes, Speech by SEC Commissioner: Remarks at the 22nd Annual Tulane Corporate Law Institute (Apr. 15, 2010), available at http://www.sec.gov/news/speech/2010/spch041510tap.htm.
[ii] See Daniel M. Gallagher, Speech, Remarks before the Corporate Directors Forum (Jan. 29, 2013), available at www.sec.gov/News/Speech/Detail/Speech/1365171492142; see also, e.g., J. Robert Brown, Jr., The Politicization of Corporate Governance: Bureaucratic Discretion, the SEC, and Shareholder Ratification of Auditors, 2 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. 61, 62 (2012).
[iii] Rel. 33-9452, Pay Ratio Disclosure (Sept. 18, 2013).
[iv] Rel. 34-64140, Incentive-based Compensation Arrangements (Mar. 29, 2011).
[v] James R. Copeland & Margaret M. O’Keefe, Proxy Monitor 2013: A Report on Corporate Governance and Shareholder Activism (Manhattan Institute, Fall 2013) at 2 (average Fortune 250 company faced 1.26 proposals in 2013 versus 1.22 in 2012); Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP, Shareholder Proposal Developments During the 2013 Proxy Season (July 9, 2013) at 1 (noting more proposals in 2013 (~820) than 2012 (~739)).
[vi] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 7.
[vii] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 12 (“[P]roposals related to corporate political spending or lobbying have been more numerous than any other class of proposal in each of the last two years.”).
[viii] ISS reports political contribution/lobbying activity approval percentage at 29%, an increase of 7.3% over 2012. See Gibson Dunn at 6. However, Proxy Monitor finds the opposite trend, at least with respect to the Fortune 250 companies. See Proxy Monitor 2013 at 2. Specifically, disaggregating lobbying and political spending proposals shows a decline in y-o-y support for both proposal classes: 22% in 2012 to 20% in 2013 for lobbying, and 17% to 16% for political spending. Id. But a change in the mix of proposals—there were more lobbying-related proposals, which typically garner higher support, given that 2013 is a non-election year—creates the impression of an increasing overall rate.
[ix] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 2 (contrasting with 9% in 2012).
[x] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 6–7.
[xi] Proxy Monitor 2013 at 8 (“Those companies [giving at least $1.5 million to candidates or PACs], as a group, were much more likely to be targeted by shareholder proposals introduced by labor-affiliated pension funds in 2013: 44 percent of these politically most active companies faced a labor-sponsored proposal, as opposed to only 18 percent of all other companies. What’s more, those corporations that gave at least half of their donations to support Republicans were more than twice as likely to be targeted by shareholder proposals sponsored by labor-affiliated funds as those companies that gave a majority of their politics-related contributions on behalf of Democrats.”).
[xii] James R. Copeland, Proxy Monitor 2011: A Report on Corporate Governance and Shareholder Activism (Manhattan Institute, Sept. 2011) at 4.
[xiii] Allan T. Ingraham & Anna Koyfman, Analysis of the Wealth Effects of Shareholder Proposals–Vol. III (U.S. Chamber of Commerce, May 2, 2013).
[xiv] See Rel. 34-40018, Amendments to Rules on Shareholder Proposals (May 21, 1998) (describing the change from $1,000 to $2,000 as an adjustment for inflation).
[xv] Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(7).
[xvi] See, e.g., Hunton & Williams, Client Alert, SEC Refused to Allow Bank to Omit Climate Change Proposal from Proxy Materials (Mar. 2013). It has been argued, however, that PNC was not a reversal, but rather was driven by some substantive differences with PNC’s lending portfolio. See Gibson Dunn at 9–10 (citing a “SEC spokesman” commenting to that effect). This may indicate a need for the Staff to provide fuller statements of their reasoning in no-action letters, so as to avoid confusion among practitioners and the public.
[xvii] See Larry Downes, AT&T, Verizon, and Sprint Net Neutrality Proposals: Simply Awful, Forbes.com (Apr. 12, 2012, updated Apr. 27, 2012), at http://www.forbes.com/sites/larrydownes/2012/04/12/att-verizon-and-sprint-net-neutrality-proposals-simply-awful/.
[xviii] Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(3).
[xix] See SLB 14B (2004).
[xx] Of 90 denials of exclusion during the 2013 proxy season, 63% of them had raised (i)(3) arguments. Gibson Dunn at 2. While there could be several reasons for this trend, it calls for further examination.
[xxi] Express Scripts Holding Co. v. Chevedden, No. 4:13-CV-2520-JAR (E.D. Mo., Feb. 18, 2014).
[xxii] See Waste Connections v. Chevedden, No. 13-20336, slip op. (5th Cir., Feb. 13, 2014) (affirming court’s subject matter jurisdiction over company’s declaratory judgment action despite Chevedden’s promise not to sue if company excluded the proposal).
[xxiii] See Exchange Act Rule 14a‑8(i)(12).
[xxiv] See, e.g., SASB, Commercial Banks Sustainability Accounting Standard, Provisional Version (Feb. 2014) (“SASB Standards are comprised of (1) disclosure guidance and (2) accounting standards on sustainability topics for use by U.S. and foreign public companies in their annual filings (Form 10-K or 20-F) with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). To the extent relevant, SASB Standards may also be applicable to other periodic mandatory fillings with the SEC, such as the Form 10-Q, Form S-1, and Form 8-K. SASB’s disclosure guidance identifies sustainability topics at an industry level, which may be material—depending on a company’s specific operating context—to a company within that industry. Each company is ultimately responsible for determining which information is material and is therefore required to be included in its Form 10-K or 20-F and other periodic SEC filings.”).
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